MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
www.prisoncensorship.info is a media institution run by the Maoist Internationalist Ministry of Prisons. Here we collect and publicize reports of conditions behind the bars in U.$. prisons. Information about these incidents rarely makes it out of the prison, and when it does it is extremely rare that the reports are taken seriously and published. This historical record is important for documenting patterns of abuse, and also for informing people on the streets about what goes on behind the bars.
Greetings Comrades! We, the study group here at Sussex I State Prison –
Virginia, submits our Ten Point Agenda, after organizing around the
United Front for Peace in Prisons Statement of Principles.
After weeks of meeting, discussing our needs to organize (orderly and
peacefully), agreeing on statement of principles, and the ideas/ideals
presented by MIM(Prisons), we’ve gained verbal organizational
agreements, to work to rid ourselves of violence, destructive behaviors,
engage in revolutionary ideas/ideals and work for greater good: Peace,
Unity, Growth, Internationalism, and Independence.
We’ve deputized coordinators, in duties not names, of: Finance/Business,
Education, Arts & Culture, collecting donations, and using
ULK and like materials to be teaching/educational tools (we will
need more).
We’ve identified areas we can work on, and need improvements.
Collectively, we will move to address these concerns. Our first step:
educate the captives of our disadvantages, empower them with measures we
can use to confront these disadvantages (including holding each of us
accountable), complete, collect and mail in request forms, complaint
forms, if need be file legal litigations. If no resolve, use our greater
willpower – fasts, spend no money campaign, etc.
We have an educational coordinator, who will guide the movement as it
relates to the Ten Point Agenda – reporting every two weeks of progress,
need action, etc. (We will give the oppressor fifteen days to answer our
concerns, if no response, we move to Step II.)
This Ten Point Agenda is not an end-all plan, but it does allow us to
establish a line of politics, keep and maintain the line, and enables us
to confront social controls and oppression.
As we work the plan, we plan to contact outside organizations (including
MIM) to aid in our plight to get forms of social and systematic justice.
(We have experienced individuals, including myself, willing and ready to
teach on filing 42 USC 1983 civil suits.)
You have inspired us to mobilize, organize, mobilize and organize! After
8 weeks and numerous pod meetings we have arrived. We will continue to
keep you abreast on our progress, needed materials. We will continue to
donate, send artwork, and articles to aid your work.
“The educational and professional training systems are very elaborate
filters.”
This statement comes from Understanding Power: The Indispensable
Chomsky, by Noam Chomsky. In chapter four he discusses safeguards
and controls put in place by and to protect the capitalist system. His
analysis is apt. In the United States those who control information are
those who hold the power. Which is why the government is the largest
collector and disseminator of information. More importantly it is the
most effective filtration system.
This is accomplished through 1) popular control and 2) the media.
Effective popular control isolates citizens and dissidents. When someone
is isolated it is easy to control their reality and/or manipulate their
actions. On the other hand there’s the media. The media does much more
than provide an outlet for the dissemination of information. It is the
main tool, outside of formal schooling, for indoctrinating
non-proletariat citizenry. It also validates petty-bourgeois society by
marginalizing dissidents and the proletariat. This particular control (a
process of measures and procedures to prevent substantive changes and to
preserve a system), I’ve termed the subjection-manipulation cycle.
Information control, isolation, indoctrination and marginalization are
continued in perpetuity. The purpose of this control is to create a
sheepish or gullible populace.
It is effective because the un-indoctrinated are deprived of a voice, a
vote, an opinion. Even maybe shunned completely. They are isolated and
made seemingly impotent. The subjection-manipulation cycle has
been adapted by the U.$. prison system. At present, it provides a
reliable method for repressing “subversive”, “disruptive”, or
“threatening” activities, attitudes, or behaviors. Prison has a wide
array of people. Some who become indoctrinated, and others who refuse to
relinquish their freedom to determine their actions. The first I’ve
termed subjugated, the second self-determinants. Self-determinants find
themselves targets of the subjection-manipulation cycle.
Self-determinants are generally punished and repressed, while the
subjugated are rewarded. In public life, dissidents are parallel to
self-determinants in prisons. By isolating and repressing
self-determinants, prison authorities filter and provide examples of
“unacceptable” behavior. Self-determinants are segregated, privileges
stripped and their associates harassed. This ends with them being
socially stigmatized. The parallel in public life is almost identical.
Isolation, repression and harassment in the hopes of inducing impotency.
The subjection-manipulation cycle is not only a system of reprisals and
rewards. It contains the essential element of information dissemination.
Authorities screen, examine, and filter all information available to
captives. This way they can promote desired modes of thought and
behavior. Why else have banned/prohibited publication lists? Or overly
complicated grievance procedures? Or such general lack of access? A lack
of information is equivalent to a lack of education. This stymies only
pro-proletarian, revolucionario, anti-capitalist, or anti-imperialist
movement. Education leads to organization. As long as prisons can
reinforce this control, the results will mirror those found in history.
It presents a massive obstacle, but not insurmountable. The solution
begins with knowledge, followed by discipline, and unity.
First, to gain knowledge one must become educated. Not through the
system, but an actual education. Becoming well versed in the rules that
govern prison officials, procedures, operations and policies. Making an
intensive research into the history of capitalism, its motives, goals
and methods. In short, you must learn the enemy: imperialists and
exploitative capitalists. Just as important, you must learn and know
yourself: strengths, weaknesses, abilities and potential. This is called
“self-knowledge.” The enemy has full self-knowledge. To be anything more
than a minor annoyance to the authorities you must also attain full
self-knowledge. Education is the first step to supplanting capitalism
and its controls.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This writer does a good job explaining the
importance of education to developing appropriate strategies in our
struggle. This education must counter the indoctrination we have all
experienced from birth under capitalism. Write to MIM(Prisons) to get
involved in our introductory study group, or to get some educational
material and tips for your study groups locally.
I am a prisoner in the State of Georgia that seeks to enforce the civil
rights of all human beings and of all ethnic groups. I have attempted to
bring an inhuman living conditions case against the prison system and on
the behalf of all similarly situated. The complaint is set out below.
Sir, it is clear after presenting these issues to two courts and the
Attorney General of Georgia that these officials do not care that the
lives of many are in grave danger.
We are seeking the assistance of your office. The name and address of
the prison, Attorney General, and the federal judge is listed at the end
of this communique.
Shocking Inhuman history of prison conditions case
On July 10, 2016, Plaintiff, Robert F. Smith, submitted for filing his
42 U.S.C. 1983 Civil Rights complaint wherein he demonstrated with
documentary evidence that some forty thousand (40,000) individual human
beings from all ethnic groups were being subjected to inhuman and
barbaric living conditions.
Smith further demonstrated that many of the individual human beings from
all ethic groups were being denied the mandated protection of prison
authority from the attacks of certain gang affiliated inmates. That the
individuals from all ethic groups in which requested from prison
authority the protection from certain affiliated gang members were then
punished by, and are still being punished, prison authority by placement
in a mandatory nine months lockdown disciplinary program wherein all
inmate personal property and store privileges have been taken.
Smith’s complaint named as Plaintiffs David Cordova, and all others
similarly situated. Said complaint was filed in the Middle District
Federal Court in Macon, Georgia, on July 13, 2016.
On August 18, 2016, Federal Judge Marc T. Treadwell dismissed Smith’s
civil rights complaint in its entirety on the premise that the
plaintiffs could not joint together in a single action.
Smith’s complaint further demonstrated that every single standard
operating procedure written to govern the running of the prison was not
being adhered to, that because said SOPs were not being followed by
prison authority, many many individuals from all ethnic groups
constitutional rights were being violated, i.e. Right to be free
from physical abuse Right to due process Right to equal
protection Right to be free from cruel and unusual
punishment
Smith further presented the failure of prison authority to follow their
standard operating procedures to the state court as required in the form
of an extra ordinary emergency of writ of mandamus, as of date that
action is being held up by the state courts with nothing having been
brought before same and having been ruled on.
Prison authority have minimized the ventilation in each inmate cell
dramatically by placing iron metal plates over each and every
ventilation duct and throughout the entire prison.
The obstruction of ventilation by the iron metal plates combined with
heat places us human beings in a substantial risk of deceases such as
tuberculosis as well as: 1. Most of the time it feels as if one’s
chest is heavily burdened with a huge amount of weight due to the lack
of clean air. 2. Severe burning sensation in chest with mild to
severe dizziness. 3. Tingling sensation in ones limbs from a lack of
oxygen in ones body.
When the plaintiff stand with their nose stuck directly into the 4 by 21
inch window opening, the conditions start to subside.
HEAT
Due to the rooms being so closed up with no ventilation and a very small
window opening between say 4:00 hours and 13:00 hours the temperatures
are between 85 to 95 degrees. Between 13:00 and 19:00 hours the
temperatures reach between 95 to 105, maybe 110 because the sun makes
direct contact with the back side of rooms. Plaintiffs suffers the
following list of health problems: 1. headaches, 2. nausea, 3. loss of
appetite, 4. loss of weight, 5. severe inability to sleep on plastic
mattresses, or 6. to breath at time. See Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, Art. I, II, III, V, VI, VII, VII, X, XII, XVII(2), XXV(1)
Marc T. Treadwell U.S. Federal Judge U.S. District Court
Office of the Clerk PO Box 128 Macon, GA 31202
We’re here today in interview with one of the authors of the recently
released book Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán.
Chican@ Power is primarily authored by Chican@ revolutionaries
who are locked up in California’s prison system. They wrote this book as
part of a study group led by the Maoist revolutionary support
organization, MIM(Prisons). The comrade we’re interviewing today is one
of the imprisoned authors, joining us via telephone straight from the
belly of the beast. The book was published in fall 2015 by Kersplebedeb
publishers, and is available at leftwingbooks.net or by writing to
MIM(Prisons) at PO Box 40799, San Francisco, CA 94140.
We are so glad to have this author with us today to talk about
Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán, so let’s get to the
interview.
Comrade, can you start with an overview of the contents of Chican@
Power? Is it appropriate to call it a handbook for making revolution
in the United $tates a reality?
I wouldn’t say - I don’t think it should be used as a handbook for
revolution, which might be what some people might look at it as, but
more as a educational text with which Raza can begin the struggle toward
confirmation from Chican@ gangbangers to Chican@ revolutionaries. And
I’m well aware that maybe not everyone will become a revolutionary in
the strictest sense, but at least to elevate people’s consciousness so
that they know that, you know, first of all that there is a Chican@
nation, that it exists, and it needs to be liberated.
Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán as a educational tool
will hopefully help Chican@s to not only understand the correct
political lines concerning the liberation of Atzlán but will also help
them become more aware of their true national identity, which lies
outside of the Amerikkkan nation.
Of course the book Chican@ Power also introduces the Chican@
masses to revolutionary science and the revolutionary traditions that
were largely responsible for putting that science to use, most notably
the Soviet and Chinese experiments in socialism.
The book also goes into critiquing various forms of Chican@ nationalism,
which some Chican@s tend to mistake for liberatory ideologies, of
cultural and narrow nationalism, that, when put into practice, actually
lend themselves to supporting oppressive structures such as Amerikan
imperialism.
It features a brief historical synopsis of the Chican@ nation. It also
gets into some more contemporary topics such as Chican@s’ participation
in the democratic process in the United $tates today, as far as speaking
on contemporary presidential candidates. There’s also some book reviews
in there covering a wide variety of aspects of, critiquing the RCP’s
line on the Chican@ nation and other oppressed nations. Some cultural
nationalist reviews in there. Our position on where the Chican@ nation
is right now and where it needs to go in the future. I would say that is
the brief synopsis of what’s in there.
You mentioned the transition from gangbangers to revolutionaries,
that you hope this book will inspire. That’s a path that you are
persynally familiar with. Could you speak on your development from
gangbanger to revolutionary to author?
I really began my little journey like every other Chican@ in here, you
know. I was oblivious to the fact that there was even a Chican@ nation
to begin with. Like most other Chican@s in here, i started off
categorizing myself as a Mexican. I came to prison for anti-people
activity, gangbanging. The first few years i was just kinda trying to
lay low and just stay out of trouble and just – i mean if something came
along on my little journey i would do it, as far as if i would be asked
to do any kind of negative actions. But i think after a few years i
really just became disillusioned with everything. I realized that
everything that i knew or that i thought i knew as a youngster, i mean,
for the most part everything was a lie.
I would say that’s really where my political development probably
started in a sense as far as i knew that i didn’t want this no more. I
knew that this kind of life wasn’t leading anywhere and remembering
bringing pain to my family, bringing pain to others, and i just didn’t
want that anymore. At a certain point i decided that, this is when the
SNY yards first came into being, in the early 2000s. Even though they
were around much longer than that, this is when they really started
being used in the prison system in California. SNY yards stands for
Sensitive Needs Yards, the modern day equivalent to California of
protective custody yards. So for people that can’t walk the mainline,
they end up over here. Everyone just does their own thing, you don’t
gotta follow another man’s orders, as far as another inmate. I think
that was a big part of motivating me to come to this side.
Once on this side, for the first few years, i was all about just doing
me. I wasn’t worried about anybody. Just trying to do my time, and kinda
just take it slow and easy. And i really wasn’t political at all. Until
i believe it was around the time of the invasion of Iraq by the Amerikan
government. And i think that’s around that time that’s when i started
being politicized. And i really just started seeing everything on TV,
seeing the bombing, seeing people dying, seeing the suffering going on
over there. It wasn’t hard to tell why the U.$. was there. And like i
said, i wasn’t political, but at that point, i could at least see that.
So simultaneously, around the same time, i just happened to have a
cellmate who was real real real anti-Amerikan. I wouldn’t say he was a
communist, i would label him as a fan of Mao, and he claimed a mantle of
Mao, and he claimed to be a communist. Up to that point i had never met
anyone like that.
And so through discussions on certain topics, world affairs, politics,
just through watching the news, slowly but surely i kinda started
opening my eyes a little bit more. At some point, he just so happened to
share the Maoist Internationalist Movement ten point program. And when i
first read it, i thought it was a pretty egalitarian program. And all
the stuff on there looked good, you know. I remember reading it and
thinking “man, why can’t all governments, or all people, be on that same
trip?” It seemed like pretty easy stuff to implement. So, why not? And
so then i guess i kinda started asking myself, well, why not?
At that point he introduced me to, i believe he shared with me some old
MIM Notes as well, this is back when MIM Notes were still
being printed out. I liked everything they had to say, i agreed with
everything they had to say and I ended up getting my own subscription.
And around then i believe i wrote MIM, i asked em for some beginner
materials on Marxism. I remember they sent me a pretty complicated book
on Marx, an introduction to his philosophy. Even though i understood
some of it, i didn’t understand a lot of it. And i really struggled a
lot with that text. And i had to read it maybe 3, 4 times over the
period of a few months just to really start absorbing the essence of
what Marx was speaking to.
I was doing that for a minute, i was starting to collect little
so-called revolutionary books here and there. At that time, MIM wrote me
and they invited me to a study group – “On Contradiction” by Mao Zedong.
I kinda just went from there.
I would say the turning point was when i got hooked up with Cipactli,
and i was invited to participate in the Aztlán study group. This was
another first for me, as i had never met or heard anyone that called
themselves a Chican@ revolutionary nationalist. Nor was i aware that
there was such a thing. And basically from working with Cipactli and
struggling with him, as well as with MIM(Prisons), i slowly but surely
came to realize my own mission, which is that of a Chican@ national
liberation struggle for self-determination in alliance with the Third
World communist movement.
I wouldn’t have worked on this project if i thought i’d be doing it a
disservice. In other words i had to first feel comfortable you know from
my own level of political development to have worked on it. Secondly,
and this perhaps a more correct reason for agreeing to work on it was my
realization that i was not a Mexican@, but a Chican@. Therefore, i think
part of my subjective drive in working on this project came more from a
desire of wanting to spread the revolutionary word throughout all Aztlán
as well as the fact that only through a completion of national
liberation struggles can the socialist project ever succeed. And so i
thought i had the tools to contribute to the project, so it’s something
i really thought i needed to do, in order to just do my part to
contribute to the liberation of Aztlán,
The book has been well-received by those who have gotten it, even
though it’s been censored at various prisons across the United $tates.
To prisoners, the book is being sent for free from MIM(Prisons), with
study questions, and they’re coordinating a study group through the
mail, between the readers and the authors. What overall impact do you
think Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán and the study
group will have on the Chican@ nation?
I think the book and the study group that MIM(Prisons) is doing, I think
it will be the jumping off point for Chican@ lumpen in here, in many
respects. I know there’s probably so many Chican@ masses that subscribe
to Under Lock & Key and they’re probably not all too
politically developed, some are. Some of them are beginning to think
about some of the questions and some of the topics that we touch on in
Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán. I think that group is gonna
help them understand what we’re really speaking to in the book, which is
Chican@ liberation and self-determination, and the only way to
accomplish this is under a Maoist flag. I think from there we can expect
to see a lot of those same people hopefully continue to study, either
through MIM(Prisons) or through their own organizations, or just on
their own. But i think that’s really where it’s gonna start, as far as
the book coming out.
As far as the project goes, it’s something that’s been a long time
coming, and that should have been done a long time ago. Thankfully
MIM(Prisons) was there to fill that void, where other people were
failing. I mean there’s a few Chican@ organizations that claim to be
revolutionary, or they’re internationalists, or so-called
internationalist organizations and they really just pay a lot of lip
service. They believe writing an article on a certain topic and just
making some kind of statement, you know, that they believe all people
should be free or something, thinking that’s internationalism. But i
think MIM(Prisons) really showed us what internationalism is. Which is
comrades reaching out to each other and helping each other and assisting
each other and helping us build ourselves up. Realizing that many
prisoners, even a lot of revolutionary prisoners, are still i think at
something of a low level of political development, you know, just
because of our own conditions, and I think MIM(Prisons) has done an
excellent job of that.
So as far as the book goes, I think it’s really gonna uplift Aztlán,
it’s gonna help educate people, it’s gonna help educate the Chican@
masses behind prison walls. Because people in general, especially in
prison, are just consumed with bourgeois ideology, you know? It’s just
all about me doing me, making money, and that’s it and fuck everybody
else.
There’s a lot of people, at least from my experience, who read any kind
of revolutionary literature, i think they read it as they read it,
they’re kind of studying it, they’re soaking up ideas, and stuff like
that. But i don’t really think they take the time and really go in-depth
into the text, as with the MIM(Prisons)-run study programs, where
comrades have the opportunity to engage with MIM(Prisons) and with other
comrades and with each other on a variety of questions, you know,
concerning not only prisoners but the international communist movement
as well.
You know, i was completely ignorant to a lot of this stuff until i
started working with MIM(Prisons) and Cipactli. So i really just think
this book is gonna mark a new level of development in Aztlán for the
Chican@ masses. I would hope that in the next coming years we really
begin to see a upsurge in the Chican@ masses in prisons and really, you
know not just getting conscious, but actually building on that
consciousness by organizing.
There’s so many things that i think that could be done in here and i
think as we all know, at least Chican@ prisoners, you know, the key to
peace on the streets is peace in the prisons. And i think for us to have
peace on the streets and for the Chican@ liberation movement to really
begin organizing out there, it has to start in the prisons.
Could you speak more on that relationship, between peace building
behind prison walls and peace on the streets, outside of prison?
Well, i can’t speak for other nationalities, but as far as for the
Chican@ lumpen, for the gangbangers out there, i think a lot of stuff
that goes on the streets is controlled by what goes on in prisons. At
the flip of a switch the lumpen chiefs right here, they could organize a
peace treaty on the streets. I mean they’ve done it before. When i was
out there, you know, everything stopped virtually overnight. From
warring and killing and drive-bys to virtually overnight, hey, that’s
it, we’re done, And that’s the kind of power they have, and i don’t see
no reason why Chican@ revolutionaries can’t have that same power.
Especially when it’s power that’s gonna help the whole of Aztlán, it’s
gonna help all Chican@s out there. First by making peace and unity in
here, it’ll spill out into the streets.
I think we can expect a lot of Chican@ revolutionaries in here to begin
organizing as well, and i think right now there’s really just small
pockets of comrades here and there. You might bump into one person here,
you might bump into another person there, you might go to another yard
or another prison and there’s no one there, you’re the only one there.
And i think as time goes on we’re gonna start seeing a lot more
conscious people stepping up to the plate and deciding that they’re done
with the old ways and they’re gonna begin organizing for Chican@
liberation.
It seems like your move to SNY played a big part in your political
development. Could you speak more on SNY yards, their role and
history?
Concerning the SNY yards, i would say these are for the most part a
creation of CDC [California Department of Corrections], who have
utilized certain methods of warfare such as divide and conquer tactics
against Aztlán, within the prison setting. Initially i believe by both
removing prison leaders from the mainline that knew how to provide
stability and order to the lumpen organizations. As well as by purposely
integrating certain individuals who act in a opposite manner, creating
instability and disorder to a previously quote-unquote “stable”
environment.
I think most people coming from a mainline end up on SNY due to prison
politics. It could be something minor from maybe hanging out with
different nationalities a little too much to something maybe a little
bit more major as in stepping into the prison political arena and
attempting to exert some kind of influence. But i also think a lot of
people, and this is also something i’m starting to see more and more, is
a lot of people are just coming over here just cuz they’re just getting
tired of all the things going on over there. I think a lot of people
come over due to those main factors right there.
So i think, connected to the SNY yards i believe is also partly
connected to the creation of the SHUs [Security Housing Units], because
i mean before the SHUs there were no SNY yards, you know? So i think how
they’re connected is the fact that when CDC started taking certain
leadership off of the yards, it created a power vacuum, where you had
certain individuals having power struggles and things of that nature.
Which, in turn, opened up the door for the SNY yards to be created, for
it to be widened. Because i believe it was maybe only one or two in the
past and like within the last 15 or 20 years it’s becoming the majority
within California prisons.
It’s pretty amazing that this book was authored by a group of people
together through the mail, some of them locked in isolation cells for
years. Could you speak on what that whole experience was like, some
challenges and interesting aspects of that process?
Well, firstly i think working on Chican@ Power and the Struggle for
Aztlán was definitely a learning experience, as far as working on a book
through the mail. You know it seemed like a monumental task at the time,
when i was first invited to participate, but i was also very excited
about it. As far as learning about the various steps it took to actually
write and publish the book, it was a learning experience in that
respect. But more importantly, i think the lessons i learned about were
about my own subjective power and ability to reach out to the Chican@
lumpen behind prison walls.
I think it was the very fact that i’m incarcerated, which allowed me to
write from the imprisoned Chican@ perspective, which is, after all, our
target audience. Therefore i think the fact that i am incarcerated helps
the book carry a certain level of legitimacy amongst the oppressed
Chican@ prison masses. Not because of some supposed notoriety as a
convict or anything like that, but because the Chican@ masses will see
that me and the co-authors are writing both from a perspective very
similar to their own.
I think the only real challenge was just a lack of access to a variety
of research materials. Although MIM(Prisons) did an excellent job of
assisting me, i can’t help but think what more could I have contributed
to this project if I had more access to information, you know, mainly
the internet or at least just more books, just more research material. I
always thought i was lacking in that regard, especially because i think
i was still pretty new to the whole Chican@ national liberation
movement. And so a lot of what i contributed was stuff that I learned
with MIM(Prisons) and through my interactions with Cipactli. I think
that was the only real challenge was a lack of more information.
Finally, what do you see as some of the main challenges to
organizing the prison population?
I don’t think there’s too many Chican@s out there right now that are
really tripping on this whole revolutionary politics or socialism or
anything like that. A lot of Chican@s in here are caught up in the whole
cultural nationalist thing, and they’re more worried about keeping
traditions alive and following our own culture and not letting our
people be absorbed by new Amerikan culture.
From my experience these types of beliefs are most commonly found in the
over-30 crowd in the California prison system. Most of these people have
spent a majority of the sentences on mainline yards. Something that i
have begun to take more note of is that these younger generations of
Chican@ prisoners who have begun to enter the system seem to be more
Amerikanized. And what i mean by this is that many younger generations
seem to not have either the knowledge or the desire to learn about their
culture, which is a oppressed nation’s culture. Many Chican@s these days
seem to identify first and foremost as Amerikans, who, on occasion, will
even spit out certain Amerikan chauvinistic beliefs.
They also don’t understand a lick of Spanish. I think this is
problematic for the Chican@ nation as far as the Spanish language helps
many Chican@s to identify or at least find common ground with other
Raza.
Last but not least, i think today’s Chican@s also seem to be more
consumed by capitalistic society, that is also integral to the white
Amerikan nation and culture. And what i mean by this is that younger
Chican@ prisoners today seem to be more consumed by money than previous
generations.
So the comparison would be that while on the mainline there’s a very
strong sense of unity and cultural identity amongst Chican@s, which
functions in a positive way by introducing imprisoned Chican@s to
various aspects of a national identity outside of Amerika. Whereas on
SNY yard, this function is largely missing. However I think this is
where Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán will help to fill
some of the voids left by the mainline experience, by introducing or
reintroducing for the very first time aspects of Chican@ culture and
identity which many Chican@s may have previously been ignorant of.
Therefore Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán will I think
hopefully help to uplift the Chican@ nation, from a Maoist perspective.
Thank you for speaking with us today. We’re so glad to have gotten
the chance to do this interview and talk more about this important book.
Again, the book is Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán, it’s
written by a MIM(Prisons) study group, and is available at
leftwingbooks.net. Prisoners can get the book for free by writing to
MIM(Prisons) at PO Box 40799, San Francisco, CA 94140. In Struggle! ¡En
Lucha!
After an unfortunate series of group fights between prisoners from rival
lumpen organizations during the month of Black August, and a subsequent
lockdown at the Buckingham Correctional Center on August 25, two
Institutional Gang Investigators (IGIs) descended upon my cell and
subjected me to an intense 30-minute interrogation concerning
confidential information they received that I was allegedly the
mastermind behind a planned September 9 workstrike and was attempting to
organize a Black Panther Party - Prison Chapter. They even accused me of
being a member of a street gang based on a letter I wrote nearly seven
years ago.
When the investigators realized that the interrogation was bearing no
fruit and that I was immune to their intimidation tactics, I was
subjected to further interrogation the following day by L. Leatherwood,
the Chief Investigator for the VA DOC, and a urine test because of a
strong “suspicion” that I was using drugs. I was not at all surprised
when the urine test came back negative because I have been clean for a
decade and am a staunch advocate against illicit drug use, especially
among youth.
The interrogation of a select few other so-called “problem” inmates
continued throughout the weekend, and whatever “evidence” or information
the investigators gained or manufactured, led to my being transfered to
Sussex 2 State Prison, which is an oppressive, super-max type prison
where we are locked down in our cells for most of the day. Controlled
movement and the degradation of those of us confined here is the order
of the day. Unlike Buckingham, which is a hotbed of political activity,
there is virtually no organizing here. No study groups, no agitation, no
resistance. Most have never heard of the September 9 protests. The old
axiom “oppression breeds resistance” has not taken hold of the
prisoners’ minds here.
Though I was shipped off to this camp for political reasons, repression
and retaliation is often a sign that our agitation is truly effective. I
am not in a position to report on the degree to which prisoners at
Buckingham participated in the September 9 protests, but here at Sussex
2 State Prison there was zero participation. But we must continue to
fight and struggle knowing that one day, when the conditions are right,
the flicker will turn into a flame. All power to the people and Panther
power to the Black Riders Liberation Party!
On the September 9 Day of Peace and Solidarity, I had a fast and did a
lot of political study about the roots of the New Afrikan Independence
Movement by Comrade Chokwe Lumumba, Chair of the New Afrikan People’s
Organization who passed from this earthly life in May 2014. I also have
been studying Under Lock & Key, Fundamental Political Line
of MIM(Prisons), and going over the September 9 Day of Peace and
Solidarity study pack to keep me conscious of the ongoing war against
imperialism and capitalism and the struggle that I’m going through with
the prison system.
Ever since 9am we have been on a lockdown. The comrades in Level II in
Kinross have done a protest because of the living conditions, the food,
and no fans and heat, and this actually started on September 9.
Prisoners walked out of their job assignments, so the unsecured Level I
prisoners who work in the kitchen served the Level II prisoners brown
bag meals. They have Level I and II prisoners on lockdown, but they let
us go to the dayrooms, but we can’t use the telephones or J-Pay
machines. It’s truly a surprise to me that they are starting to stand up
and fight for their rights instead of fighting against each other.
We need collective solidarity and unity against the injustice of
Michigan DOC corruption, because this prison system is corrupted to its
very core. This is why we must educate ourselves and get with prisoners’
organization in this struggle. We all know and understand that this
prison system must be dismantled and abolished!
Un mes atrás enviamos una tanda de correo a los participantes del grupo
de estudio introductorio en el MIM(Prisiones). Era la primera tanda de
correo de la nueva sesión e incluía una tarea de lectura y algunas
preguntas.
Recibimos muchos rechazos sobre este correo de las prisiones de Florida,
en particular desde el Instituto Correccional Hamilton, en donde a todos
los nuevos participantes se les devolvió su correo con un recibo de
retorno por correo noautorizado que cita razones que
incluyen: “amenaza a los objetivos de seguridad, orden o rehabilitación,
o a la seguridad de las personas. Representa, describe o alienta
actividades que pueden llevar al uso de la violencia física o
desorganización grupal. Alienta a que se lleven a cabo actos
delictivos.” De hecho, a una de estas personas también se le envió un
formulario de correo sin confirmar que enumeraba las cartas que
nosotros les habíamos enviado hace poco, y esta carta también fue
enviada, ¡citando las mismas razones! Está claro que la sala de correo
en el Instituto Correccional Hamilton ni siquiera se preocupa por leer
las cartas de MIM(Prisiones) antes de devolvérnoslas.
Como respuesta a esta censura, a estas personas les enviamos una copia
de nuestra guía de seis páginas para luchar contra la censura. Este
documento contiene consejos legales y administrativos para apelar a la
injusta negación de correo. Inmediatamente, se nos devolvió 17 sobres
(anticipamos que lo que sobra será devuelto pronto), junto con otro
recibo de retorno por correo no autorizado por parte del
personal de la sala de correo, que indicaba que esta había sido
rechazada porque:
“De otro modo representa una amenaza a la seguridad, orden, u
objetivos de rehabilitación del sistema de correccional, o a la
seguridad de cualquier otra persona.”
“Representa, describe o alienta actividades que pueden llevar al uso de
la violencia física o desorganización grupal.”
“Alienta o instruye en la comisión de actividades delictivas.”
La carta en cuestión contiene citas legales y pautas de políticas de
apelación administrativas. Este tema claramente no está relacionado con
la violencia o seguridad de una prisión. No hay nada en esta carta que
se pueda interpretar como que representa o alienta a la violencia o
desorganización grupal. Y definitivamente no tiene nada que aliente o
instruya a cometer delitos. Hemos enviado una apelación al alcaide de
Hamilton pero no somos optimistas dado que incidentes similares en
Florida se han chocado contra paredes de silencio o de negación de
nuestras demandas sin razón.
Necesitamos un abogado para que nos ayude con esta pelea en Florida,
pero hasta ahora, ninguna firma de abogados ha estado dispuesta a
aceptar este importante caso. Tenemos compañeros que conocen muy bien la
ley que pelea contra esta censura, pero es muy difícil coordinar nuestro
trabajo cuando nada de nuestro correo ni siquiera les llega a estos
activistas.
Casos como estos deberían enfurecer, incluso a aquellos que creen en
Amérika como una sociedad justa. Es obvio que no hay justicia en la
negación de material educativo y recursos legales a los prisioneros. Y
este tipo de acción expone claramente la mentira de la rehabilitación
que el sistema pretende apoyar. Las personas con acceso a internet
pueden buscar en la web estos y otros casos de censura en nuestro sitio
www.prisoncensorship.info/data.
Over my years inside prison I’ve witnessed “new positions” created in
DOC without a corresponding increase in workload. It’s not a situation
where two employees cannot keep up with the demand so a third is hired.
No, the increase in staffing positions has involved manipulation of
terms in order to obtain higher pay grades. Example: creation of the
position of unit manager. The Unit Manager is not considered security so
the rate of pay isn’t subject to the caps on what is paid based on rank,
e.g., lieutenant, captain, etc, are all capped.
Yet a Unit Manager does the same work that was formerly assigned to
lieutenants. In fact, each housing unit, or building, continues to have
a “Building Lieutenant” in addition to now having a “Unit Manager.” Only
a Unit Manager’s pay and benefits isn’t subject to the limitations of
lieutenant.
Also recently created is the position of Evidence Based Practices
Manager. It’s a $50k+ position that involves such complicated issues as
distributing toilet paper, or checking to see that beds are made. I’m
serious.
Enclosed is a request form listing some of the many “employee
positions.” A few of the more ridiculous ones are: EBP/Reentry Manager –
There are no re-entry programs at most facilities, so what does this
person do? Chief of Security, Institutional Safety Specialist,
Operations Manager and B&G Superintendent – same tasks but made into
four positions
September 9, 2016 was the fifth annual Day of Peace and Solidarity, a
United Struggle from Within solidarity demonstration in prisons across
the United $tates. On this anniversary of the Attica uprising people
came together to draw attention to abuse of prisoners across the country
while building peace and unity. This demonstration was initiated in 2012
by an organization participating in United Struggle for Peace in Prisons
and has been taken up as an annual UFPP event, with people committing to
participate in prisons across the country. Actions include education,
exercise, fasting, work stoppages, and more. Here we have some initial
reports from this day from comrades at High Desert State Prison in
California, and we look forward to printing more in the next issue of
ULK. Send us your reports!
Education: Building the Movement
from E6X.20 August 2016
First I would like to thank the comrades willing to study and struggle
with Abolitionists From Within (AFW) here on C-yard, for having the
heart to step out and shake hands with the different ethnic groups and
put an end to the hostilities with peace on their tongue during Black
August. Our study group has been growing throughout the cells here at
High Desert C-yard, despite many setbacks of harassment from the pigs
here and there. As I continue to share literature with the comrades and
this year’s study group, I introduce them to MIM(Prisons) and United
Struggle from Within (USW). I remind every comrade that everyone’s
struggles are different (state of mind). If you know what the problem is
our job as comrades is to help come up with solutions to combat the
problem for our comrades. But in order to do anything to advance the
struggle we must be organized in order to help one another, we must set
tribalism to the side! And set aside all of our differences as well as
our past beef and come together collectively in an effort to accomplish
our goals: Peace, Unity and Growth among the oppressed masses.
AFW is back on the move for the second year here at High Desert State
Prison (HDSP), bringing together a cohesive front in reflecting, fasting
and uniting to honor those nameless and faceless men of Black August and
Attica (1971) by coming together in solidarity. This year we put the
issues of today on the table:
Who is your neighbor? Always remember racism is an idea that is the
product of imperialism. And AFW, USW and MIM(Prisons) are all in
agreement with anti-imperialism!
What will help us improve our material condition? First we must start
off with our neighbor, each one teach one no matter the color.
Understand the prison system. The system operates through criminal
justice institutions, but functions more like a caste system than a
system of crime control.
Comrades, wake up! Understand the racial caste system; they don’t
require racial hostility or overt bigotry to thrive, they need only
racial indifference. Wake up young Afrikan! Mass incarceration in the
U.S. is a comprehensive and well-disguised system of racialized social
system. Comrades, help me help us organize and advance our struggle
forward for peace throughout C-yard.
Solidarity
from E6X.20 September 2016
Abolitionists From Within is back on the move on this September 9 Day of
Peace and Solidarity with all Freedom Fighters and to commemorate and
never forget about the Attica uprising. To my comrades around the
country who took a stand today, I stand in solidarity with you. And
remember the fallen comrades and the spirits that live on.
This is the AFW’s second year demonstration at High Desert (HDSP). Last
year I was on D-yard as I know my comrades are on the move. Stop the
madness, don’t forget who the real enemy is. Here on C-yard the cells
are growing. I would like to thank all the comrades for participating,
and the study group comrades who are fasting with us today in my unit,
and my Chicano comrades who had the courage to share with me the
Under Lock & Key I pass out. We reread articles, talk about
it in great detail, clarify with my comrades and spread enlightenment
about the history of the Attica uprising and the history of the
September 9 Day of Peace and Solidarity, and remembrance of the fallen
comrades. As each comrade in our unit continues to struggle and agree on
the best solutions in attacking our issues that are inflicting us today,
I encourage each cell to do the same in their unit.
Here on C-yard was nothing but peace today in solidarity with the
movement and with the Attica freedom fighters. Thanks to MIM(Prisons),
USW, United Front for Peace in Prisons, Agreement to End Hostilities and
all my comrades who took a stand today.
We can only change our conditions for the better by struggling together.
Unity
from J-DOG II LX September 2016
September 9 will never be an ordinary day for me again. When I was
approached with this novel idea of showing solidarity for this 24-hour
period I jumped at the idea. Why? Because day in and day out I deal with
prison politics, but it’s not the politics that bring us better prison
treatment, it’s politics that keep us at odds with each other over petty
b@#%s#@! Brothers like George Jackson gave the ultimate sacrifice so
that we could have a lot of the privileges we have now. I’m sure the
brotha would be very disappointed at how s#!% is now. We’ve seriously
forgotten who the real enemy is, and until we start showing more unity
among ourselves this machine that holds us as modern-day slaves will
continue to win.
Whether we want to believe it or not we are all brothers in the
struggle. From Soledad to Attica, High Desert to Sing-Sing, and all in
between. We are all dealing with the same systematic incarceration. So
this September 9 I wanted to be an example of what Unity could bring. I
refrained from any yard politic and refused to entertain any backbitting
on another brother. I did not sell or use any drug, nor did I give any
to my brothers. Healthy mind, healthy body. Although I don’t like doing
burpees I joined my brothas in a 45-minute test of endurance. For that
45 minutes we were as one. One unit pushing each other to keep going,
can’t stop, won’t stop, our cadence rang loud: Unity! I took the time to
stop and ask my brother “how are we today,” “can I help you with
anything?” These things probably went unnoticed to the yard masses, but
I didn’t do it for recognition. I did it because strength, kindness, and
comradery is infectious. If I infected one brother I’ve accomplished
what I believed could be done.
Now that I’ve been enlightened to what brothas have been doing for years
on September 9, I must continue to push, pull, stride, for unity. I too
have lost sight of the power of unity and it feels good to care about
something or someone other than yourself. So thank you to my little
brother in this struggle for infecting me with this knowledge, and to
all my brothers in this struggle from Cali to NY and all in between.
From the words of the late great Tupac “Keep ya head up.” If we make it
through the night, tomorrow’s a brighter day.
Sacrifice
from DM dot LOC September 2016
In from the cold, it feels great to be embraced by enlightened kinsmen
from the AFW. Solidarity Day (September 9) is fast upon us. Some type of
sacrifice is needed. Myself I pledge to fast and refrain from cursing
and illogical rhetoric. I hope all comrades who participate can stay
steadfast and maintain their discipline.
Esta semana, los oficiales del Ejército de los E$tado$ Unido$ anunciaron
que las personas transgénero son bienvenidas para servir abiertamente
como guerreros del imperialismo y la dominación mundial Amérikkkana.
Hicieron un plan que será puesto en marcha el año que viene, que incluye
apoyo financiero para tratamientos médicos como cirugías, terapia y
hormonas.
Algunos activistas trans, que reconocen por qué este anuncio es
“problemático” para las personas en las naciones oprimidas, afirmarán
que “[el Ejército de los E$tados Unido$] nombraría como nuevo miembro
cualquier cosa.” Lo cual es cierto, hasta un punto. El gobierno de los
E$tado$ Unido$, en todas sus formas, tratará de controlar todos los
aspectos de nuestra sociedad que puedan ser controlados. Lo que recalca
el punto de que las políticas de identidad de género no amenazan al
militarismo e$tadouniden$e y a la dominación del mundo porque pueden ser
controladas por la mera aceptación. ¿La lucha por la aceptación de los
transgéneros (o cualquier lucha de género), distinta de la organización
revolucionaria, debilita al capitalismo mismo? No. Y este anuncio lo
prueba.
El gobierno e$tadouniden$e no puede nombrar como nuevo miembro a
organización antiimperialista genuina, a pesar de sus intentos con las
organizaciones encubiertas y la revisión de la historia. No puede
integrar la autodeterminación de las naciones con el colonialismo porque
son aspectos opuestos de una contradicción mundial. No pueden terminar
con la opresión y desesperación de la gente en el Tercer Mundo porque
dependen de esa opresión para su función básica de la explotación para
mantener a las personas en los E$tados Unido$ ricas y felices.
Si tu lucha puede ser integrada al Ejército de los E$tado$ Unido$,
entonces eso demuestra de qué lado está en realidad. ¿Eres un
revolucionario internacionalista? ¿O sólo esperas por una mejor vida
aquí en Amérikkka? Todos los que se opongan a la opresión de identidad
de género, militarismo y genocidio deberían hacer todo en su poder para
organizarse en contra del Ejército de los E$tado$ Unido$, y en contra
del capitalismo, dado que esa es la única manera en que llegaremos a un
mundo sin opresión de género para todos.