MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
www.prisoncensorship.info is a media institution run by the Maoist Internationalist Ministry of Prisons. Here we collect and publicize reports of conditions behind the bars in U.$. prisons. Information about these incidents rarely makes it out of the prison, and when it does it is extremely rare that the reports are taken seriously and published. This historical record is important for documenting patterns of abuse, and also for informing people on the streets about what goes on behind the bars.
I was watching TMZ on the tell-a-lie-vision before chow time and they
was speaking on how publishers will cease publishing six of Dr. Seuss’s
books for racist depictions of lumpen and Third World peoples. Charles
and Harvey were speaking on how the culture has changed from fifteen
years ago where these books were acceptable in the public opinion, but
now in this “Cancel Culture” where everyone has a “high sensitivity of
social consciousness” and is on the assault on anything offensive to
race or gender, etc. Charles and Harvey pose the question of where we’ll
be fifteen years from now? But what I have to ask is, are we just
getting into the age of ‘Cancel Culture’ or have we always been
here?
Now this ‘Cancel Culture’ is what we been viewing for the past four
years at least. Where celebrities, directors and individuals in the U.$.
political arena end up getting their whole careers and lives stopped for
acts like sexual harassment, racist statements or acts (old or new
photos and videos) being exposed to the public and the public being in a
state of outrage. But the lumpen and Third World proletariat have always
been in a “Cancel Culture” and the reason is only because the
imperialist/capitalists would rather live in luxury off the labor of the
Third World proletariat, instead of living to make it equal for all
peoples and folks to meet their needs which will be a state of
socialism.
Now in this “Cancel Culture” season or era, is imperialism/capitalism
or the RAPE of the lumpen and Third World proletariat going to end? How
it looks like to me, we still have a long way to go. It amazes me that
individuals are shocked about the Royal family tripping out on how dark
the skin tone of Prince Harry and Meghan Markle’s son would be, or how
the royal family wasn’t going to give Archie the title of prince or a
security force surrounding him. Oh, you thought that the Mother of
Imperialism and Capitalism, the main country that colonized the world
and titled their territories the “Commonwealth,” would be as
‘reformative’ or ‘progressive’ as her daughter Amerikkka is? We’ll see
how that’ll turn out without us changing the powers that be. DON’T GET
CAUGHT UP IN THE HYPE!
As revolutionaries, we don’t want reform. We want a cancellation of
Imperialistic/Capitalist power. The end of the rape of the Third World
proletariat and lumpen. Let’s not get caught up in the mainstream
revolutionary popularity contest, stay in the studies of Maoism,
Leninism and Marxism, and the true authentic history of whatever nation
one may be from. Find methods to cancel imperialistic/capitalistic
culture and spread the concepts and ideologies of communism to further
advance the movement in a positive and productive way, and liberate
one’s nation and those who are in the same boat as us. And trust that
comrades will come aid and assist in one’s righteous endeavors of the
freedom from the bondage of imperialism and capitalism! Go through the
stage of socialism where we are always in power over the bourgeoisie to
stop the comeback of capitalism. And proceed into communism, which is
the long-term goal.
CANCEL THE OPPRESSOR AND LIBERATE THE OPPRESSED PEOPLES AND
KENSFOLK!!!
I’ll never speak ill of the dead. However, if by telling their
stories, we can prevent needless suffering, then those stories must be
told. There is both beauty and power within our words. If we are to
progress from erudite to enlightened, then we are obligated to speak
effectively and responsibly. Sometimes, the greatest damage is done by
not speaking up or not speaking out.
When I first saw Ms. Woods, I couldn’t help but ask my neighbor “Wow!
Who is that?” Oh sure, I’ve seen some very attractive guards down here.
But this girl seemed almost too pretty to be working at a prison. My
cellie spoke up and said “Do yourself a favor bro, leave that one alone.
She’s poison candy. Nice shiny wrapper on the outside… but completely
toxic inside.”
I take everything with a grain of salt down here. Surely, this was an
exaggeration. I thought these two were just being cynical. Time in here
has a way of making people jaded. You’re either going to get better or
bitter. Unfortunately, their warnings proved to be both timely and
accurate. From the first moment she opened her mouth, the most venomous
hatred imaginable spewed out.
For the most part, I wouldn’t have to be around her very much. I’d
managed to land a good job at our unit print shop. Four days a week, I’d
be gone for 12 hours a day. Guards here work 4 on 4 off. So that even
further reduced my chances of seeing her. I figured I could handle just
about anything for 3 days. Guess I was wrong.
My very first run-in with her happened on a Saturday. I knew to be at
my cell when they called count time. They came through and did their
thing. Then the lights turned out. I went into the restroom to finish
getting ready for visit. I heard a door pop open moments later, only to
be followed by her screaming “10 bunk!” then a string of profanities.
Talk about getting caught with your pants down. She walks by while I’m
still on the toilet, screaming, “You’re getting a case!”
My neighbor walks over and says “She took your I.D. bro! And your
house is thrashed!” Sure enough, I get back to my cubicle and it’s a
mess. Everything is on the floor. She wasn’t even doing a search. She
simply did it out of spite. By the time I get things almost back in
order, it’s about to be lunch. She’s still got my I.D. card, but now
she’s nowhere to be found. Great. Hopefully, I can track her down before
I get called in for visit.
Sure enough, lunch rolls around and I gotta tell them to punch in my
number. “Ms. Woods took my I.D.” The guard at chow hall looks up and
smiles, “Sucks to be you!” By the time I get back to the wing, they call
me for visit. I leave to find the sergeant to explain that I can’t get
into visitation without it. He tells me, “She probably went on break to
write you up. Don’t worry about the case. I got you. From now on, you’d
better steer clear of that one! Got it?”
The weeks fly by, and I’m fortunate enough to only see her in
passing. Oh sure, she’s definitely pretty to look at, but now I avoid
her like the plague. All I’m trying to do is stay out of their way.
One day my boss at print shop says “Okay, shut it down. They’re
racking up the farm.” We get out to the back gate and they make me sit
down. All these guards go running past us headed for one building.
Two guards are talking between themselves, but we can hear over the
radio chatter that there has been another assault on staff. Now these
guards start to argue, “Look, I don’t care where you put them! But they
gotta be out here so that ambulance can come in!”
By the time we get back to our own building, all hell has broken
loose. We can hear the warden’s voice on another radio screaming, “LOCK
IT DOWN!!” They got one of the halls blocked off. As we walk by to go
back in our wing, we can see all these burgundy pools of coagulated
blood. This is bad.
Soon as we walk in, they ask me, “Did you hear about Officer Woods?
DUDE … he beat the brakes off of her!” I look down at him and ask,
“Who?” his eyes get real big when he says “Smitty! I thought y’all knew.
Man … he just flipped out! Followed her right out the door into deep
space, knocked her out, and then went to WORK on her! After that they
say he just walked up to the desk and turned around so they could put
the cuffs on him.”
After three weeks of lockdown, we were finally able to go back to
work. Then I learned the rest of the story. Seems that while Smitty was
off work on his bereavement, Woods went in and tossed his cell. The
straw that broke the camel’s back was when she took his pictures off his
wall. You see … this poor man had just lost his mother, sister and baby
daughter, all in quick succession within about six weeks of each
other.
Now, of course, I wasn’t there to see it, but everybody says he got
down on his hands and knees to BEG that woman not to take those precious
photos. I’m told that even after he explained their sudden deaths, she
callously laughed in his face and said “Forget your dead family.” Only
she chose to use a different “F” word.
That beating wasn’t what killed her. It was the lifestyle. Reports
say that they saved her life multiple times, both on the way to the
hospital and in the operating room once she got there. There was
extensive reconstructive surgery. Nobody will even know the full extent
of the traumatic brain injury. It’s often those scars on the inside,
that just won’t heal.
After a few months off, she returned to work. Doctors had done an
amazing job, considering the extent of her injuries. Her entire face was
pulverized. Oh, she was still somewhat pretty. But those drop dead
gorgeous, model-quality features, were long gone. Her nose, eyes and
cheekbones weren’t the same. People couldn’t tell if they were dentures
or implants, but that smile would never be the same either.
You see … all along, she’d been manipulated and exploited by the
gangs. For almost her entire tenure, she’d been smuggling in dope and
cell phones. The perverts had simply preyed on her own insecurity. How
could somebody so stunning on the outside be completely devoid of the
true beauty that only comes from within? The only way prison officials
ever found out about her activities was when they busted somebody with
one of those phones.
The photos and videos were as numerous as they were explicit. So was
all that contact information. It was a treasure trove of evidence. She’d
also been prostituting herself. The predators had simply used her, then
discarded her like some piece of garbage. Administration walked her off
the unit in disgrace.
In the end, the prosecution’s job would be easy. She was facing a
long list of criminal charges. I suppose the stress of an impending
court trial, along with everything else, simply proved to be too much
for her. I was SOOOO HOPING that all those rumors weren’t true.
Unfortunately, she really did it. Ms. Woods died of a single gunshot
wound to the head. She put the pistol in her mouth – just to stop the
pain.
We found out about officer Woods’ suicide in 2019. A few months ago,
we found out that Ms. Davis had met a similar fate. We are still unclear
as to whether her death was a suicide or accidental overdose. The
specifics of each of these tragedies is not nearly as important as the
root causes of the problem, which remains the Texas Department of
Criminal Justice. TDCJ does not care about stopping the rampant
corruption and injustice here in Texas. Everyone from the newest
correctional officers to the top administrative officials are complicit
and therefore profits from this malfeasance!
MIM(Prisons) adds: We have seen some interesting things
in the last year or so. Some prison systems have instituted egregious
restrictions on mail claiming it was used to smuggle drugs, and all
prisons locked down completely with no visitors for months due to the
global pandemic. Yet, reports from prison after prison, from state to
state to the feds, have unanimously reported no
change in the availability of contraband during these periods.
The imperialists portray ending crime as a great mystery that can’t
be solved, a timeless problem that we can only respond to with force and
punishment. This is metaphysics, it fails to look at the past, at humyn
societies before classes and poverty, at countries who built socialism
and virtually eliminated drug abuse, prostitution, theft, hunger,
homelessness, etc. These things go hand-in-hand. Our crime-ridden
society is not eternal, it stems from our economic system and is
reinforced by the cultural ideas that come with such a system. Changing
the economic system is hard, it will take determination and sacrifice by
many. But once we do, ending so much needless suffering and conflict
between humyns is not so hard.
This is a response to the article “King
Von’s Passing and Lumpen Hip-Hop Culture.” After reading this
article, it made me think about my own upbringing back in the Midwest
during the beginning of what is now called “Drill music.” A lot of us
younger folks gravitated towards this latest sound of gangsta rap due to
relation of the folks rapping about their own organization, street,
block or side of the city. Both the Gangster Disciples and the Black
Disciples representing themselves, and also dissed each other which led
to the deaths of many, such as Lil Jojo, who was a young G.D. member to
King Von who was a B.D. member. But what would Larry Hoover Sr. and
David Barksdale say about all that’s been going on?
As kensfolks, we grew up with each other (G.D.’s and B.D.’s) most
likely. Went to the same schools, went or still attend the same church
or mosque, live on the same side of town, even lived at each others’
homes at a period of time. We have family members who are members of
both G.D.’s and B.D.’s, like the word KENSFOLKS, we’re all FAMILY and
its time for WE to engage in a family reunion to right all wrongs that’s
been happening in our communities. If you’re a member of the G.D.’s or a
member of the B.D.’s, or the other Disciple subsets, WE all say FOLKS at
the end.
G.D.’s, B.D.’s and the other subsets of Disciples out in the free
society in some communities are already in the commission of the family
reunion, and are growing and developing to be more righteous members of
our society. Being the beacons of light to uplift humanity out of its
fallen state. It’s now time to push it into full effect, show ourselves
and to the world who look at us for the culture, which was stated in the
article, “…The lingo that was used only in certain blocks and
neighborhoods of SOUTHSIDE Chicago can now be heard from all major
cities in the United $tates from Atlanta to Los Angeles…”. So let’s come
and show reconciliation to one another and to be learned in the right
way, so WE can fight in a United Front for the Freedom of our brothers
and sisters of struggle, our leaders, Freedom Fighters and political
prisoners behind these prison walls.
MO FIRE!!! MO FIRE!!!
FREE LARRY HOOVER SR. AND ALL POLITICAL LEADERS!! AND MOE POWER TO
THE KENSFOLKS NATION!!!
The Koncentration Kkkamps holding migrant children are horrific. We
see images of dog kennels being used to warehouse these babies and not
enough is being done to shut them down. The U.$. “Left” has been unable
to respond properly and something more needs to be done.
We recently discussed this issue where the Chicano Nation has
supported the actions of many issues and will continue to do so but when
it comes to kids in kkkages the turn out of non-Raza allies is slim to
none. This has to change.
The Republic of Aztlán (ROA) has taken a firm stand on this issue. We
attend all actions that we can for all forms of injustice and we will
continue to have boots on the ground. However, we have reached a
position that if we are asked to do security or speak at an action or
event if the hosts do not speak on the kids in kkkages we will decline.
We will still attend, but will not do security or speak if these allies
are not addressing these kids at this particular action.
We feel that we must apply pressure on the overall movement and push
them to be more revolutionary. This small act may not succeed but we
will have tried.
Children held in dog kennels should affect anyone with an ounce of
humynity. People say “Free all political prisoners.” These kids, in our
opinion, are political prisoners. More than that, it’s a crime against
humynity what is occurring.
The ROA will continue our campaign to free the kids. We are currently
organizing a tour where we will address the Kids in Kkkages from
Califaztlan to New York, so stay tuned.
[MIM(Prisons) are not lawyers. The legal information provided by
jailhouse lawyers in ULK is verified to the best of our
ability. This particular issue seems like a winnable battle based on the
information provided, but winning will take more effort by comrades in
Texas.]
Prisoners in Texas are having the money from their stimulus checks
taken by the state to pay fees and restitutions. Section 272(d)(2) of
the Consolidated Appropriations Act provides that the second round of
stimulus checks ‘shall not be transferable or assignable, at law or in
equity, and no applicable payment shall be subject to execution, levy,
attachment, garnishment, or other legal process, or the operation of any
bankruptcy or insolvency law.’ This means that this round of stimulus
checks may not be garnished to cover overdue debts by federal or state
prisons.(1)
The stimulus checks have the same protections as the United States
Veteran Affairs Administration whom sends millions of checks across the
country to incarcerated former military service men and women whom only
get 10% of such checks.
People held by the Texas Department of Criminal Justice - Correction
Institutions Division(TDCJ-CID) are having their stimulus checks stolen
from their inmate trust funds accounts due to debts owed in the
following categories, with the percent of each deposit they will deduct
for each category:
current/prior TDCJ sentences (old or new, no amount specified)
I have written a complaint – a TDCJ Step One Offender Grievance Form
No. 2021020837 that said the direction would come form the IRS as to
whether those stimulus checks would be exempt from collection. The
response was that this “action was out of the control of the unit, no
action warranted.”
Thereafter, I appealed that response in another complaint Step Two
Offender Grievance Form. I wrote the agents in charge at the IRS
Department of the Treasury in Austin, TX but never received any
response.
Scholl v. Mnuchin, et al. No.4:20-cv-05309-PJH ND Cal.; Appeal
Docket No. 20-16915 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of
prisoners getting stimulus checks while incarcerated. The checks in
question should not be confused with the most recent $1400 checks under
current Presdient Joseph Biden. It was the $1200 and $600 checks under
President Donald Trump that were ruled on. These checks should be issued
whether one is incarcerated or not because everybody is affected by this
global crisis.
According to The Intercept the TDCJ was ironically the only
state they spoke to that claimed it was not garnishing stimulus checks
to its prisoners. Many, if not all, states have seemingly been breaking
the law in doing so.(2)
There is a solution to safe-guard some form of protection to those
stimulus checks or other funds.
MIM(Prisons) adds: The author provided names of some
companies that used to provide banking services for prisoners. These
companies all seem to have closed down. We leave this note here as a
suggestion for possible solutions to storing your stimulus money if you
can find a similar service that is trusted.
Also note, that according to caresactprisoncase.org, if you have not
filed the tax forms for the stimulus checks by 15 April 2021 you may not
be able to receive them. At the same time, the official word has gone
back and forth on how all this works.
Some comrades have written in to say they are boycotting the stimulus
checks. While we agree that these stimulus checks are a means of buying
off the population in U.$. borders with wealth stolen from the Third
World, as individuals we can still do good things with this money. Like
how we view investing in the stock market, we do not take a moralistic
view of this money and encourage comrades to get the funds they are
legally due and put them to good use in projects serving the people and
building independent institutions of the oppressed.
As social conditions on both sides of the walls cause dissent and
unrest, formerly disengaged elements are beginning to ask profound
questions regarding the contradictions of humyn society. As these
queries continue, people continue to seek out answers. It is at this
point where imperialist institutions begin to up the intensity of their
censorship.
In recent months, retail giant Amazon censored a book entitled
Capitalism on a Ventilator: The Impact of COVID-19 in China &
the U.S. The company sent a notice on its censorship of the book
and its up-to-date information on COVID-19 stating, “Amazon reserves the
right to determine what content we offer according to our content
guidelines. Your book does not comply with those guidelines. As a
result, we are not offering your book for sale.” Amazon claims to refer
people only to “official sources of advice” on the COVID-19 virus, yet
there are an abundance of conspiracy theory books on COVID, calling it a
hoax.
People and groups on the supposed “left” have initiated a campaign on
Twitter consisting of sending an ever flowing stream of tweets at Amazon
founder Jeff Bezos.
The above mentioned book was written by a collection of people around
the world and edited by both a U.S. and a Chinese activist. The book
puts forth answers to questions being asked, most importantly: “why is
China doing so much better containing the virus?” Evidence and available
data show that China’s containment of the virus stems from its free
medical care and its planned economic system being supposedly
“science-based and co-operative.” This book does an injustice to
socialism by insinuating that China, Laos, Cuba, Vietnam and North Korea
are socialist or are currently attempting to build socialism. That is
not true. But it does stand to reason that those previously socialist
nations, with their residue of socialism, are doing better because of
said residue.
Behind enemy lines on occupied Turtle Island, captives of the
imperialist state have been active in resistance during the recent rise
in social unrest. One of the various tactics used by the agents of
repression has been to pick up the intensity of institutional harassment
and mail censorship. Mail of prisoners known or suspected to be
visionary leaders and protagonists has recently begun to completely
disappear without any notice of censorship or denial. This same nucleus
of captives has seen the disappearance of stimulus checks, political
writings advocating communism, revolutionary nationalism, and writings
exposing recent pig physical abuse against defenseless captives.
These disappearances are clearly politically motivated, as only
activists and revolutionaries are subject to these tactics. Even more
far reaching, is the delay in mail, both outgoing and incoming. Comrades
within this nucleus received a recent mailing from comrades at MIM
(Prisons) one month after it was mailed.
In response, it is paramount that comrades and visionary captives
take steps to maneuver around obstacles put in place to neutralize our
righteous revolutionary cause(s). Security culture inside the walls and
out must be practiced in the extreme.
If there is nothing to be made known of the affects the bourgeois
mis-education systems have on oppressed nations and internal
semi-colonies within the (un)United State of Amerika, there is one thing
that will give truth to power. The U.$. is a police state. The majority
of the general public is a cop guard regime, and all parts of amerikan
society are affected, and infected, with the virus of police-ism.
Popular politics revolve around contest between the identities of
so-called classes that don’t even relate itself to the revolutionary
workers and exploited labourer of the internationalist proletariat.
The common theme of the COVID-19 era has been, big ups to the
frontline workers, and first responders. But it shows how little
resistance there is for the bourgeoisie news and social media,
non-truths trend on instagram and snapchat while those who are truly
exploited – from the prison population to the homeless and migrant
labourer populations, the disenfranchised are steady marginalized into
social sub-sects of the lumpen-proletariat. It sucks having little
determination of one’s national independence. The oppressor nation has
the power to Jedi mind trick its internal populations into accepting
ideas of itself as suffering classes deserving of priority in the
distribution of natural resources, while semi-colonies die the slow
painful death. The U.$. has been sick long before the rise of COVID-19
imperialist world order.
Many on the liberal leftist side of Turtle Island remain hopeful of a
sudden shift in the exploiters justice system, and the economical
maneuvering of the petty bourgeoisie to redistribute wealth and
punishment in equality. Thing is hopefulness is unlogical in
circumstances that requires skepticism. It’s as critical as Vietnam, the
draft and Muhammad Ali, refusing to attend the appointment with jungles
of the Asian continent in the Amerikkkan draft. Chances are, most of
those within the internal semi-colonies of these United $nakes, with the
least to lose in breaking with the exploiter nation, they will be
drowned out by the noise campaigns of dress-up revolutionaries, culture
vultures, and agent provocateurs. The last being the most dangerous to
nationalist leaders of the First World Lumpen amongst Turtle Island’s
internationalist Maoist modeled groups.
Kicking
New Afrikan Internationalist Principles as a USW Leader
The bourgeois nationalists are able to quote the phrases of classical
revolutionary leaders and anti-imperialists but their necessities for
true internationalism is just a metamorphisized lesser form of activism;
never truly the form of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. As the U.$ofA
imperialist and parasitic capitalist are brutally proliferating, the
lies of the petty bourgeoisie are spread. These lies have become a sort
of plague that infects the minds of our youth de-socialized as First
World lumpen (FWL). True works of revolutionary nationalist culture are
suppressed. Today’s youth (including many FWL) run to the bourgeois
nationalist for education, and these ideas of reactionary, watered-down
nationalist politics of New Afrikan and Aztlán liberation, with
political jargon by Liberals’ approach to revolutionary action for
national liberation.
Subjugation, colonialism and neo-colonialism is the cause of certain
lack of knowledge. Then, with social media acting as the death alter,
sacrificing one’s youth to do something the world SEES, these so-called
nationalist and internationalists become inept, specifically when it
come time for true actions to spring forth from the FWL. Yet, there’s a
pattern throughout history for this. We see these individuals protesting
against certain injustices, but is it truly Revolutionary Suicide? Does
it liberate all beings subjugated?
Dialectical materialism is a concept that We’ve adapted to due to
Maoist Internationalist form of thinking. One must know how to formulate
a purpose of an ideology-movement. Once we’ve compared all past actions
of national liberation, next we take revolutionary action. But how does
the youth of today know the works of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, when their
grandparents and parents were fed misinformation about liberation? We
leave the youth no militant alternative but to turn to bourgeois
nationalism. These individuals that speak of half revolutionary truths.
They know the path of liberation, and what it will take to end
oppression in the world, but in their actions of so-called change these
bourgeois nationalist only aim to reform policies of subjugation. It’s
like asking to desegregate a school, but there’s still white/black,
girl/boy bathrooms, separating the ethnic groups of that school. We only
enable police policies, which aim to further the impression of
anti-socialism, capitalist-imperialistic psychology, determined
psychology because of how police-ism has become a philosophy that has
instinctively mingled with the psyche of certain amerikans, and as now
the psychology of most amerikans, including Blacks, Chican@, Asians and
First Nations.
#BLM/Black Lives Matter is an agenda that has attracted many
followers. But everything that is a trend has attracted many followers.
Just follow social media within the exploiter nation USA.com. The
Republic of New Afrika and Aztlán need to realize that if we continue to
separate the oppressed into subject classes and ethnic groups, their
nations will forever be tools of bourgeois nationalists.
These systems of oppression were constructed in the exploiter nations
constitution, a constitution bent on enslaving half of its population
and disenfranchising the rest into minorities. Bourgeois nationalists
disguised as bi-racial issue organizing groups. Protest that life or
these lives matter, but lets argue the case why the BLM agenda screams
Black Lives Matter, when more Blacks murder each other than so-called
police do year round? Though pigs murder of so-called black men and
women and children should be an issue addressed, it shouldn’t just be as
one particular race or class, when race doesn’t exist to be national
requirement of liberation and class struggle doesn’t really exist. The
majority of Amerikan society are cops, what’s there to struggle
over?
Take for example in other nations, like Palestine or Somalia, where
it is known there’s a military presence by the U$ofA Africom and other
oppressor nations, are all oppressing these independent national
struggles that are less armed than the colonialist military settlers.
The Liberal left of the U.$. scream pro-choice but in turn dictate to
Third World womyn what they can or cannot do with their bodies. How is
this pro-choice?? This is dividing the oppressed nations. And don’t
mention the sterilization methods of U.$. state prisons, used against
female prisoners to destroy reproductive powers of social rejects.
When FWL proletariat eradicate the pig system of abuse and instead
begin building platforms to proliferate the ideas of MIM, nationalist
organizers amongst lumpen organizations will have the voice of the
people in the revolutionary objective.
With practical application of class disturbance, integration with the
masses, and rigorous international study of Maoist theory, relevant to
revolutionary history, with understanding of the nature of fighting and
serving the people economically, we’ll address the flow of wealth that
exploiters use to control world-wide populations.
Serving the oppressed in the First World, amongst the First Nation
semi-colonies, tribes and lumpen organizations, means to eradicate
super-exploiter systems and bourgeois nationalist personalities who
advocate for said exploiting Amerikans. They won’t accept responsibility
in the crimes against First Nation populations. They will hide and
advocate increased police-ism reform vs. defund city council and police
unions satisfying their guilty conscious with exploitation by the lesser
of two evils.
Reformist and revisionist Black Lives Matter nationalists need to
take their method of study and use it to shapeshift into an ideology, or
philosophy that leads to MIM. These must become the FWL youths’
alternatives to ushering in a socialist revolution.
Global
Jubilee and Reparations to Africans in CA, USA
In the United $tates of Amerikkka, Black New Afrikan George Floyd has
their face plastered across the walls of convenience stores within the
territories of occupied Dakota, Aztlán, New Afrika, and Makesh. But the
true question is what will it take to unite the multitudes of FWL that
lumpen leaders like G. Floyd mentored?
The pop culture of police-ism disguised as socialist nation building
must be struggled against. Using the unity of fact checking and
scientific decision making, leaders strengthen national resources like
the independent institutions of learning, healthcare, labor, housing and
entertainment. Not to fall into the politrix of revisionist co-opting
for a lesser slice of servitude.
As USA.com states like California are manufacturing legislative
measures like the African-American Reparations Bill to wave liability of
wrongs committed against indentured servants/slave laborers of the
Afrikan diaspora. There will be no reconciliations between New Afrikans
and the oppressor nation pig regimes, unless the pigs swallow the cliff
edge of the square they so gladly occupy. In by none but armed struggle
will national reparations for all of New Afrika be possible, including
We imprisoned.
The death rate of oppressed nation prisoners, a number that is still
hidden from us, is part of what classifies them as semi-colonies,
members of the lumpen proletariat by the political targeting of cop
patrols disguised as social welfare workers. The fact remains the same
prisoners exposed to COVID-19 suffer physical attacks form the cop
union. The only way to mediate the national contradiction is to arm the
prisoners re-entering society with a distrust for integration with a
system that has deliberately exposed them to a terminal disease.
National liberation for fighters in the First World must materialize
into stronger leanings towards the culture of anti-police-ism,
struggling against increased police occupation of internal semi-colonies
disguised as national liberation healthcare relief or economic rescue
plans. It’s a trap, B. Don’t eat the swine of the captors, invaders from
the petty bourgeoisie. None of what the pig state offers will appreciate
in time. The military presence of the U.$. army brigades and national
guard’s COVID welfare systems are surely signs of the time.
Be mindful, stay watching and prepare to fight! Uhuru Sasa!!!
In the 27 years of being confined within these walls, the Texas
Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ) has always blamed families,
claiming that the families are the ones who smuggle dangerous contraband
(cellphones, meth, K2, heroin) into the prisons. As of today, we’ve been
without visits over a year, due to COVID-19, yet this place is still
full of contraband.
Last month several prisoners died from suicide, overdoses, and others
hurt fellow prisoners while high on drugs. In order to cover up what’s
really going on, the unit was placed on lock down, and a team was
brought to shake down and tear up our property. While all this was going
on, the only form of communication with our families, the phones, was
turned off. We were punished because guards brought the drugs and the
prisoners used them.
TDCJ officials and higher-ups refuse to admit there’s a serious
problem within the system, and it’s not the prisoners. Prisoners can’t
go out the gate, purchase contraband, then return to prison. It’s just
not possible. How can prisoners rehabilitate themselves when there’s
more drugs in here than out there? Society should take a closer look at
the real problem and remember that a lot of prisoners will return to
communities out there worse than before, due to the drugs the guards
bring into this place.
Someone with a voice of authority and who’s willing to dedicate
themselves to bringing new change, needs to step up to this problem.
Millions of taxpayers’ dollars are being given to prisons, supposedly to
rehabilitate prisoners – it’s the biggest lie prison officials tell the
public. Only a handful of prisoners are being rehabilitated. The rest
are walking around like zombies high on meth or K2.
I humbly request that my comrades at MIM please help bring this
situation to the proper officials, maybe then change will come, that
will truly help to rehabilitate my brothers in this place, who are dying
from the poison the true criminals (guards) bring to these
prisons.
Under Lock &
Key No. 59 dealt in depth with the problem of drugs in prisons, how
widespread they were, and the very strong material interest of the
prisoners and staff involved in the drug trade to keep that going. The
above experiments of closing down visitation and mail demonstrate
scientifically that it is primarily staff bringing in the drugs. This is
not unique to Texas.
This evidence is damning. And we stand with all comrades locked up
who oppose the scourge of drugs being brought into prisons by the
state’s very own staff. The censorship and harassment of family members
and prisoners themselves also must stop. For our whole lifetimes, drugs
have been brought into our communities by the state and then used as an
excuse to oppress, harass and control. The drugs themselves serving to
control and subdue the people.
We are expanding the work of our Serve the People Re-Lease on Life
program with a new revolutionary 12 Step Program to help those with all
kinds of addictions to re-create themselves as new, revolutionary
humyns. We must build a culture of true rehabilitation that the state is
not providing, as this comrade points out. Only programs of the people,
can really serve the peoples’ interests.
Meanwhile, we want to work with prisoners and their families to
pressure the state to recognize these facts that are being exposed
thanks to the pandemic. If we can get them to reduce the amount of drugs
their staff sneak into prisons, we can reduce the harm they are having
on our people behind bars.
There’s been a substantial amount of reports on increases in
depression and mental health disorders in the United $tates due to the
shelter-in-place orders. In September, Time Magazine cited a
study that showed severe depression being reported by 5.1% of people, up
from 0.7% before the pandemic. The common explanation for this increase
is social isolation combined with uncertainty and fear. Yet we have a
prison system that regularly uses more extreme forms of social isolation
(for example no internet, and being locked down in a literal cage),
uncertainty and fear and people often look at the people in these
prisons as being mentally ill. In reality, we are seeing a massive
experiment on the larger society that shows this is how most people
react in the conditions we face in prison. So what does it mean to be
mentally ill, if this is socially induced?
It means this place will drive you crazy. If not by having hardly any
contact with the opposite sex, then by isolation in a small cell
(including being allowed 3 showers a week and an hour of recreation
outside your cell 5 days a week). This is not normal and causes abnormal
effects.
As you sit in your dwelling long enough you become a different
person. You may find yourself venting or doing things you normally
wouldn’t do, like burning down your cell or town.
A person may go a period of time without speaking. An elderly
self-disciplined person may stay quiet, longing, but when one does break
their silence they will talk for an hour or two until they burn
themselves out. This will usually occur once a day in conditions where
there’s only one person to talk to, as it is an HCON (high) Control
Purpose.
Others began to talk to spirits and demons. In some cases, this is
stimulated by them making up stuff in their mind, but there are also
diagnosed paranoid prisoners who scream every time the light cuts on and
they open their eyes. They also fight demons.
Solitary confinement can also lead to suicide, as an escape. There
have been people committing reactionary suicide, like Biscuit from the
movie Life, when he ran across the gun line because he
“couldn’t go on living.” Psychologists don’t even bother to get to know
who you are or talk you through your problems. They either give you some
drugs to experiment with or decline to help you altogether. They are
unconcerned that abused children are liable to grow up with an
attachment disorder which doesn’t necessarily require medication but
does require TLC, which a half-dozen psychiatrists can’t provide for the
1200 prisoners here.
On Segregation we receive even less communication with our families
who can provide that loving sanctuary and keep us sane, because we have
no phone and only one non-contact visit a month (we should be able to
receive more TV visits).
Our families mail is sometimes held for a month after it arrives at
the prison. This creates depression by worrying about our families and
why they haven’t written over the holidays, to later find out
devastating news from our loved ones. Talk about fear and
uncertainty.
Some people become anti-social in solitary confinement for different
reasons. One reason may be that after so much chaos and falling out with
people around them in distress, they began to fall back from
everyone.
Others find themselves through self-discipline and block out all
other worldly distractions to work on their goals.
Some stressed adolescents in solitary confinement turn towards music
as escape and begin to sing lyrics at the top of their lungs, others
find refuge and entertainment in woofing. With all this racket going on
in Restrictive Housing, it will drive a perfectly sane person insane and
into an insomniac.
At Polk Correctional Institution in North Carolina on supermax (or
HCON, High Risk Security) we don’t go outside because the officials will
trash your cell, steal your property, fully restrain you with your hands
behind your back connected to chains around your waist, and leave you in
a recreation cage with giant brown recluse spiders, all to deter you
from going outside again. Similar tactics are practices here at Central
Prison.
The air in the building is insufficient for a human being to breathe
at times and I’ve experienced shortness of breath. Compare that to
wearing a mask that you can easily remove if you choose.
Comrades at that camp have developed bone marrow cancer, and there is
probably cause to expect that this cancer may have been caused by the
contaminated water they were working in. There was also strong gasoline
type chemicals in the food that was being served at the time.
Right now at Central Prison our lunch consists of one bologna and
cheese sandwich, 2 crackers and a 2oz (1/4 cup) of fruit with a juice
packet every day. Dinner’s no better, and staff will fight and curse you
if you speak out, because they have PTSD and other disorders themselves
from war, childhood and other experiences. In this way, mental health
patients (the staff) are responsibly for the well-being of other mental
health patients.
There’s a mental health program called T.D.U. for patients on RHCP
(Restrictive Housing Control Purposes) that they can send you to where
you can slowly earn privileges like television, canteen, phone, being
allowed to come out of your cell, but they never send any New Afrikans
to the programs.
By contrast, RHCP pods have 16 cells each, and I have never seen more
than 5 non-color people at a time in any pod. At HCON there are four
blocks each with two tiers that hold 12 cells each. I have never
witnessed more than 2 non-color people on any tier at a time during the
2 years I spent there.
If a non-colored comrade gets in a scuffle on the yard at Central
Prison, they may receive a week or two in segregation, but a negro will
receive 12-18 months on RHCP. Right now, we are receiving more time at
Central Prison on RHCP than prisoners at Polk CI on HCON who spend only
10 months on HCON, but after they do their HCON at Polk CI, Polk may
hold them for 6-12 months on RHCP.
Some people haven’t been guilty of any charges to be placed on RHCP
or HCON, so Classification will lie and forge paperwork (no due
process). They are con artists who don’t follow their own laws.
The ill-treatment we receive from the institution only creates more
PTSD and brings unnecessary bad energy towards people. Workers should be
focused on taking care of their families and not risking their lives to
oppress others for no gain, but of their master’s amusement.
This room becomes our life. At Polk CI on HCON our cells have showers
with food being delivered to their doors, and some guys never want to
leave. Some people aren’t going home and to some poor men on the street,
incarceration provides 3 meals a day. In the County jail I’ve seen
people live in the hole and refuse to leave on numerous occasions.
Solitary confinement is the only place I’ve seen a man smear shit
everywhere including his face, and eat shit sandwiches. Tell me this is
normal and something you see people do. Thankfully they finally sent
this particular prisoner to the mental hospital where he may get some
help (and not get thrown in a cage for sleeping in some bushes on public
property because he’s a poor New Afrikan man who was stripped of his
assets).
Comrades, we are not ourselves behind the door, so I’ll leave you
with the words a knowledgeable man left with me:
The following is a response to some topics of debate within the
article “Maoist
Third Worldism: Responding to Criticism from a Reader” by Mazur of
the blog Struggle Sessions. “Maoist” projects in the United
States have put forth a number of lines in recent years as worthy of
dividing over. In our mind, there is none more important than the class
structure of this country. And if anyone wants to attempt a follow up to
Mazur’s effort, we request they respond to Imperialism
and its Class Structure in 1997 by MC5, rather than some ideas in
your head about what MIM Thought is.
Value and Price
Struggle Sessions asserts that the proponents of unequal
exchange between imperialism and the oppressed nations (i.e.: finished
goods and export commodities are unbalanced in such a way that the
countries whose wealth is being extracted are given a raw deal) couch
their views in part on a belief that the price of a given commodity is
set as equal across different countries. To that allegation we reply: in
what ‘Third Worldist’ publication has this been written? To my knowledge
MIM has not claimed this, nor was this asserted by the earlier
contributor. Cite your sources. Do not attempt to employ a selective
choice of academics as a stand-in with an eye towards deceiving your
online readership by purposefully distorting matters to the benefit of
your dogmatic conception of economic affairs and reality. That is why it
is easy for you to tear down your chosen academic-as-foil such as in
your statement that:
Amin would later adopt this to equalize price levels so that a given
use value costs the same in U.S. as it does in Guatemala. Before getting
into this this is just not true anyways…
You perceive yourself as rather clever, don’t you. We wonder into
what other topics of discussion you have inserted such imperious
analysis and judgments which have also resorted to similar rhetorical
deceptions and sleights-of-hand. Also, if our stance on unequal exchange
was really a “less sophisticated version” as you claim, wouldn’t you
just stick to picking apart that easier prey instead? So we see again
that you, Mazur, have run into problems, problems concerning deceit and
faulty logic in equal measure.
You are at least correct on one thing, and that is your statement
that your academic could not stand the test of Marxism. So let’s drop
any other “version that is worth using” and stick with Marxian
economics. And by Marxian economics, we do not refer merely to its
classical conception (it is worth noting that Marx claimed even he was
not a Marxist, alluding to the fact that Marxism is a living science,
ever changing and developing new insights, not static and impervious to
advances in economic complexity over time); we also refer to its
continuity within a Leninist framework in the era of imperialism,
super-exploitation and the labor aristocracy, which Lenin gave clarity
to and which MIM Thought has further expanded upon through materialist
analysis.
You allege that in our analysis we deliberately ignore the labor
theory of value. So, we will begin with Marx:
What, then, is the value of laboring power? Like that of
every other commodity, its value is determined by the quantity of labor
necessary to produce it. (1)
‘Value’ in its final form must correspond to the labor power embodied
in a given commodity. Yet properly gauging this has become more complex
under imperialism. The main way we have typically measured it is through
its price, its exchange value. This follows what is termed the law of
value, but, when commodities and the labor embodied in them (what is
termed ‘dead labor’) are transferred from the developing peripheries to
an imperialist nation via multinational corporations, the connection of
value to its price is distorted to the point where the product (your
banana) is finally placed in the produce section at an American
supermarket, so much super-profits have accrued from not paying the
Guatemalan workers the value of their labor that upon its sale there is
enough excess profit for the United Fruit Co. to in turn bless its
American management and warehouse employees with more than the
value of their labor, in effect purchasing their allegiance to where
they no longer have just their ‘chains’ to lose. They have become
invested in the continuation of super-exploitation of the Guatemalan
proletariat as have many additional Americans in their role as
consumers, fresh off the job in your glorified manufacturing sector, who
purchase the produce (yes, despite paying over its market value in
Guatemala “and regular distribution and retail costs, the speculative
costs of the money market, etc.”) and, being entitled to similar wage
privileges, can also afford to have their money manager include shares
of United Fruit in their investment portfolio, if they so choose. As for
our plantation worker: “In Guatemala, where the minimum wage is roughly
$11 a day” and workers “struggle to bring home even $220 a month” (2),
they may not have the luxury of being able to afford the very product of
their own toil without first considering whether it will cut into other
essential purchases or payments owed, despite it selling for close to
its actual value. The logic behind these processes are so elementary
that all but those who are ‘so intelligent, they are stupid’ cannot fail
to comprehend it. This is on display when you surprisingly acknowledge
that this wealth transfer happens to the extent we describe, yet
simultaneously are unable to understand or remain willfully ignorant of
its far-reaching implications. You state:
“Because of capital export it does indeed follow that the U.S. is a
net importer of commodities and that there is a stratum of monopoly
capitalists who derive their profits solely from interest from their
direct foreign investment that melts down to this strata …”
But, not to be deterred, you say that exploitation happens at the
point of production and the lazy dogmatist in you resurfaces as you go
on to state further:
“… but the U.S. is still the second largest manufacturer in the
world, behind only China. This is something the ‘TWist’ does not want to
recognize, that the class which has nothing to lose but its chains is
concentrated in large numbers in the USA.”
Who is
proletarian? Are they a revolutionary vehicle?
We are glad that we can agree that the proletariat is the class that
has nothing to lose but its chains. But the relevance of manufacturing
statistics we find confusing. Once again, you do not want to recognize
the full extent of this wealth transfer, but this time as it plays out
in the domestic manufacturing sector:
“They can’t compete with China in terms of labor. An American
manufacturing employee makes an average of $26 an hour, while his or her
Chinese counterpart makes only $5 an hour, according to the Reshoring
Institute.”(3)
American manufacturing operations are still dependent on raw
materials and parts with unpaid-for embodied labor within them that is
obtained under a system of super-exploitation and shipped across borders
for Amerikan workers to tinker with. This results in wages that are at
least five times higher and above the value of their labor because there
is enough money being made for the capitalists to both turn a profit and
purchase their allegiance. When you deny the hidden transfer of value
between national economies, perhaps it makes sense to estimate the size
of the proletariat based on GDP numbers as Mazur does above. The United
States being “the second largest manufacturer” only proves that a lot of
value is being realized here, not where that value is coming from.
While, we do not recall anyone ever not recognizing that
some Amerikan workers are employed in the manufacturing sector, the one
thing we do not equate them with is being a part of the proletariat.
Lenin reexamined the meaning of ‘proletarian’ in a more nuanced manner
when he said:
“The Roman proletarian lived at the expense of society. Modern
society lives at the expense of the modern proletarian. Marx
specifically stressed this profound observation of Sismondi. Imperialism
somewhat changes the situation.”(4)
The proletariat can most accurately be described as the social group
that is the revolutionary vehicle. This does not mean that it is
synonymous with the industrial working class for all times and contexts.
Mao understood this when he harnessed the immense latent power of the
Chinese peasantry, who at the time made up around 95% of the population.
They became the revolutionary vehicle while the industrial workers, due
in part to their marginal proportions, assumed more of an auxiliary
role. Would you also embrace the lazy dogmatism of the Trotskyists who
cling to their orthodoxy with a religious fervor and state that, because
the peasantry is not the industrial working class, it cannot be capable
of being the backbone of a revolution? History showed us otherwise,
while you would have been as insistent as Chen Duxiu and got nothing
accomplished. No, Mazur, in this matter you are much like the ‘Marxists’
who see Cuba or China as socialist. How so? Because you identify things
based on their form rather than their substance. You have lost the
ability (if you were ever able) of discerning who is revolutionary and
who is not, who are our friends and who are likely to betray us to
protect their stake in the system. You see occupations instead of
workers economic co-optation within that occupation by way of a
reactionary vested interest in their allegiance to empire and its
spoils. This makes you no different than the ‘Communists’ of yesteryear
who saw workers in hardhats attacking demonstrators protesting U.S.
involvement in Vietnam as objectively revolutionary, or the socialist
parties who supported their nations’ entrance into imperialist world
wars as to the workers’ benefit at the munitions plants:
“Thus, on the outbreak of the imperialist war in 1914 the parties of
the social-traitors in all countries, when they supported the
bourgeoisie of their ‘own’ countries, always and consistently explained
that they were acting in accordance with the will of the working class.
But they forgot that, even if that were true, it must be the task of the
proletarian party in such a state of affairs to come out against the
sentiments of the majority of the workers and, in defiance of them, to
represent the historical interests of the proletariat.”(5)
This is why when you say that our line leads one to the inevitable
conclusion that the working class in the U.S. and other imperialist
countries are the main exploiting class of the people of the world and
that “this would make the task of Communists to divide and discourage
the just rebellion of the masses,” we would concur, save for the whole
bit of rhetorical flourish about it being a ‘just rebellion.’
But you continue harping on that the imperialist working class faces,
in your words:
“… exploitation in many forms, with work speed-ups, greater temporary
contracts, de-skilling, through greater constant capital being
introduced and wage depression.”
Clearly such things applied to even an exploiter working class would
still benefit the capitalists. We do not claim that these workers are
insulated from unfair working conditions despite benefiting from their
relationship with imperialism, as they remain the subordinate partner in
this role. But we do not go so far as to label it ‘exploitation,’
because being ‘exploited’ is a very precise Marxist term. We would like
to make clear that this does not mean that by extension we believe that
no one faces conditions of exploitation within the imperialist centers,
nor do we “contend that there is no proletariat to organize in the
imperialist countries.” The previous ‘TWist’ contributor also did not
claim this. They criticized you for arguing “that the labor aristocracy
is not the majority class in the first world” (emphasis ours).
MIM(Prisons) has this to say:
“Our claims, however, are far from this. Our claim is that the masses
here are a minority force: they are oppressed nation, they are migrants,
they are prisoners, etc. We have been saying this for many years, yet
[our critics] ignore this line and claim that we do not believe that
anyone is oppressed in the First World. We don’t claim that there are no
masses here, we claim that the constantly dying imperialist system needs
to fall in order for proletarianization of the labor aristocracy to
happen.”(6)
We can look to segments of the internal semi-colonies including the
over 500 Indigenous nations on the continent, sectors of the Third World
diaspora including the so-called ‘illegal’ migrant workers residing
within imperialist borders, the revolutionary youth and intellectuals,
and the revolutionized lumpen and prison populations as wellsprings for
our revolutionary mass base in this country. But you would, again,
looking at form rather than substance, likely scoff at this and act like
we are just going to accept and network with these groups uncritically
as we encounter them and not pursue their further proletarianization.
This is not the case. We also express with a higher degree of actual
confidence and certainty that the above-mentioned groups have a greater
interest in seeing the tables turned in this country, and turned
violently, than your bourgeoisified working classes you seek to lose
yourselves in.
And note: it is at this point that, having just detailed
our position clearly and corrected the record, we will formally ask you
to cease claiming that we believe that there are no proletarians or
masses within the imperialist centers to practice the mass line
with. Quote us correctly. Honesty may not come naturally
to you, but those who stumble across this blog page deserve a truthful
and accurate representation of views other than your own. You can only
deceive the masses for so long before they find out and call you on your
bullshit. On a related note, it is amusing (while incorrect) that you
paint proponents of the labor aristocracy-maturation line as “largely
abstentionists from revolutionary practice” when we can observe the
prison ministry of the MIM testing its ideas, struggling with the
imprisoned masses and developing theory through practice. Providing this
leadership and developing new cadre in the prisons while retaining
fidelity to anti-imperialism and the international proletariat is a
verifiable practice of theirs. On the other hand, it remains to be seen
how you and your lazy dogmatist cohorts will translate such fine
rhetoric as “recogniz[ing] the importance of organizing the proletariat
[in the manufacturing sectors] as a vital trench, to defeat
imperialism’s political influence through the labor aristocracy among
the proletariat” into concrete policies and actions.
Role of
Consumption in Determining Our Friends
You are quick to dismiss arguments about Amerikan access to wealth by
saying that as real Marxists we know that exploitation happens at the
point of production,
“We see then that exploitation does not happen at the level of
circulation. It happens at production as will be explained further
below.”
Yet we do not argue that the proletariat is being exploited at the
supermarket. Rather we are saying that surplus value is calculated by
the simple arithmetic of subtracting value received by the worker from
the value added by the worker. Therefore, increasing value received has
the potential of creating a negative value on the right-hand side of
that equation; surplus value can be negative. Of course this can only be
true for a subset of so-called workers or capital would cease to
circulate.
You take another grain of truth from Marx and extrapolate it
inappropriately in your sentence:
“For TWists who distort Marxism, the greater amount of use values a
wage can command=the lesser degree of exploitation of a waged
worker.”
Marx’s model predicts an increase in use values becoming available to
the proletariat, and even becoming part of the value of labor (the basic
cost of survival). An example of this would be that by 2018, 83% of
adults in Third World countries had a cell phone.(7) Banking and other
services are often only available in remote regions via cell phone.
Therefore, having a cell phone in general would not be a good indicator
of the degree of exploitation someone faced in 2018. Whereas in 1990, it
was a good indicator that you were not exploited.
You continue,
“Pure and simple, a temp worker at a plastic shop earning 25,000 in
the USA doesn’t exploit anyone, while a food production small business
owner in Managua who earns less than 25,000 who has employees who earn
less than what he does exploits – exploitation requires a position of
ownership and control over the means of production.”
While 86% of adults in Kenya have a cell phone (less than half of
those have smart phones), the average consumption of the poorest 20% of
Amerikans is about 10 times that of the average Kenyan.(8) What economic
logic would Struggle Sessions use to justify enjoying use
values an order of magnitude greater than those in the Third World,
while maintaining that both groups are exploited proletarians with
nothing to lose but their chains? Here you argue that an Amerikan making
more money than a Nicaraguan has more revolutionary potential. What
happened to “nothing to lose but their chains”?
Another metric provided at the website above is the number of Big
Mac’s a McDonald’s worker can buy with one hour of wages in 2007. An
Amerikan working at McDonald’s at that time could buy 6 times as many
Big Macs as an Indian working the same job.(8) Will Struggle
Sessions argue that the Amerikan is more productive flipping
burgers? Not to mention the fact that most Amerikans are now engaged in
service work like this where the possibility for great increases in
productivity don’t even exist as they do in manufacturing.
From there we must ask, what systems of militarism, war, borders and
financial manipulations must be maintained to keep that differential
between the Amerikan McDonald’s worker and the Indian one? And how does
Struggle Sessions propose we can organize these Amerikan
McDonald’s workers to oppose militarism, war, borders and international
finance manipulating the economies of the Third World?
Pray tell, comrade, how are you going to combat the siren
song of the labor aristocracy in their workplaces, especially when you
fail to even properly recognize who is and isn’t a part of the labor
aristocracy? And we ask, are you going to offer less
opportunities to fight for ill-gotten spoils of imperialism? No, that
won’t do it, no. So not only are you going to 1) hop into the ‘trench’
of worker privilege, valiantly protecting and further fattening the
bloated hourly earnings of production workers, their pension plans and
paid-vacation leave; but 2) you are going to attempt to convince them
that they should want to overthrow the government and corporations which
supply their cushy material existence; following that up by 3) asking
them to be on board with a future reduction in pay and standard
of living to pursue the objective of an equal global distribution of
wealth and reparations to the Global South; and 4) all the while being
supportive of a proposal for a demilitarized, open border with Mexico so
that the working classes of all nations can pursue better employment
opportunities?
Mazur, we can’t even say that we wish you luck (and certainly not on
the first point); just that it’ll be the workers themselves, not their
employers or security, picking you up and throwing you out of the
factory floor and onto your ass. But go ahead and falsify our thesis and
you will effectively accomplish what no amount of keyboard clattering on
your part can do at present. That is essentially what it comes down to.
Show us. Moreover, do so without inadvertently activating
social-fascism.
Applying Marxism to Our
Conditions
In the 100-odd years since the first successful revolution leading to
a dictatorship of the proletariat, none have occurred in an imperialist
country with the industrial working classes as the revolutionary
vehicle. You acknowledge we are right in pointing this out. Yet you
still cannot comprehend the full gravity of the labor aristocracy
maturation-line to know that the reasons that you cite for this failure
(fascism, revisionism) are intrinsically tied up with a failure on the
part of Communist organizations to determine the true extent of the rot
and subsequently to cease catering to the labor aristocracy’s demands
altogether. The problem lies in part with the fact that you believe (as
if it were still the second decade of the last century, not the current
one) that:
“The reality is such a condition for labor aristocracy is rooted
fundamentally in the opportunist political leadership of sections of
organized labor, courting favor with U.S. imperialism in competition on
a world scale. It was never defined, by Lenin, Mao or any other past
revolutionary movement from among the oppressed nations and proletariat,
as a strata that encapsulated the entirety of the working class (white
or otherwise) of the ‘First World.’”
Lazy dogmatism rears its head once more when you go referencing the
classics without taking into account the particular dynamics of our ever
deeper progression into the imperialist era and our unique geographic
location within it. Chairman Gonzalo had something to say about people
doing just that while expounding on the need to better understand Maoism
and struggle for its supremacy. In our quest to promote a better
understanding of the full implications of the labor aristocracy
maturation-line and the necessity to struggle for that line over the
ossified views of our erring Maoist fellow travelers, we will quote him
at length (we feel that, if nothing else gets their attention perhaps
quoting him will be the spark necessary to get the ‘Principally
Maoists’ to correct their thinking on the matter):
“In order to better understand Maoism and the necessity to struggle
for it, let us remember Lenin. He taught us that as the revolution
advanced in the East it expressed specific conditions that, while they
did not negate principles or laws, were new situations that Marxism
could not ignore, upon the risk of putting the revolution in danger of
defeat. Notwithstanding the uproar against what is new by pedantic and
bookish intellectuals, who are stuffed with liberalism and false
Marxism, the only just and correct thing to do is to apply Marxism
to the concrete conditions and to solve the new situations and problems
that every revolution necessarily faces. In the face of the
horrified and pharisaic ‘defenses of the ideology, the class, and of the
people’ that revisionists, opportunists, and renegades proclaim, or the
furious attacks against Marxism by brutalized academicians and hacks of
the old order who are debased by the rotten bourgeois ideology and
blindly defend the old society on which they are parasites. Lenin also
said clearly that the revolution in the East would present new and great
surprises to the greater amazement of the worshipers of following only
the well-trodden paths who are incapable of seeing the new; and, as we
all know, he trusted the Eastern comrades to resolve the problems that
Marxism had not yet resolved.”(9) (emphasis ours)
We would add to Gonzalo’s statement that Lenin would have also
trusted the imperialist nation comrades to resolve the problems that
Marxism-Leninism had only begun to address and solve, and to not
mechanically parrot their words on the scope and potential solutions to
problems which in their time were but saplings compared to the broader
trunks and deeper roots which we must now contend with, axe in hand. The
labor aristocracy maturation-line, flowing from Lenin’s
analysis of the split in the working class movement in the early 20th
century with its antecedents in Marx and Engels’ analysis of the English
working class in the 19th century, contends that this split has only
continued and with minimal interruption for the past 100 years in the
imperialist centers, absorbing whole sectors of the working classes,
bribed now in a thousand more ways than before. It was impossible for
Marx, Engels and Lenin to examine and address these issues as well as we
can today, because they were a relatively new development at the time.
We, however, now have the extensive benefit of hindsight, history and
statistics not available then. Yet Lenin did direct our attention to its
creeping progression:
“The longer bourgeois democracy has prevailed in a country, the more
complete and well established it is, the more successful have the
bourgeoisie of that country been in getting into those leading positions
people who are reared in bourgeois democracy, saturated in its attitudes
and prejudice, and very frequently bribed by it, whether directly or
indirectly.”(10)
Mao also spoke on this subject:
“In the various nations of the West there is a great obstacle to
carrying through any revolution and construction movement, i.e., the
poisons of the bourgeoisie are so powerful that they have penetrated
each and every corner. While our bourgeoisie has had, after all, only
three generations, those of England and France have had a 250-300 year
history of development, and their ideology and modus operandi
have influenced all aspects and strata of their societies. Thus the
English working class follows the Labour Party, not the Communist
Party.”(11)
Because of this, Mao went on to disagree with Lenin:
“Lenin says, ‘the transition from capitalist to socialism will be
more difficult for a country the more backward it is.’ This would seem
incorrect today.”(12)
We can no longer point to just ‘the opportunist political leadership
of sections of organized labor’ and call them the whole of the labor
aristocracy. They now represent a class of workers who have become
bourgeois in outlook and have only grown exponentially over time. At
what point do you realize and accept that the imperialist nation
industrial working classes and service sectors are no longer a viable
revolutionary vehicle for Maoism, and that we must focus our organizing
in areas separate from these? At what point do things finally begin to
click into place for you, or are you allowing your pride and dogmatic
rote-learning to blind you to the reality which screams for recognition?
If for whatever reason hearing this message from us in particular is
just too much to stomach, then we recommend the book Labor
Aristocracy: Mass Base of Social Democracy by H.W. Edwards for more
detailed analysis. We encourage everyone with an inquiring mind to not
just take our word for it – examine our references and arrive at the
necessary conclusions on this important subject matter. Do not allow
idealism or lazy dogmatism to cloud your judgment any longer to the
futility of throwing yourself against the wall of the labor aristocracy
in your organizing efforts.
There are two final matters we would like to address. The first is
that it is said we have come by our views through and subsequent traffic
in “petty-bourgeois empiricism-posing-as-analysis,” to which we
reply:
“The lazy dogmatists actually see no real role for science in
agitations. In response to Mao’s proof that line is decisive, they
accept at face value the revisionist slander that calls Mao idealist. By
downplaying science, they pave the way for fascism, which consciously
relies on mysticism for victory in people’s hearts. They imagine that
being good Maoists means being idealist, not practitioners of the
science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.”(13)
By criticizing our use of statistics, percentages and numbers, you
are by extension leveling your criticism at Lenin:
“Lenin used many more such statistics, including Tsarist statistics
and criticized those who would not make much use of them.”(14)
Our critics don’t like it when we use basic addition and subtraction
to show that their math doesn’t add up.(15) We must remind our readers
of this line:
“For TWists who distort Marxism, the greater amount of use values a
wage can command=the lesser degree of exploitation of a waged
worker.”
Does that mean you believe the inverse? As First Worldists you
believe that material wealth can increase infinitely without
disqualifying one from being exploited? Must we bring up the old NFL
player example and ask if they have nothing to lose but their chains?
And to pivot to our final topic, Colin Kaepernick was protesting the
murder of young Black men in the streets by the state, not wages or
working conditions. Same reason cities burned across the country last
year, and the same reason they’ve burned almost every other time in the
last 60 years.
Nations
We find your agnosticism on the national question problematic, “In
regards to the white nation, we [Struggle Sessions] have not
taken a formal position on this.” First we are in the era of
imperialism, which is defined by the contradiction between nations. To
not be able to address the national question in one’s own country is to
fail to address the whole of modern political economy. Second, the
question of first importance is who are our friends, and who are our
enemies. To not have a line on the nature of the euro-Amerikan nation,
while having a very well worked out line on military strategy in the
United $tates (a line we know is dear to the hearts of Struggle
Sessions authors), is a dangerous example of putting the cart
before the horse.
To address the question as you raise it, we will begin by saying that
U.S. imperialism is a multinational project in two respects. The first
pertains specifically to the makeup of the Euro-Amerikan oppressor
nation, and the second in the national-patriotic sense with the
inclusion of token elements of the New Afrikan and Latin@ bourgeoisie in
leadership positions both in business and government and the
participation of their respective labor aristocracies in the plunder of
the Global South. But our focus is in addressing the seeming paradox of
the Euro-Amerikan Nation, and whether it is myth or fact. You state
that:
“In this case they are lumping a bunch of languages, cultures,
regions and psychologies into one nation. For instance the psychological
makeup of Jews, Slavs, Irish and Anglo Americans are not the same, and
their languages are often different, too.”
The Euro-Amerikan Nation (or ‘white’ nation in more simplified terms)
has historically assumed the role of dominant oppressing force since the
founding of the United States. Being ‘white’ in America is not only so
much a matter of genealogy and physiognomy as it is one of hierarchy,
both in terms of class and nation. We agree that these people were
something else before they were ‘white’ or Euro-Amerikan – Corsican,
Welsh, Jewish, German etc. Yet through a common historical bond rooted
in violence, rape and looting of labor and land, began a process of
washing the disparate tribes white, a belief in being ‘white,’ becoming
a unified, melded nation in the patriotic and national sense. In the
United States, the separate Irish, Anglo, Polish, etc. immigrant
nationalities of old are now mostly forgotten ‘dead nations,’ with
forgotten mother tongues, blended beyond recall save in surname or
remnant cultural practice seldom exercised in day-to-day existence. They
have transformed themselves over the generations into a single unit
sharing a common culture, language (English), economy (within the
borders of the U.S. excluding most other nations) and territorial
cohesion (again, much of North America). Your denial of this could only
be justified by some racial theory of bloodline.
For you to say that ‘there is no common economy, there is no common
language, there is no geographic territory, and so on’ is an ahistorical
delusion that serves no purpose whatsoever. By denying this, it would
seem that by extension you would also deny the same ‘nation’ status for
the ‘Black’ or New Afrikan Nation, and furthermore any right to their
own self-determination because ‘at best’ you see several nations that,
through participation in the brutal receiving end of the
settler project in the past, were able to achieve uneven status and
integration into ‘blackness.’ (Mazur links to a now official paper by
Struggle Sessions that addresses the intersection of so-called
“race” and class in relation to New Afrika. For now, we will present MIM
Theory 7 as a counter to that piece.)
The Great Migration of Black sharecroppers to the industrial north
and west in the early to mid 20th century dispersed the population of
the Black Belt south throughout the modern colonial borders of the
United States. Nonetheless, New Afrikans constitute a nation as a result
of the historical (forced) melding of different cultures, languages and
psychologies into a new and unique shared culture, language and segments
of territory. It is our hope to one day see the will of the New Afrikan
Nation expressed in a plebiscite on self-determination. Perhaps Mazur
& Co. will be on the right side of history when this occurs.
One final note, we are in agreement with the statement that:
“‘Privilege’ itself, as well as the absence of national oppression,
does not in any way actually prevent those with a relative ‘privilege’
from facing oppression and exploitation as well.”
The white youth, intellectuals and revolutionized white lumpen and
prisoners have an interest in revolution as traitors to their class and
nation. We do not overextend our analysis to exclude these potential
allies in our struggle.
Notes: 1. Karl Marx, “Labouring Power,” Value, Price and
Profit, Martino Fine Books, 2017 p. 39. 2. Lauren Villagran, “A
Desperate Quest for American Dream Denied,” USA Today, December
23, 2020. 3. Michael Braga, “Manufacturers Facing Hurdles in Return
to US,” USA Today, December 22, 2020. It should be noted that
back in 2018, hourly earnings for production workers were pegged at
$22.71 according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of
Labor. Thus a steady increase has occurred in 2 years’ time rather than
a trend towards wage suppression as our labor-aristocratic Maoists
allege. 4. V.I. Lenin, “Imperialism and the Split in Socialism,”
Lenin’s Struggle for a Revolutionary International: Documents
1907-1916, John Riddell, ed. New York: Monad Press, 1984
p. 497. 5. Jane Degras, ed. The Communist International:
1919-1943 Documents, London: Frank Cass & Co., 1971 Vol. 1,
p. 129 (hereafter Degras) 6. MIM (Prisons), “A Falsifiable Thesis,”
Who’s Got Something to Prove, JMP?, August 2020.
www.prisoncensorship.info 7.
Laura
Silver, 5 February 2019, Smartphone Ownership Is Growing Rapidly Around
the World, but Not Always Equally, Pew Research Center. 8.
https://www.justfacts.com/income_wealth_poverty#international 9.
Communist Party of Peru, “Introduction”, Fundamental
Documents. 10. Degras, Vol. 1, p. 119. 11. Mao Tsetung,
A Critique of Soviet Economics New York: Monthly Review Press,
1977 p. 50. 12. Ibid. 13. MIM Theory Number 10, “Lessons From
the Comintern: Continuities in Method and Theory, Changes in Theory and
Conditions”, Coming to Grips with the Labor Aristocracy, 1996.
p. 22. View PDF at www.prisoncensorship.info 14. Ibid., p. 42. See
Lenin’s “Statistics and Sociology,” Collected Works, Vol. 23.
Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964. p. 271. For Mao talking about
dogmatist lazybones, see Mao Tse-Tung, “On Contradiction,” Four
Essays on Philosophy. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1968
p. 37. 15. MC5, 1997, Imperialism
and its Class Structure in 1997, part C.5..
Responses
MIM(Prisons) submitted this response to Struggle Sessions.
While no response has been received yet, we cannot expect from them in
days, what took us many months. However, we have already received some
astute responses from others that we are including here.
ADDENDUM
1: A comment on ‘Mazur’s’ understanding of unequal exchange
by marlax1g
The theory of unequal exchange of Samir Amin is one thing, the theory
of Arghiri Emmanuel is another. I do not know if MIM ever commented on
the distinction between the two theories (perhaps for political purposes
given the overwhelming First Worldist hysteria surrounding it), but the
theory of unequal exchange ‘in the strict sense’ as based on global wage
differentials is what MIM (and also Cope’s 2012 book) have always made
reference to; ‘Imperialism and its Class Structure in 1997’ makes
explicit reference to wage differentials in Section
A Chapter 5-6
and Section
C Chapter 5. This theory does not depend upon either differing
organic compositions or differing productivities within the same branch
of trade. And Emmanuel’s criticism of the doctrine of comparative
advantage does not depend upon a criticism of the quantity theory of
money, as he implies in quite literally one of the first paragraphs of
the Introduction. The reference to declining terms of trade in Emmanuel
has absolutely nothing to do with the distinction between primary and
non-primary commodities (explicitly contrary to the Prebisch–Singer
hypothesis), but rather with the wages in the two sectors. Let us note
one more error on the part of Mazur before we get around to explaining
where the error arises.
“If there are the same prices and the wages in the U.S. are higher,
and capital goods costs the same, then the cost price of any given
commodity would be higher in the U.S. This means (since the price of the
finished commodity is the same) that the rate of profit would be lower
in the U.S., so no transfer would even take place.”
Let’s start from the basics. Ricardo’s theory of comparative costs
represents a “special” case where the labor theory of value is
invalidated. The labor theory does not govern prices at an international
level, Ricardo states, because profits cannot equalize. Profits may
equalize within nations because capital is mobile, but it cannot
equalize between nations where capital is immobile as such immobility
results in specialization and therewith the governing of comparative as
opposed to absolute cost. Wages do not enter into Ricardo’s equation
because he operated under the assumption that wages tended towards the
subsistence level because of the Malthusian law of population. (In other
words, Ricardo takes equal wages as a given.)
Marx overthrew the Malthusian “iron law of wages” and this fact is
the starting point for Emmanuel. What Emmanuel emphasizes is a world
where capital is mobile, and therefore profits do indeed tend towards an
equality, but where the Marxian law of exogenous wages rules. Why does
this matter? Because labor is not mobile, and because wages in the First
World are in fact higher without being subject to the discipline of
equalization, wages are the only ‘independent variable’ governing global
prices of production. It is no argument against Emmanuel to claim that
he abandons the labor theory of value, because in the real world market
prices fluctuate around not values but rather prices of production.
Perhaps Mazur missed the publication of Volume Three of Capital, but
Emmanuel had not. Hence “factor rewards” (namely wages) are not given by
prices, but rather prices are given by “factor rewards” (in neoclassical
parlance). Emmanuel therefore inverts the logic of
Hecksher-Ohlin-Samuelson: prices do not determine wages, but rather
wages prices. This is Emmanuel avec Marx.
The products of industries employing workers at low wages, therefore,
have relatively low prices, and those which employ workers at high wages
have relatively high prices. This is precisely the point of Emmanuel’s
argument — because we are dealing with different commodities being
exchanged. Critics of Emmanuel imagine that they are intelligent in
coming to the profound conclusion that high wages translate into a lower
rate of surplus-value and therefore profit. Emmanuel does not deny this;
he instead shows that with an equalizing profit rate the surplus-value
of the Third World is transferred to the First World because products of
low prices are exchanged for products of high prices. It’s really quite
that simple. And to repeat ourselves for the tenth time, the prices are
high and low because of differing wages. To believe otherwise is nothing
more than marginalism. Emmanuel’s argument is not, in fact, that unequal
exchange is preferable to lower wages in the First World from the
viewpoint of the capitalist; it is only that the lack of wage
equalization partially compensates the drop in the rate of profit.
No child, us Third Worldists do not argue that super-profits
originate in circulation (a libel of Bettelheim), but rather in the
super-exploitation of the Third World proletariat. If they were not
super-exploited, if the rate of surplus-value was not in fact higher,
there would not have been enough surplus-value to transfer and either
First World wages or capitalism itself would have had to collapse.
Mazur writes that:
“Because the organic composition of capital has allowed much more
surplus value to actually be generated, we see then that the rate of
exploitation is often higher in spite of wage increases.”
Imagine such crass physicalism coming from an avowed defender of the
labor theory. Capital with a higher organic composition does not allow
“more surplus-value to actually be generated”. It quite literally
implies less variable capital (relative to its size) and therefore less
surplus-value because constant capital does not contribute an iota of
surplus-value. Mazur wants us to believe that because capital-intensity
is usually higher in the First World, this axiomatically makes First
World workers more “productive” of surplus-value. First Worldists have
never proven labor intensity is higher in the First World, which is what
this claim necessitates demonstrating. We have already seen that this
does not put a dent into Emmanuel’s theory, and Emmanuel explicitly (and
consequently) asserts that, e.g., First World primary producers
(Australian coal, Canadian timber, etc.) still benefit from unequal
exchange. But this is of course a mirage, and as soon as the parasitism
of the labor aristocracy confronts the “Marxist” defender of the labor
theory of value, they turn into John Bates Clark and want us to believe
that wages are governed by labor’s marginal productivity.
I could continue, and I would like to defend Sakai from the virulence
he has been subjected to, but I will leave that to someone perhaps more
competent than myself.
ADDENDUM 2: On Appalachia
loop-3: Given that MIM(Prisons) has no materialist
analysis of the region, and certainly no experience organizing within
it, it is unclear why you now incorrectly say that
“Poor whites in Appalachia… have an interest in revolution as
traitors to their class and nation. We do not overextend our analysis to
exclude these potential allies in our struggle.”
This is a striking political regression. The actual Maoist
Internationalist Movement had a far more correct position on this.
According to MC5,
“Often times we Marxists are told that we should go organize the
Appalachian poor for their economic demands. Duncan gives us some
up-to-date evidence on why that is a silly idea. Between 1980 and 1990,
Blackwell county shrunk in population by 12%. That is the real social
movement of Appalachia. Yes, there is a shortage of jobs, so people
move. That is why there is no class solidarity or class consciousness
that arises in Appalachia, no matter how many Marxists bang their heads
on the wall there. To the extent that Marxists do influence or awaken
anyone, they simply move or succeed in their middle-class ambitions. We
do not need Marxism for that and hence we find the subject matter of
Duncan’s book boring. It is about how to integrate people into
middle-class life. There is no other possibility when poverty is only in
isolated pockets and not a generalized economic condition within a
country’s borders…
“Even if Appalachia had closed borders, it would only then be
equivalent to some of the poorer European countries. At $15,321, central
Appalachia’s median income would still be more than 10 times higher than
that of the median for the international proletariat. Between 1980 and
1990 meanwhile, Gray Mountain’s income literally doubled.
“Both the Mississippi Delta and central Appalachia are shrinking in
population. Already in 1980, the two infamously poor regions combined
had only a population of 1.8 million in a country of 226.5 million with
open borders internally. In other words, they are less than one percent
of the population and it was ridiculous to expect any class formation
there. By 1990, the two regions combined shrunk to less than 1.7
million, or less than the number of people in prison today.
“The trillions in super-profits sucked out of the Third World make it
possible for whole countries to be rich like the United $tates. Although
inequalities continue to exist within the United $tates, they are not
nearly as central or as important to Marxists as those on a global
scale.”
In addition, MIM Theory 1, in the article “Pittston Strike Shows
Depth of White Working Class Alliance,” favorably quotes from this
section of J. Sakai’s Settlers on this issue:
“Despite the 60 years of repeated radical organizing drives [in
Appalachia] there has been, in fact, zero revolutionary progress among
the mining communities. Despite the history of bloody union battles,
class consciousness has never moved beyond an embryonic form, at best.
There is no indigenous [here, Sakai is referring to regional whites]
revolutionary activity - none - or traditions. Loyalty to U.S.
imperialism and hatred of the colonial peoples is very intense. We can
see a derailment of the connection between simple exploitation and class
consciousness…
“This points out the fact that what is poverty-stricken about
settlers is their culture.
“The Euro-Amerikan coal miners are just concentrating on ‘getting
theirs’ while it lasts. In the settler tradition it’s ‘every man for
himself’. They have no class goals or even community goals, just private
goals involving private income and private consumerism. Meanwhile, the
local N&W land manager says that they do have future plans for
Appalachia: ‘We don’t intend to walk off and leave this land to the
Indians’. Of that we can be certain.”
MIM(Prisons) respond: We thank loop-3 for pointing
this out and include eir well-cited argument here. And we have removed
the clause “poor whites in Appalachia” from that sentence as it was
misleading as if the class interests of that population somehow make
them more likely allies than anyone else in the white nation. We must be
cautious and clear when trying to organize Amerikans around their own
interests. While virtually everyone has some interests opposed to
imperialism, and anyone can end up a victim of the system, white
Amerikans must go against their class and nation (and gender) interests
to ally with the international proletariat and the communist project, as
S. Xanastas correctly pointed out in that paragraph.
White youth have more gender interest in revolution and are less
bought into their class and nation. White lumpen arguably have some
class interest different than other Amerikans. What is more clear is
that white lumpen will more often take an interest in revolutionary
politics when they are surrounded by oppressed nations in prison or part
of multi-national lumpen organizations. As for the intellectuals
mentioned, they do not have different interests so much as a different
view of the world. So it is in these groups that we see the greatest
percentage of exceptions to the rule – those who are willing to go
against their own class and nation interests and side against U.$.
imperialism.