MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
www.prisoncensorship.info is a media institution run by the Maoist Internationalist Ministry of Prisons. Here we collect and publicize reports of conditions behind the bars in U.$. prisons. Information about these incidents rarely makes it out of the prison, and when it does it is extremely rare that the reports are taken seriously and published. This historical record is important for documenting patterns of abuse, and also for informing people on the streets about what goes on behind the bars.
I am a transsexual female who has been in these trenches 37 years, have
walked close to 30 yards and several SHUs, EOP, DMH. I want to add to
Legion’s
presentation regarding SNYs (ULK 58, p. 19) and how they came
to proliferate in Cali, and with regard to the people who walk SNY.
When I first came to CDC in the early 1980s, there were four formations
that governed all the maximum security yards: Black Guerrilla Family,
Nuestra Familia, Mexican Mafia, Aryan Brotherhood. Notwithstanding the
wars among them, there was order and discipline within each, and the
tone of the yards was one of respect and honor, an old or original
tradition. There was a lot of fighting and killing at San Quentin, where
I did four years in the Adjustment Center (AC) SHU. Extreme warfare
proliferated as the formations fought each other, especially in AC,
where Comrade George executed pigs and reactionary enemies and was
martyred in 1971. It was the same AC I stepped into in summer 1982 –
nothing had changed: extreme warfare through the bars (there were no
solid doors, though there are now) and tiger cages instead of AC yards.
In 1985, a white sergeant was speared in the heart through bars and died
on the tier, which was attributed to BGF. That’s when CDC went bonkers
and conceived the Pelican Bay SHU monster to deal with everything
(opened in 1989). It was also because of the killing of this sergeant
that all SHU pigs had to wear protective vests, beginning in 1986.
(Years later, alias Crips did a mass stabbing attack on yard pigs at
Calipatria, and now ALL pigs have to wear vests.)
CDC’s idea of an extreme control environment was a strategic mistake.
First, because it could not and did not break the spirit of those who
count, but reinforced their endurance. Second, it created a massive
vacuum on the yards as all the OG formations were swept up and stuck in
Pelican Bay SHU; soon, independent factions popped up on the untended
yards, and compared to previous, the yards went haywire, like kids at a
carnival. There was no discipline, no respect, no honor; SNY yards
opened and grew as many stepped back from that mess. Now, wherever there
is a General Population (G.P.), there is an SNY or two. Third, all of
this cost CDC millions of more dollars than average, with nothing
gained. Fourth, under the extreme oppression of Pelican Bay SHU, the
consciousness of the formations heightened and they united against CDC.
And fifth, the courts eventually let the formations out again.
A lot of the people who went from G.P. to SNY in the heydays of chaos
were not bad apples but were just more serious about doing time, that
the G.P. was so ruined it would’ve been futile to try to get it back on
track.
As much as the G.P. has progressed, however, it still has some backward
baggage to sort out. Trans prisoners cannot be on the G.P. because of
threats of death, BECAUSE they are trans; only that. There are some
progressive prisoners on G.P., the Kata, who do not persecute us. In
fact they politically educated me in Pelican Bay SHU in the early 1990s.
(A kata is a martial arts stance that Comrade G. practiced in his cell
and disliked the pigs to see him in. Here, it connotes a revolutionary
position and cadre.) But the general practice on the G.P. towards trans
prisoners is transmisogyny and gender oppression; reactionary. To
promote a prisoner’s human rights platform, that platform must include
the vested interests of all oppressed prisoners and have representation
of all interests, including trans, and must extend into SNY and women’s
prisons. The G.P. has yet to address its position towards trans
prisoners publicly.
I am with the Red Roses Transsexual Political Party (alias 36 Movement),
which I founded. We are a political resistance movement, with critically
vetted members. We do political work to challenge CDC’s genocidal
treatment of us as trans women with administrative complaints, lawsuits,
and educate trans prisoners for unity and resistance. We consider
ourselves a part of the Prisoners Human Rights Movement (PHRM) founded
by the united G.P. at Pelican Bay SHU. Our voice needs to be heard, our
situation on the G.P. hashed out. PHRM needs to extend into the women’s
prisons, where contradictions have peaked, with a series of suicides at
the California Institution for Women.
There is no question that we are in a new era of doing time, across the
whole landscape. The biggest difference is the new collective
consciousness of who is the real enemy in terms of our fundamental
vested interests, produced by the overbearing of the state on the
oppressed. The current unity of the OG formations – and especially the
Kata, as BGF and other New Afrikan unity – illustrates this.
Unfortunately, SNY is beset with wars among factions, and there have
been some killings. I would advocate the PHRM shoutout to SNY factions
to call a cease fire and work out a Peace Accord, to acknowledge a
higher need for unity against their conditions, such as, they can’t get
into any self-help rehabilitation groups unless they debrief. PHRM’s
voice will resonate with those who count on SNY.
Red Roses urges all trans prisoners to acquire political consciousness
and join the 36 Movement to resist CDC oppression as a united force. We
are political, not criminal, politically educate ourselves and do for
self and support each other for our collective good. Stop squabbling. We
are being killed on the yards, as Carmen Guerro, who was killed on this
very yard, and others (rest in peace). The 36 Movement is one for all
and all for one. Let that be your motto.
On July 2nd, 2016 my wife came from Texarkana to the Wynne Unit in
Huntsville, Texas. What happened after our four hour contact visit is as
follows:
Pam (wife) was leaving the unit. She had her car searched by a male TDCJ
guard who accidentally pushed the lock button and closed the door (with
the keys inside). “Pam is mentally disabled” and became sick from the
heat after standing by her locked car for over an hour while someone
looked for a clothes hanger. The guards allowed her to cool off inside.
The unit warden - Warden Strong - has been called. She questions Pam on
who she came to see. The warden’s harassment starts the moment Pam says
my name. Bad mouthing me to Pam, she then takes Pam to a building to use
the phone. The warden instructs her to call my mother. Warden Strong is
on the phone with my mother bad mouthing me. When she sees the call is
not to her advantage she hangs up on her, turns to Pam and says “She is
a b***h isn’t she?” Disagreement cost her a ride back to her car. The
warden made her walk back.
Back at the car Warden Strong is telling several TDCJ guards that what
happened or happens next is not TDCJ responsibility. The warden tells
Pam that she needs to break a window, if not she will, or call the Fire
Department, or a tow truck to get the car off TDCJ property. With all of
this unprovoked harassment/bullying Pam finds a rock, strikes the window
several times and when it shatters Pam cuts her hand. At no time during
Pam getting sick from the heat, to cutting her hand on the window did
Warden Strong allow first aid or provide it. Not even a band-aid.
Pam’s treatment by Warden Strong had Pam so upset that she almost ended
up in Dallas. Upon her getting on the proper highway she got a ticket
for excessive speeding. “Thank God it wasn’t worse.” At first Pam was
afraid to go forward with this. Now she isn’t. She is concerned about
retaliation to her, our families, or myself.
Aprendiendo la diferencia entre nuestros amigos y enemigos significa que
nosotros sabemos que otros prisioneros comparten más en común con
nosotros que lo contrario. Esto también significa que dentro de la
nación de uno, las formaciones dentro tienen aun más en común que lo
contrario.
Para el Aztlán encarcelado, las divisiones fueron últimamente inspiradas
en el imperio. El ala avanzada del Aztlán encarcelado entiende que es
tiempo de re-unificar a Aztlán.
En Califaztlan, norteño, sureño, EME, NF han sido paredes que separaban.
A veces cada formación era necesaria por seguridad, y algunas
formaciones pueden ser más progresivas que otras. Pero estas formaciones
todavía separan al Aztlán encarcelado. La separación de una nación no es
buena bajo ninguna circunstancia. Yo creo que la meta de todas estas
organizaciones Lumpen (LO) es la unificación en algún punto, pero ¿cómo
puede esto ser posible?
Un Vistazo futuro a un Aztlán Unificado
Es una realidad que se ha desarrollado mucha animosidad y/o orgullo por
una LO o la otra. Al mismo tiempo nosotros vemos que el acuerdo para
Terminar Hostilidades nos ha permitido a todos el conocernos y apoyarnos
los unos a los otros. Ahora está bien el asistir y estar ahí el uno por
el otro, lo cual es grandioso. Nosotros hemos regresado a antes de que
empezara la enemistad entre el Norte y el Sur, sin embargo lo que se
necesita ahora es el salto hacia adelante.
La verdad es que mientras los LO (ej. NF, EME) todavía tengan
formaciones norteñas y sureñas, no habrá reunificación entre el Aztlán
encarcelado. Esto va a tomar pasos. La implementación de programas
autorizados en los niveles más altos. Un programa inicial seria el
formalmente desmantelar las formaciones del Sur/Norte. Al hacer esto la
raza será simplemente Raza de nuevo.
Tatuajes de Norte/Sur serian prohibidos en el futuro. Esto ayudaría a
aliviar conflictos y tensiones.
Un periodo de transición relajaría a la raza y luego la siguiente fase
de la unificación de EME/NF sería necesaria aún si ellos mantienen
comités separados con una nueva organización política. Pero, una nueva
organización con un nuevo nombre es necesaria para proveer un vistazo al
nuevo futuro de un Aztlán unificado. En algún punto, el Aztlán
encarcelado debe de moverse y crear un nombre en el que todos estén de
acuerdo, de otra manera ni un lado ganara nunca al otro lado.
I’m in (C.M.) Closed Management for attacking 5 officers, after smoking
a substance known as K2, they tell me I whacked out. I don’t remember
nothing, anyways I no longer do that drug (any drugs).
I recently got another roommate, he came in on Friday 20th 2017. He said
he left here 2 weeks ago for a hernia operation, but was sent back
before he even seen the doctor. Lake Butler is a medical facility, where
all inmates go to have operations done.
Prior to him leaving (RMC) he said on Wednesday 18th 2017 a white male
around 30-40 years of age in K dormitory wing 3 room 3117 declared a
psychological emergency and was screaming, crying, and kicking on the
door. At approximately 6:30pm a lieutenant, sergeant and 3 other
officers came into the wing with the shields to do an extraction,
however this was done without a camera, when the cell door opened they
rushed in and the man that was screaming began to gag like he was being
choked. A few minutes gone by and there was total silence, the 5
officers walked out the cell and relocked the cell door and one of the
officers said, “now if you continue this disruptive behavior we will be
back”.
An hour later one of the same officers came back and did a round, when
he got to 3117 he stopped and was like “hey, whats wrong with you, what
did you do to yourself” over and over, saying this very loudly. He then
radioed to whomever and the same lieutenant and sergeant showed up. When
they arrived they called the nurse. 2 female nurses came and tried to
resuscitate him. When they wheeled him out on the stretcher his whole
head was deep purple, eyes and mouth wide open. He had been dead since
they left him in there over an hour ago because there was (NO) noise
coming from his room, after they entered. They killed him, even the
inmate that is directly across the hall said that the man had shitted
all over himself. This same inmate was either transferred or moved to
another dorm within an hour of this incident.
Around 9-10pm an officer sat in a chair directly in front of the room
acting like he was there for a suicide watch. This is only done when
there is an actual person in the room who is threatening to hurt
himself, so the only thing we can come up with is that these officers
are trying to cover up this murder by re-enacting the crime scene. What
other purpose is to guard an empty room, not empty of the dead man’s
property but empty of life.
I haven’t been in touch in a while. Everything here in prison is pretty
much the same thing. It’s very hard to do legal work because i have to
deal with retaliation from the prisoners and correctional officers. The
law library here on this unit for Ad. Seg. is not good at all. A lot of
the legal materials i request don’t come in or the wrong ones come in
and i need these legal materials in order to do research so i can win
the lawsuits i am filing. I don’t have the time i need to sit down and
write everything. i need to file multiple lawsuits because i have to
deal with all of the day to day prison life and then on top of that the
law library staff do not bring me the legal supplies i need in order to
research.
On 11/10/16 I was accepted to an 18-month Christian parole program. It
is on the Carol Vance Unit (Jester 2). On 12/14/16 I saw the PA(Evans)
for a sick-call I submitted. On this visit he canceled all my medical
housing/work restrictions. Upon information and belief, he does this to
every offender with medical ailments.
I went to the IFI Counselors and TDCJ staff for help. They just ran me
in circles looking for help. Their response was the same as the PA,
Don’t worry about it you’ll be home within two years.
Before all this happened, I was already filing grievances on the unit
due to it falling apart and a lot of officer violations. The main one
was over the extreme heat, no cool-down showers, and having to be fully
clothed in the main dayroom.
On 4/7/17, I filed a 1983 on the PA (4:17-cv-01076). This was filed
before the warden had stopped by my cubicle and warned me to stop filing
constitutional challenges (grievances) on his unit because people are
starting to follow and because people have been content for over twenty
years.
Three days later I file a retaliation grievance against the warden, asst
warden, a Lt and a Sgt. I was harassed about where do I work. They knew
I refused to work due to the PA and that no one would help me with a
light duty job (GED Tutor, Peer Educator, Clerical Job, Full Time
Student-correspondence college).
That following Monday I started getting refusing to work cases. I had
not got a case in five months until I filed that retaliation grievance.
After my 3rd case I get placed in PHD for 25 days. It took 19 days to
get my property. I had no hygiene, stationary, religious material, legal
work. My legal work for my active case did not come until 22nd day. Two
days later I’m released from PHD. Full of restrictions, S3-S4 line
class.
I file my 2nd complaint (4:17-cv-02811) on 9/19/17. As soon as I get to
the unit my counselor (Roy Garcia) tells me that I am going to be a GED
Tutor now. That same afternoon, Daryll Brooks (program director-ex
inmate) tells me that I’m not going to get the GED job and the next
refusing to work case you get you will be kicked out of the program.
Brooks and warden Troy Simpson will help each other out to remove
certain individuals who complain (file grievances).
I am now back in PHD for refusing to work. More restrictions, S4-L1 and
G4’d. I’m waiting now to see if IFI/parole is going to let me remain in
the program.
I do believe all my legal work was copied when they had my property for
19 days. My legal work was out of order and all my legal aids were
missing a lot of pages.
I’ve written several attorneys for representation to no avail.
Is China an Imperialist Country? considerations and evidence by N.B.
Turner, et al. Kersplebedeb, 2015
Available for $17 +
shipping/handling
from: kersplebedeb CP
63560, CCCP Van Horne Montreal, Quebec Canada H3W 3H8
This article began as a book review of Is China an Imperialist
Country?. However, I was spurred to complete this review after
witnessing a surge in pro-China posts and sentiment on the /r/communism
subreddit, an online forum that MIM(Prisons) participates in. It is
strange to us that this question is gaining traction in a communist
forum. How could anyone be confused between such opposite economic
systems? Yet, this is not the first time that this question has been
asked about a capitalist country; the Soviet Union being the first.
Mao Zedong warned that China would likely become a social fascist state
if the revisionists seized power in their country as they had in the
Soviet Union after Stalin’s death. While the question of whether the
revisionists have seized power in China was settled for Maoists decades
ago, other self-proclaimed “communists” still refer to China as
socialist, or a “deformed workers’ state,” even as the imperialists have
largely recognized that China has taken up capitalism.
In this book, N.B. Turner does address the revisionists who believe
China is still a socialist country in a footnote.(1) Ey notes that most
of them base their position on the strength of State-Owned Enterprises
(SOEs) in China. This is a common argument we’ve seen as well. And the
obvious refutation is: socialism is not defined as a state-run economy,
at least not by Marxists. SOEs in China operate based on a profit
motive. China now boasts 319 billionaires, second only to the United
$tates, while beggars walk the streets clinging to passerbys. How could
it be that a country that had kicked the imperialists out, removed the
capitalists and landlords from power, and enacted full employment came
to this? And how could these conditions still be on the socialist road
to communism?
Recent conditions did not come out of nowhere. By the 1980s, Beijing
Review was boasting about the existence of millionaires in China,
promoting the concept of wage differentials.(2) There are two bourgeois
rights that allow for exploitation: the right to private property and
the right to pay according to work. While the defenders of Deng Xiaoping
argue that private property does not exist in China today, thus
“proving” its socialist nature, they give a nod to Deng’s policies on
wage differentials; something struggled against strongly during the Mao
era.
Turner quotes Lenin from Imperialism: The Highest Stage of
Capitalism: “If it were necessary to give the briefest possible
definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the
monopoly stage of capitalism.”(3) And what are most SOEs but monopolies?
Is China a Socialist Country?
The question of Chinese socialism is a question our movement came to
terms with in its very beginning. MIM took up the anti-revisionist line,
as stated in the first cardinal
principal:
“MIM holds that after the proletariat seizes power in socialist
revolution, the potential exists for capitalist restoration under the
leadership of a new bourgeoisie within the communist party itself. In
the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death of
Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao’s death and the overthrow of
the ‘Gang of Four’ in 1976.”
We’ll get more into why we believe this below. For now we must stress
that this is the point where we split from those claiming to be
communists who say China is a socialist country. It is also a point
where we have great unity with Turner’s book.
Who Thinks China is Socialist?
Those who believe China is socialist allude to a conspiracy to paint
China as a capitalist country by the Western media and by white people.
This is an odd claim, as we have spent most of our time struggling over
Chinese history explaining that China is no longer communist, and that
what happened during the socialist period of 1949 - 1976 is what we
uphold. We see some racist undertones in the condemnations of what
happened in that period in China. It seems those holding the above
position are taking a valid critique for one period in China and just
mechanically applying it to Western commentators who point out the
obvious. We think it is instructive that “by 1978, when Deng Xiaoping
changed course, the whole Western establishment lined up in support. The
experts quickly concluded, over Chinese protests, that the new course
represented reform ‘capitalist style.’”(4) The imperialists do not
support socialism and pretend that it is capitalism, rather they saw
Deng’s “reforms” for what they were.
TeleSur is one party that takes a position today upholding China as an
ally of the oppressed nations. TeleSur is a TV station based in
Venezuela, and funded by Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Cuba, Uruguay and
Nicaragua. Venezuela is another state capitalist country that presents
itself as “socialist”, so it has a self-interest in stroking China’s
image in this regard. One recent opinion piece described China as
“committed to socialism and Marxism.” It acknowledges problems of
inequality in Chinese society are a product of the “economic reforms.”
Yet the author relies on citations on economic success and profitability
as indications that China is still on the socialist road.(5)
As students of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, we recognize
that socialism is defined by class struggle. In fairness, the TeleSur
opinion piece acknowledges this and claims that class struggle continues
in China today. But the reality that the state sometimes imprisons its
billionaires does not change the fact that this once socialist society,
which guaranteed basic needs to all, now has billionaires. Billionaires
can only exist by exploiting people; a lot! Fifty years ago China had
eliminated the influence of open capitalists on the economy, while
allowing those who allied with the national interest to continue to earn
income from their investments. In other words they were being phased
out. Some major changes had to take place to get to where China is today
with 319 billionaires.
Fidel Castro is cited as upholding today’s President of China, Xi
Jinping, as one of the “most capable revolutionary leaders.” Castro also
alluded to China as a counterbalance to U.$. imperialism for the Third
World. China being a counter-balance to the United $tates does not make
it socialist or even non-imperialist. China has been upholding its
non-interventionist line for decades to gain the trust of the world. But
it is outgrowing its ability to do that, as it admits in its own
military white papers described by Turner.(6) This is one indication
that it is in fact an imperialist country, with a need to export finance
capital and dump overproduced commodities in foreign markets.
“The Myth of Chinese Capitalism”
Another oft-cited article by proponents of a socialist China in 2017 is
“The Myth of Chinese Capitalism” by Jeff Brown.(7) Curiously, Brown
volunteers the information that China’s Gini coefficient, a measure of a
country’s internal inequality between rich and poor, went from 0.16 in
1978 to 0.37 in 2015 (similar to the United $tates’ 0.41). Brown offers
no explanation as to how this stark increase in inequality could occur
in what ey calls a socialist country. In fact, Brown offers little
analysis of the political economy of China, preferring to quote Deng
Xiaoping and the Chinese Constitution as proof of China’s socialist
character, followed by stats on the success of Chinese corporations in
making profits in the capitalist economic system.
Brown claims that Deng’s policies were just re-branded policies of the
Mao era. A mere months after the counter-revolutionary coup in China in
1976, the China Study Group wrote,
“The line put forward by the Chinese Communist Party and the Peking
Review before the purge and that put forward by the CCP and the
Peking Review after the purge are completely different and
opposite lines. Superficially they may appear similar because the new
leaders use many of the same words and slogans that were used before in
order to facilitate the changeover. But they have torn the heart out of
the slogans, made them into hollow words and are exposing more clearly
with every new issue the true nature of their line.”(8)
Yet, 40 years later, fans of China would have us believe that empty
rhetoric about “Marxism applied to Chinese conditions” are a reason to
take interest in the economic policies of Xi Jinping.
Brown seems to think the debate is whether China is economically
successful or not according to bourgeois standards. As such ey offers
the following tidbits:
“A number of [SOEs] are selling a portion of their ownership to the
public, by listing shares on Chinese stock markets, keeping the vast
majority of ownership in government hands, usually up to a 70%
government-30% stock split. This sort of shareholder accountability has
improved the performance of China’s SOEs, which is Baba Beijing’s
goal.”
“[O]ther SOEs are being consolidated to become planet conquering
giants”
“How profitable are China’s government owned corporations? Last year,
China’s 12 biggest SOEs on the Global 500 list made a combined total
profit of US$201 billion.”
So selling stocks, massive profits and giant corporations conquering the
world are the “socialist” principles being celebrated by Brown, and
those who cite em.
The Coup of 1976
What all these apologists for Chinese capitalism ignore is the fact that
there was a coup in China in 1976 that involved a seizure of state
apparati, a seizure of the media (as alluded to above) and the
imprisonment of high officials in the Maoist camp (the so-called “Gang
of Four”).(9) People in the resistance were executed for organizing and
distributing literature.(10) There were arrests and executions across
the country, in seemingly large numbers. Throughout 1977 a mass purge of
the party may have removed as many as a third of its members.(11) The
armed struggle and repression in 1976 seems to have involved more
violence than the Cultural Revolution, but this is swept under the rug
by pro-capitalists. In addition, the violence in both cases was largely
committed by the capitalist-roaders. While a violent counterrevolution
was not necessary to restore capitalism in the Soviet Union, it did
occur in China following Mao Zedong’s death.
At the time of Mao’s death, Deng was the primary target of criticism for
not recognizing the bourgeoisie in the Party. Hua Guofeng, who jailed
the Gang of Four and seized chairmanship after Mao’s death, continued
this criticism of Deng at first, only to restore all his powers less
than sixteen months after they were removed by the Maoist
government.(12)
The Western media regularly demonizes China for its records on humyn
rights and free speech. Yet, this is not without reason. By the 1978
Constitution, the so-called CCP had removed the four measures of
democracy guaranteed to the people in the 1975 Constitution: “Speaking
out freely, airing views fully, holding great debates and writing big
character posters are new forms of carrying on socialist revolution
created by the masses of the people. The state shall ensure to the
masses the right to use these forms.”(13)
This anti-democratic trend has continued over the last forty years, from
jail sentences for big character posters in the 1980s and the Tianamen
Square massacre in 1989 to the imprisonment of bloggers in the 2010s.
While supporters of Xi Jinping have celebrated his recent call for more
Marxism in schools, The Wall Street Journal reports that this is
not in the spirit of Mao:
“Students at Sun Yat-sen University in southern China arrived this year
to find new instructions affixed to classroom walls telling them not to
criticize party leadership; their professors were advised to do the
same… An associate professor at an elite Beijing university said he was
told he was rejected for promotion because of social-media posts that
were critical of China’s political system. ‘Now I don’t speak much
online,’ he said.”(14)
Scramble for Africa
What about abroad? Is China a friend of the oppressed? Turner points out
that China’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa is significant,
though a tiny piece of China’s overall FDI. First we must ask, why is
China engaged in FDI in the first place? Lenin’s third of five points
defining imperialism is, “The export of capital, which has become
extremely important, as distinguished from the export of
commodities.”(15) A couple chapters before talking about Africa, Turner
shows that China has the fastest growing FDI of any imperialist or
“sub-imperialist” country starting around 2005.(16) Even the SOEs are
involved in this investment, accounting for 87% of China’s FDI in Latin
America.(17) This drive to export capital, which repatriates profits to
China, is a key characteristic of an imperialist country.
In 2010, China invited South Africa to join the BRICS group (Brazil,
Russia, India, China, and now South Africa) of imperialist/aspiring
imperialist countries. This was a strategic decision by China, as South
Africa was chosen over many larger economies. “In 2007… the Industrial
and Commercial Bank of China (now the world’s largest company) bought a
multi-billion-dollar stake in the South African Standard Bank, which has
an extensive branch network across the continent.” Shoprite is another
South African corporation that spans the continent, which China has
invested in. In Zambia, almost all the products in Shoprite are Chinese
or South African.(18)
The other side of this equation indicating the role of China in Africa
is the resistance. “Chinese nationals have become the number one
kidnapping target for terrorist and rebel groups in Africa, and Chinese
facilities are valuable targets of sabotage.” China is also working with
the likes of Amerikan mercenary Erik Prince to avoid direct military
intervention abroad. “In 2006, a Zambian minister wept when she saw the
environment in which workers toiled at the Chinese-owned Collum Coal
Mine. Four years later, eleven employees were shot at the site while
protesting working conditions.”(19) While China’s influence is seen as
positive by a majority of people in many African countries,(20) this is
largely due to historical support given to African nations struggling
for self-determination. The examples above demonstrate the
irreconcilable contradiction developing within Chinese imperialism with
its client nations.
“Market Socialism”
Chinese President Xi Jinping talks often of the importance of “Marxism”
to China, of “socialism with Chinese characteristics” and of “market
socialism.” Xi’s defenders in communist subreddits cite Lenin and the
New Economic Policy (NEP) of the Soviet Union to peg our position as
anti-Lenin. There’s a reason we call ourselves Maoists, and not
Leninists. The battle against the theory of the productive forces, and
the form it took in the mass mobilization of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution is core to how we define Maoism as a higher stage of
revolutionary science than Leninism. The Bolsheviks tended toward
upholding the theory of the productive forces, though you can find
plenty in Lenin’s to oppose it as well. Regardless, Lenin believed in
learning from history. We’d say Maoists are the real Leninists.
Lenin’s NEP came in the post-war years, a few years after the
proletariat seized power in Russia. The argument was that capitalist
markets and investment were needed to get the economic ball rolling
again. But China in 1978 was in no such situation. It was rising on a
quarter century of economic growth and radical reorganization of the
economy that unleashed productive forces that were the envy of the rest
of the underdeveloped nations. Imposing capitalist market economics on
China’s socialist economy in 1978 was moving backwards. And while
economic growth continued and arguably increased, social indicators like
unemployment, the condition of wimmin, mental health and crime all
worsened significantly.
The line of the theory of the productive forces is openly embraced by
some Dengists
defending “market socialism.” One of the most in-depth defenses of China
as communist appearing on /r/communism reads:
“Deng Xiaoping and his faction had to address the deeper Marxist
problem: that the transition from a rural/peasant political economy to
modern industrial socialism was difficult, if not impossible, without
the intervening stage of industrial capitalism… First, Chinese market
socialism is a method of resolving the primary contradiction facing
socialist construction in China: backwards productive forces.”(21)
So, our self-described communist detractors openly embrace the lines of
Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi, thereby rejecting the Maoist line and the
Cultural Revolution.
Resilience to Crisis
During the revolution, China was no stranger to economic crisis. From
the time the war against Japan began in 1937 to victory in 1949, goods
that cost 1 yuan had risen to the price of 8,500,000,000,000 yuan!(22)
Controlling inflation was an immediate task of the Chinese Communist
Party after seizing state power. “On June 10, 1949 the Stock Exchange –
that centre of crime located in downtown Shanghai – was ordered to close
down and 238 leading speculators were arrested and indicted.”(23)
Shanghai Stock Exchange was re-established again in 1990. It is
currently the 5th largest exchange, but was 2nd for a brief frenzy prior
to the 2008 global crash.(24)
The eclectic U.$.-based Troskyite organization Workers
World Party (WW) used the 2008 crisis to argue that China was more
socialist than capitalist.(25) The export-dependent economy of China
took a strong blow in 2008. WW points to the subsequent investment in
construction as being a major offset to unemployment. They conclude
that, “The socialist component of the economic foundation is dominant at
the present.” Yet they see the leadership of Xi Jinping as further
opening up China to imperialist manipulation, unlike other groups
discussed above.
Turner addresses the “ghost cities” built in recent years in China as
examples of the anarchy of production under capitalism. Sure they were
state planned, but they were not planned to meet humyn need, hence they
remain largely empty years after construction. To call this socialism,
one must call The New Deal in the United $tates socialism.
Marx explained why crisis was inevitable under capitalism, and why it
would only get worse with time as accumulation grew, distribution became
more uneven, and overproduction occurred more quickly. Socialism
eliminates these contradictions, with time. It does so by eliminating
the anarchy of production as well as speculation. After closing the
Stock Exchange the communists eliminated all other currencies, replacing
them with one state-controlled currency, the Renminbi, or the people’s
currency. Prices for goods as well as foreign currencies were set by the
state. They focused on developing and regulating production to keep the
balance of goods and money, rather than producing more currency, as the
capitalist countries do.(26)
When the value of your stock market triples and then gets cut back to
its original price in the span of a few years, you do not have a
socialist-run economy.(27) To go further, when you have a stock market,
you do not have a socialist economy.
Turner addresses the recent crisis and China’s resiliency, pointing out
that it recently started from a point of zero debt, internally and
externally, thanks to financial policy during the socialist era.(28)
China paid off all external debt by 1964.(29) This has allowed China to
expand its credit/debt load in recent decades to degrees that the other
imperialist countries no longer have the capacity to do. This includes
investing in building whole cities that sit empty.(30)
What is Socialism?
So, if socialism isn’t increasing profits and growing GDP with
state-owned enterprises, what the heck is it? The Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution (GPCR) was the pinnacle of socialist achievement;
that is another one of MIM’s three main points. No one has argued that
the Cultural Revolution has continued or was revived post-1976. In fact,
the Dengists consistently deny that there are any capitalists in the
party to criticize, as they claim “market socialism” denies the
capitalists any power over the economy. This is the exact line that got
Deng kicked out of the CCP before Mao died. Without class struggle, we
do not have socialism, until all classes have been abolished in humyn
society. Class struggle is about the transformation of society into new
forms of organization that can someday lead us to a communist future.
“A fundamental axiom of Maoist thought is that public ownership is only
a technical condition for solving the problems of Chinese society. In a
deeper sense, the goal of Chinese socialism involves vast changes in
human nature, in the way people relate to each other, to their work, and
to society. The struggle to change material conditions, even in the most
immediate sense, requires the struggle to change people, just as the
struggle to change people depends on the ability to change the
conditions under which men live and work. Mao differs from the Russians,
and Liu Shao-chi’s group, in believing that these changes are
simultaneous, not sequential. Concrete goals and human goals are
separable only on paper – in practice they are the same. Once the basic
essentials of food, clothing, and shelter for all have been achieved, it
is not necessary to wait for higher productivity levels to be reached
before attempting socialist ways of life.” (31)
Yet the Dengists defend the “economic reforms” (read:
counter-revolution) after Mao’s death as necessary for expanding
production, as a prerequisite to building socialism.
“The fact that China is a socialist society makes it necessary to
isolate and discuss carefully the processes at work in the three
different forms of ownership: state, communal, and cooperative.”(32)
The Dengists talk much of state ownership, but what of communes and
cooperatives? Well, they were dismantled in the privatization of the
1980s. Dengists cry that there is no private land ownership in China,
and that is a sign that the people own the land. It was. In the 1950s
land was redistributed to peasants, which they later pooled into
cooperatives, unleashing the productive forces of the peasantry. Over
time this collective ownership was accepted as public ownership, and
with Deng’s “reforms” each peasant got a renewable right to use small
plots for a limited number of years. The commune was broken up and the
immediate effects on agriculture and the environment were negative.(33)
Strategic Implications
Overall Turner does a good job upholding the line on what is socialism
and what is not. This book serves as a very accessible report on why
China is an imperialist country based in Leninist theory. The one place
we take issue with Turner is in a discussion of some of the strategic
implications of this in the introduction. Ey makes an argument against
those who would support forces fighting U.$. imperialism, even when they
are backed by other imperialist powers. One immediately thinks of
Russia’s support for Syria, which foiled the Amerikan plans for regime
change against the Assad government. Turner writes, “Lenin and the
Bolshevik Party… argued for ‘revolutionary defeatism’ toward all
imperialist and reactionary powers as the only stance for
revolutionaries.”(34) But what is this “and reactionary powers” that
Turner throws in? In the article, “The Defeat of One’s Own Government in
the Imperialist War,” by “imperialist war” Lenin meant inter-imperialist
war, not an imperialist invasion of a country in the periphery.
In that article Lenin praised the line that “During a reactionary war a
revolutionary class cannot but desire the defeat of its government.” He
writes, “that in all imperialist countries the proletariat must
now desire the defeat of its own government.” While Lenin emphasizes
all here, in response to Turner, we’d emphasize
imperialist. Elsewhere Lenin specifies “belligerent countries”
as the target of this line. So while it is clear that Lenin was not
referring to Syria being invaded by the United $tates as a time that the
proletariat must call for defeat of the government of their country, it
seems that Turner is saying this.
We agree with other strategic conclusions of this book. China seems to
be moving towards consolidating its sphere of influence, which could
lead to consolidation of the world into two blocks once again. While
this is a dangerous situation, with the threat of nuclear war, it is
also a situation that has proven to create opportunities for the
proletariat. Overall, the development and change of the current system
works in the favor of the proletariat of the oppressed nations; time is
on our side. As China tries to maintain its image as a “socialist”
benefactor, the United $tates will feel more pressure to make
concessions to the oppressed and hold back its own imperialist
arrogance.
In 1986, Henry
Park hoped that the CCP would repudiate Marxism soon, writing, “It
is far better for the CCP to denounce Marx (and Mao) as a dead dog than
for the CCP to discredit socialism with the double-talk required to
defend its capitalist social revolution.”(35) Still hasn’t happened, and
it’s not just the ignorant Amerikan who is fooled. Those buying into the
40-year Chinese charade contribute to the continued discrediting of
socialism, especially as this “socialist” country becomes more
aggressive in international affairs.
[We recommend Is China an Imperialist Country? as the best
resource we know on this topic. As for the question of Chinese socialism
being overthrown, please refer to the references below. We highly
recommend The Chinese Road to Socialism for an explanation of
what socialism looks like and why the GPCR was the furthest advancement
of socialism so far.]
In 2012 at Wheeler Correctional Facility (a “Corrections Corporation of
America” facility) the prison was following Georgia Department of
Corrections (GDC)’s standard operating procedure (SOP) for it’s
grievance procedure. Step 1 was an informal grievance (with a 10-day
response time). Writing space on the form was limited to just 3 lines.
Responses were also limited to 3 lines. Step 2 was a formal grievance
(with a 30-day response time). Writing space was a 2.5” by 6” box on the
form. If required, the prisoner could attach 1 additional page to the
grievance. For my formal grievance, I used the entire box and 1
attachment page. This was approximately 34 more additional lines of
pertinent information to investigate than on my informal grievance.
However, the response I received was the same verbatim 3-sentence
response I received to my informal. This was the practice at Wheeler
Correctional Facility in 2012. At Step 3, the appeal to GDC’s Central
Office, I complained that merely repeating the same response to the
informal grievance was ignoring the information/concerns contained in
the 34 more additional lines of information in my formal grievance. I
also pointed out this implied the prison wasn’t investigating formal
grievances and that this would constitute deliberate indifference.
Later the same month GDC’s central office issued a statewide memorandum
to both it’s state facilities and the private facilities who’s grievance
procedure it oversees (Wheeler Correctional Facility is one of them),
announcing statewide policy changes in the following manner: 1. The
informal step of the grievance procedure is abolished, and; 2. an
optional 10-day extension was added to the 30 day response time for
formal grievances.
This is actually a decision in our favor. One reason is because now the
facility-level grievance process requires less unnecessary writing.
Another reason is because the optional 10-day extension is rarely, if
ever, being taken and because of this it is now taking less time to
receive responses to grievances which formerly would have initially
lingered, unresolved, through the informal step of the process. This is
true for the majority of all grievances filed.
I will now share one of the methods I’ve created for defeating one of
the tactics which prison officials use to wrongfully deny grievances. A
tactic frequently used by prison officials, to wrongfully reject or deny
a prisoner’s legitimate grievance, is to intentionally misinterpret
pertinent information relevant to the grievance as being “multiple
issues” or “more than one issue”. This doesn’t necessarily mean the
grievance is complaining of more than one issue. It’s often just
information necessary to explain or understand your grievance, or to
allow an effective investigation into your grievance, etc. Whatever the
scenario in your particular case, you should emphasize this in the
appeal of your rejected/denied grievance.
As a pre emptory strike to prevent prison officials from utilizing this
“multiple issues” tactic, I will begin the 1st sentence of my formal
grievance by writing “this is a grievance of…”, then I state the single
issue I am grieving. I follow this by writing “all other information
contained in this grievance is necessary for explaining or understanding
the grievance”, etc.
Because I have already clarified this to prison officials in advance,
they cannot rely on their supposed confusion, as to what issue you are
grieving, to reject or deny your grievance for “multiple issues”. If
they do, then just point out this error in reasoning in your appeal. For
example, “The grievance is not of multiple issues, as I have clearly
identified the single issues I am grieving in the 1st sentence of my
grievance”. Your appeal of such a denial should also explain that prison
officials allegation of “multiple issues” (when they already know
better, because you’d already clarified this for them in the first
sentence of your grievance), can only be construed as a retaliation
against you for having utilized the grievance procedure. Be sure to
explain your latter allegation, of retaliation, “information necessary
for an understanding of the appropriateness for this appeal”.
I have seen that when you are consistently being this specific and
reasonable it renders prison officials unable to utilize this particular
tactic without it becoming obvious that they are retaliating against you
in violation of your 1st amendment rights. This makes a prima facie
showing of retaliation so plain it would allow a court to side with you
against prison officials’ motion for dismissal of summary judgement
(alleging that you failed to exhaust your administrative remedies), by
ruling that you properly complied with the grievance procedure and
therefore have exhausted your administrative remedies as required by the
Prisoner’s Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) §42 U.S.C. 1997(e)(a).
In addition, I encourage anyone who encounters this “multiple issues”
tactic to report it by executing the grievance petition available from
MIM’s “We Demand Our Grievances Be Addressed” grievance campaign. Like
the editor’s have said, even if this initially fails, such failures can
be used to show how the purportedly neutral criminal injustice system
contrives against us.
There’s something big going on down here in Texas, concerning a civil
suit under the civil action # 4:14C vol698 under Judge Keith P. Ellison
- 515 Rusk, Room 8631 in Houston, Texas 77208 - U.S. District Court
Southern District of Texas. That’s the reason why my address changed.
They have placed injunctions on the Pack 1 unit in Nava Sota, TX 77868
which 1100 inmates were moved off of that unit, and the Springfellow in
Rosharon, TX 77583 600 were moved concerning unsafe or extremely harsh
conditions.
There’s no air in the T.D.C.J. system, and there’s been 8 to 9 deaths
within the year on the Pack 1 unit and we were over there in Sept. to
Oct. 1 around about and I witness one myself. Anyway, people that take
psych medication, high blood pressure, diabetic, asthma, along with a
few more health condition what places heat restrictions on you can’t be
on T.D.C.J. units without air conditioning. So that’s caused a big
uproar here in Texas. None of their units or facilities has air except
about 3 or 4 and that’s where they had six month programs for people
with an F1-6 pre-release but they’ve had to shut those down. There’s
people on the floors, disabled people on top bunks because there’s not
enough bottom bunks etc. etc. it’s bad. These injunctions are really
shaking things up here in Texas. I’ve wrote the courts under the action
#4:14C vol698 and ask for more info - because it’s a class action suit
that I’m involved in, maybe I will have something to send to you all.
Here’s the thing about the Texas prison system, if you’re the one that
likes to medicate themselves with K2 or psych drugs then the system is a
cake walk. I’ve been here many times but when I woke up and saw the real
picture it was too late. Now I want you to understand that society plays
a vital role in this campaign of slavery and drug trafficking. The
prisoners these days don’t care about nothing but K2 and commissary. The
Texas prisoners won’t put their foot down for nothing but when the
pleasures have been taken from them. The guards bring that shit in here
and they’re making big money. The powers that be will let just enough
drugs in to keep the masses from rioting, as long as the masses think
they’re being slick by getting drugs in then there won’t be any waves.
Society is so jacked up with their own problems, and not to mention how
the smoke and mirrors are being used by the power that be.