MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
Millionaire popstar/rapper Soulja Boy stepped out of line in his
latest video, and was reprimanded by Amerikan hip hop fans this week for
his lack of patriotism. Under pressure he quickly apologized and took up
the Demoncratic Party line claiming that he was only criticizing the two
long wars, implying that the U.$. economy would somehow be better if the
U.$. wasn’t exerting control over the economies of the Middle East thru
military occupation. This is what he originally said in the song
Let’s Be Real:
Fuck the FBI and the Army troops fighting for what? Bitch, be your
own man.
While this was just a couple lines out of tons of bullshit he’s spit,
they’re pretty strong words. Not known for being politically outspoken,
there’s no doubt his inspiration comes from the countless
radical/nationalist MCs who came before him and influenced his thoughts
and rhymes. He even outdid his adversary Ice-T who said “fuck the FBI,”
but never fuck the troops. The troops ain’t nothing but the police for
oppressed people in other countries; the CIA abroad is the FBI at home.
Fuck oppression! Fuck ’em all!
While it was good to hear someone like Soulja Boy put out such strong
anti-imperialist words, especially with all the 9/11 talk these days, it
was discouraging to see the response and who’s responding. There have
been multiple diss songs and videos made in response to Soulja Boy, by
hip hop artists in the military, at least some of which are from
oppressed nations. The response wasn’t just strong and swift, it came
from his own fans and more generally from fans of hip hop music. In
Under Lock & Key
issue 10 we questioned whether hip hop was still a culture that
represented the oppressed, and when you see these videos you really have
to doubt it.
One Black male MC sports a shirt reading “America the Beautiful.” His
politics echo those of the white militias made up of ex-military people
that are very critical of the government, but have much love for the
country and respect for the troops and the privileges they fight for us
to have. All of the artists seem to find that requisite “hardness,” that
is so integral to the gangsta rap persona, in their identity as U.$.
soldiers. One threatens to waterboard Soulja Boy and pull out his finger
nails.
The fact is, the pro-U.$. troops lyrics aren’t that far from a typical
gangsta rap song. The United $tates is the biggest gangster in the
world, so that makes sense. The boys in blue are the biggest gang on
U.$. streets. So we see gangsta rap too often reflecting and reinforcing
the ideology of the oppressor, rather than challenging it.
In other Soulja Boy news, he is supposedly working on a remake of the
film Juice, where he will play the role of Bishop, originally
played by Tupac Shakur. On September 13, we commemorate not just the
fallen soldiers of the
Attica
uprising 40 years ago, but it is also the 15th anniversary of the
death of self-proclaimed thug and rapper 2pac. Pac was unique in keeping
his music both gangsta and for the people; a fine line most can’t seem
to walk, and perhaps impossible today when gangsta rap is mostly a
caricature. Unlike Soulja Boy, Tupac never apologized for shit, and he
said some things that got people riled up. There is little doubt that
his real connection to oppressed people in Amerikkka lead to his
untimely death.(1)
While Soulja Boy’s three lines don’t compare to Tupac’s legacy, in those
lines we may have seen him connecting to the oppressive conditions he
grew up in – a glimmer of truth. While the U.$. military is
disproportionately Black (18% of military vs. 11% of general
population), it is also disproportionately middle income.(2) The poorest
20% of the U.$. population was the most under-represented income group
in the U.$. military in 1999 and 2003.(3)
Since the Vietnam war, Blacks have increased their over-representation
in the U.$. military from a factor of 1.14 to 1.40.(2) This shows the
effects of integration without providing Black youth with quite the same
opportunities as their white counterparts. The increase in Black
military recruits seems to correspond with an overall bourgeoisification
of the Black nation. Not only were there fewer Blacks (per capita) in
Vietnam than Iraq and Afghanistan, but Black power and linking it to the
struggle of the Vietnamese against U.$. imperialism was widespread, and
fragging of white officers and even all out fighting between Blacks and
whites on bases was not uncommon.
As the Black nation becomes more bourgeois, the pressure to Amerikanize
increases for Blacks of all socio-economic standings. To the poor and
oppressed who see no hope in U.$. imperialism, we echo Soulja Boy’s
words, “Bitch, be your own man!”
Rise of the Planet of the Apes is the second remake of the
original Planet of the Apes movie series. It is an origins
story, replacing the Conquest of the Planet of the Apes story
which was fourth in the original five part series. Conquest was
released in 1972 and depicted a storyline clearly intended to parallel
the Black liberation movement that had just peaked in the United $tates
at that time, but with an actual successful revolution.
Conquest and the final part of the original series, Battle
for the Planet of the Apes, presented clearly revolutionary themes.
Even the first couple movies of the original series did more to
challenge white nationalism than this recent remake. This difference is
due to the stage of struggle in the United $tates at the time.
Today, the first movie (released in 1968) is easily dismissed by the
oppressor nation as a commentary on the “distant” past of slavery,
rather than what were modern social injustices. When that film was
redone in 2001, it did not live up to its predecessor’s social
relevance. Based on that disappointment, we expected a stronger effort
to dilute the origins story for another hollywood blockbuster. Instead,
we were pleasantly surprised to find that Rise actually
maintained the revolutionary origins story, and even linked it to the
modern prison struggle in relevant ways.
This movie probably won’t be making the rounds in too many prisons due
to the blatant themes of prisoners educating themselves and building
unity to escape their abusive conditions. But there’s nothing to learn
from this movie that one couldn’t get easily, and of course more
usefully, from picking up any issue of Under Lock & Key.
Rise was pretty formulaic in story and form. It contains lots
of fast battle scenes and loud music, and followed the predictable story
line with flat characters. There were plenty of quotes from the original
movie series thrown in as well as recognizable character names.
The good aspects of Rise were also simple, but surprisingly
relevant. The strongest positive message we saw in this film was the
need for self-determination and the struggle against integrationism.
Caesar, a chimpanzee, and the hero of the story, refuses an opportunity
given by his former benefactor to leave prison and return to the humyn
world. In a few days or weeks Caesar develops an affinity for his fellow
imprisoned apes, which trumps his many years living with humyns. He
turns his back to Dr. Rodman and stays in prison to continue building
and organizing with fellow apes. This is a very relevant point to the
imprisoned population, especially in a day when the oppressed nations
have reached high levels of integration into Amerika. With people
shuffling in and out of prison and jail, it is easy to choose an
Amerikan identity over that of the oppressed. We also see many who work
tirelessly to get themselves out of prison, without ever joining the
larger prison movement. Caesar is clear that alone apes are weak, but
together they can be strong. This is a very simple yet relevant refrain
to our current situation in the prison movement today.
An orangutan responds to Caesar’s comments on unity by saying that apes
are dumb, not unlike what many prisoners who write MIM(Prisons) say
about their peers. The solution to this in the film, and the material
origin of apes taking over humyn society, is in a virus produced by a
bioengineering project. This allows ape brains to develop intelligence
that they never could before. In real life, the imprisoned and oppressed
do not face a material disadvantage in intelligence, but are set back by
the oppressor’s conditioning through both the carrot and the stick. In
real life the ALZ 112 and ALZ 113 viruses from the film are instead
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism: the tool that can give the oppressed the
intellectual material they need to organize effectively.
As part of his organizing efforts, Caesar allies with a silverback
(dominant) chimpanzee and puts him in a position of leading the group in
sharing and developing a group consciousness, without the silverback
really understanding at first. It was a good lesson in leadership within
a United Front and how we might work with those who are recognized as
leaders for their dominant roles within the group, but don’t yet possess
the leadership skills and revolutionary understanding to lead the
oppressed down the road of liberation.
Just like in U.$. prisons, the apes educate each other in secret because
they know that they will be targeted for special repression if seen. The
interactions between the imprisoned apes and humyn captors is crude,
accurately reflecting the basic relations in U.$. prisons for humyns
today. In this way, Rise could play a small role in building
consciousness among viewers that would make them more likely to be
sympathetic of prison resistances such as those organized across
California and Georgia in recent months. While the majority of the
audience will find itself rooting for the apes while watching this film,
in real life most will follow their own self-interests in the situation
and root for the state in repressing any group that challenges the
status quo.
The role of Buck the gorilla gives us an important lesson in
revolutionary suicide. In the final battle scene that takes place on the
Golden Gate bridge in San Francisco, he takes a bullet for Caesar just
before taking down the last humyns left standing who threatened the
lives of other apes in the battle. He recognizes the unique capabilities
of both himself and of Caesar and puts the interests of the ape
liberation struggle above his own life to guide his actions. At this
stage in the struggle we are not engaged in protracted war, but
revolutionary sacrifice is still relevant to how we decide to spend our
time and organize our lives, and even in peaceful struggles lives are
sometimes taken by the oppressor. Buck’s revolutionary suicide is an
example of a sacrifice that had to be made in order for the ape struggle
to continue.
In the end of the film, Dr. Rodman again plays the role of liberal
integrationist asking Caesar to come back and live with him, saying
“this is not the way.” Caesar speaks a full phrase for the first time
and says “Caesar is home” referring to the population of just-liberated
apes taking up residence in the forest. Of course, in real life the
consciousness of the oppressed internal semi-colonies leans much more
heavily in the direction of integration than Caesar, who has actual
biological differences from the humyn species. In the movie, differences
between apes and humyns had just begun to weaken, whereas the socially
imposed differences between the oppressed and oppressor nations inside
the United $tates have eroded over many decades. Even if Caesar tried to
integrate, he could never live the lifestyle of a humyn, in contrast to
the large proportion of the internal semi-colonies that enjoy the
comforts of imperialist exploitation.
United front organizing is never easy, but once established it is
the most effective way for various, weaker, sometimes opposing factions
to come together and make their weight felt to defeat a stronger, common
enemy. The television show “V,” which airs Tuesday nights on the ABC
network, portrays a somewhat good example of a united front. Of course
not everything portrayed within this show is according to the Maoist
strategy of United Front, but it does a decent enough job of introducing
those who are unfamiliar with the concept to warrant checking out.
The show centers on a seemingly friendly encounter with space aliens who
visit planet Earth. The space aliens first arrive bearing gifts of
advanced medicine, superior technology and their trademark logo of “we
come in peace.” The show also focuses on a small, infant underground
movement of humyns committed to unmasking the seemingly friendly space
aliens for what they really are: hostile space invaders or intergalactic
imperialists who have in all reality begun an undercover invasion of
planet Earth, which most humyns either don’t realize is taking place or
are too busy being bought off to admit.
The united front portrayed in this show was started by an FBI agent
assigned to the anti-terrorist unit; a liaison to the space alien
delegation; a rogue priest; a space alien who’s committed species
suicide by coming over to the side of the humyns; and a so called
“terrorist” who’s wanted by the “international community” for supplying
Third World liberation movements with weapons and guerrilla warfare
training.
As a matter of fact, FBI agent Erica Evans was first tasked with
capturing the wanted “terrorist.” However, once she finds out what the
space aliens are really up to by spying on underground anti-space-alien
organizations with methods straight out of COINTELPRO, combined with her
own near-death experience with the intergalactic imperialists, she
decides that it’s time to form an opposition to the invaders. So along
with the alien species traitor Ryan Nichols and the rogue priest, they
begin to seek out and court the wanted “terrorist.” Despite the FBI
agent’s hate for this “terrorist” she knows that if this
anti-space-imperialist movement is gonna be for real, then the humyn
species is gonna need all the tactical assistance it can get, even if
that means hooking up with her enemies.
This rag-tag band of individuals eventually unites to re-establish the
then-defunct Fifth Column, an anti-space-imperialist movement originally
founded by empathetic space aliens who committed species suicide in
order to protect the prior oppressed species whom the parasitic space
imperialists enslaved and wiped out.
In real life, the historical Fifth Column were Nazi infiltrators in
several European states such as Poland, France and even the USSR,
leading up to and during WWII. Their main objective was to sabotage and
wreck government and military institutions for the purpose of softening
the ground in preparation for Nazi attacks. The real Fifth Column was
most notably brought to light by the Soviet Union’s purge trials of
1937-38 which Stalin ordered to smash the fascist traitors. The Fifth
Column depicted in the TV series is an anti-space-imperialists movement
instead of pro-Nazi.
In the most recent episode the insurgent rogue priest known as Father
Jack has become conflicted by the humyn death and collateral damage, so
much so that he begins to endanger the movement by refusing to adhere to
the Fifth Column’s version of democratic centralism when it comes to the
group’s mission. Instead of kicking him out of the movement, they
subject him to a sorry excuse of party criticism and then keep him
around based on his laurels.
In countless other episodes the importance of the individual and the
individual’s needs are stressed to the point that it leaves the
impression that if any one of the Fifth Column leaders doesn’t get his
or her way then the movement will suffer irreparable damage to the point
that its very existence will be put in peril. While leaders are
certainly important to any movement this show takes the meaning and
importance of a leader to a whole different level.
In recent episodes they’ve also shown how the Fifth Column’s small-scale
focoist adventures have now inspired many other humyns across the globe
to band together and form a larger mass organization of the same name to
launch spectacular focoist attacks on the space-imperialists. Little by
little however the Fifth Column has begun to land serious blows to the
space invaders proving that a united front, though an uneasy and still
developing one, does work. While we don’t encourage the focoist approach
of armed struggle without consideration of the imperialists’ strength,
the humyns on the show are at a tipping point where the space
imperialists’ sinister plans would have severe dire consequences if not
immediately stopped.
In the original “V” series of the 80s, “V” stood for victory and the
mass of humynity eventually came together to launch a protracted
guerrilla struggle against the oppressor space imperialists. When that
series ended the viewer was left doubting whether the humyns prevailed.
Who knows how this updated version of the series will turn out. In a
realistic approach the humyns need to first get their shit right, and
instead of launching their spectacular focoist attacks, they need to
begin the long arduous task of building public opinion against the
invaders to bring the bulk of humynity together for when the real
battles begin.
Jasiri X is a hip hop artist from Pittsburgh who raps the news over some
dope beats produced by The Grand Architect Paradise Gray of X Clan. The
two release these tracks as videos on
youtube.com in a
series titled “This Week with Jasiri X.” Jasiri X is popular in activist
circles, frequently performing and speaking at benefits and rallies.
We’ve been bobbing our heads to his tracks since the release of
OG3 - Oscar Grant
Tribute in January 2009, but in light of his most recent release,
American Workers
vs. Multi-Billionaires, we decided to take a closer look.
OG3 tells the story of the murder of Oscar Grant and the
rebellions following his murder, from the points of view of Oscar Grant
and the protesters. Although the facts aren’t 100% correct in
OG3, it is a good example of the many tracks Jasiri X has
released about police brutality and aggression against Black people in
Amerika. A track titled
Free the Jena 6
was one of the first that got peoples’ attention, and he continues to
shout out victims of police execution and violence by name.
When working on an international piece, Jasiri X correctly draws
connections between police brutality here and imperial aggression
against Third World peoples around the world. He recently released a
track about the uprisings in Egypt with M-1 of
Dead
Prez, titled We
All Shall Be Free!
Despite his revolutionary lean, Jasiri X still holds on to his
Amerikanism on several issues, which comes up big time in American
Workers vs. Multi-Billionaires. The video for this song was shot
inside the capitol building in Madison, Wisconsin, against a backdrop of
labor aristocrats raising a stink to keep their “fair share” of the
imperialist pie. The title implies that a line is being drawn between
Amerikan “workers” and the capitalist multi-billionaires with this union
busting legislation. However, as outlined in several articles and
books(1) Amerikan “workers” are actually fundamentally allied with the
imperialist, capitalist class on an international level. It is only
because of the pillage of resources and lives in the Third World that
the government employees in Wisconsin even have health care in the first
place. Defending this “right” to health care is essentially the same
thing as supporting Amerikan wars, which Jasiri X says he is against.
History has shown that the multi-billionaires won’t give up theirs
without a fight.
“When did the American worker become the enemy? Why is wanting a
living wage such a penalty?” - Jasiri X from “American Workers
vs. Multi-Billionaires”
The Amerikan “worker,” or labor aristocrat, is the enemy of the majority
of the world’s people because their lives are subsidized by the economic
exploitation of the Third World. Third World peoples’ sweat, blood, and
lives are wasted to pay for the Amerikan “worker’s” pensions and health
care. This is because most of the “work” that Amerikans do does not
generate value; we have a service-based economy. The only reason our
society has such a disproportionately high “living wage” (as if those
who make less die) is because we are comfortable swinging our
weight around in imperialist wars of aggression to extract wealth from
the Third World. Jasiri X seems to be opposed to this extraction of
wealth, but does not make the connection that Amerikan “workers” are
directly benefiting from it, and not just the multi-billionaires.
Jasiri X seems to adhere to an anti-racist model of social change.
Besides being supported by an incorrect analysis of history, it also has
him defending Obama as a Black man, rather than attacking him as the
chosen leader of the largest and most aggressive imperialist country in
the world. Jasiri X correctly pins Obama as an ally of the Amerikan
people; their key to a comfortable lifestyle and fat retirement plan.
But as an ally of the oppressed, Jasiri X should accept that Obama, and
the labor aristocracy, are enemies of the majority of the world’s
people, and leave patriotism behind. Agitating for the betterment of
people in Haiti, Palestine, Egypt, Iraq, etc. as Jasiri X does through
some of his raps, while at the same time defending Obama and the
Amerikan “worker,” is a recipe for stagnation. If we want to end
oppression the world over, we need to have a clear idea of who are our
friends and who are our enemies.
The Real Life of Alejandro Mayta Mario Vargas Llosa Aventura
press, 1986
Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa won the Nobel Prize for Literature in
2010. Widely known as an author who writes about political events in
Peru, and takes a vocal position on politics throughout Latin America,
this review only addresses one of the many books he has written. But it
is a good example of the political views of Vargas Llosa whose politics
have made him an enemy of the people for many years. Vargas Llosa claims
that he supported revolutionary politics earlier in his life, but if
true, he firmly and thoroughly changed that and works hard as a critic
of people’s movements and a supporter of imperialist so-called
democracy. He has written many works of both fiction and non-fiction,
and lost a bid for president of Peru in 1990, during the height of the
Peruvian Communist Party’s fight for liberation of the Peruvian people,
to Alberto Fujimori.
After being named the Nobel winner, Vargas Llosa said, “It’s very
difficult for a Latin American writer to avoid politics. Literature is
an expression of life, and you cannot eradicate politics from life.”(1)
We would agree with that statement, and as we demonstrate in this
review, The Real Life of Alejandro Mayta is a good
demonstration of Vargas Llosa’s reactionary politics.
In his acceptance speech for the Nobel prize, Vargas Llosa commented
extensively on the “terrorists” in the world today who are the enemy of
what he calls “liberal democracy” (capitalism). Spouting the best
pro-imperialist rhetoric, Vargas Llosa makes the case for imperialist
militarism with lies about the freedom and beauty of capitalist
so-called democracy:
“Since every period has its horrors, ours is the age of fanatics, of
suicide terrorists, an ancient species convinced that by killing they
earn heaven, that the blood of innocents washes away collective
affronts, corrects injustices, and imposes truth on false beliefs. Every
day, all over the world, countless victims are sacrificed by those who
feel they possess absolute truths. With the collapse of totalitarian
empires, we believed that living together, peace, pluralism, and human
rights would gain the ascendancy and the world would leave behind
holocausts, genocides, invasions, and wars of extermination. None of
that has occurred. New forms of barbarism flourish, incited by
fanaticism, and with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
we cannot overlook the fact that any small faction of crazed redeemers
may one day provoke a nuclear cataclysm. We have to thwart them,
confront them, and defeat them. There aren’t many, although the tumult
of their crimes resounds all over the planet and the nightmares they
provoke overwhelm us with dread. We should not allow ourselves to be
intimidated by those who want to snatch away the freedom we have been
acquiring over the long course of civilization. Let us defend the
liberal democracy that, with all its limitations, continues to signify
political pluralism, coexistence, tolerance, human rights, respect for
criticism, legality, free elections, alternation in power, everything
that has been taking us out of a savage life and bringing us closer –
though we will never attain it – to the beautiful, perfect life
literature devises, the one we can deserve only by inventing, writing,
and reading it. By confronting homicidal fanatics we defend our right to
dream and to make our dreams reality.”
Vargas Llosa went on to talk about his political views:
“In my youth, like many writers of my generation, I was a Marxist and
believed socialism would be the remedy for the exploitation and social
injustices that were becoming more severe in my country, in Latin
America, and in the rest of the Third World. My disillusion with statism
and collectivism and my transition to the democrat and liberal that I am
– that I try to be – was long and difficult and carried out slowly as a
consequence of episodes like the conversion of the Cuban Revolution,
about which I initially had been enthusiastic, to the authoritarian,
vertical model of the Soviet Union; the testimony of dissidents who
managed to slip past the barbed wire fences of the Gulag; the invasion
of Czechoslovakia by the nations of the Warsaw Pact; and because of
thinkers like Raymond Aron, Jean Francois Rével, Isaiah Berlin, and Karl
Popper, to whom I owe my reevaluation of democratic culture and open
societies. Those masters were an example of lucidity and gallant courage
when the intelligentsia of the West, as a result of frivolity or
opportunism, appeared to have succumbed to the spell of Soviet socialism
or, even worse, to the bloody witches’ Sabbath of the Chinese Cultural
Revolution.”
Finally, Vargas Llosa made clear his support for the neocolonial
governments in Latin America, pretending that they represent
“functioning” democracy in the interests of the people and “supported by
a broad popular consensus.”:
“We are afflicted with fewer dictatorships than before, only Cuba and
her named successor, Venezuela, and some pseudo populist, clownish
democracies like those in Bolivia and Nicaragua. But in the rest of the
continent democracy is functioning, supported by a broad popular
consensus, and for the first time in our history, as in Brazil, Chile,
Uruguay, Peru, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and almost all
of Central America, we have a left and a right that respect legality,
the freedom to criticize, elections, and succession in power. That is
the right road, and if it stays on it, combats insidious corruption, and
continues to integrate with the world, Latin America will finally stop
being the continent of the future and become the continent of the
present.”
This book is indicative of Vargas Llosa’s work which does greater
disservice to the revolutionary movement in Peru than those who write
bourgeois fiction without pretending to have historical context or
political purpose. The novel reviews the life of a fictional
revolutionary activist in Peru in the 1950s who participated in a small
focoist uprising before ending up in prison. The book describes
revolutionary parties as all small marginalized groups wasting their
time studying dead guys and debating theory. And it leaves the reader
questioning the commitment of all who participate in revolutionary
politics, assuming that everyone sells out somehow to pursue their own
interests in the end. The peasants and workers are virtually ignored in
the book, portrayed only as pawns in the work done by activists.
This novel focuses on a small Trotskyist party, the product of several
splits in previous Trotskyist groups, and specifically on one of the
party members, Alejandro Mayta. Interestingly, in a brief description of
how Mayta ended up in this party, Vargas Llosa describes his movement
from group to group, each time rejecting the previous one as not correct
enough politically, until he ended up with the Trotskyists as the most
pure political line he could find. MIM(Prisons) has some agreement with
this description in that Trotskyism is pure idealism and it appeals to
those who don’t like to get their hands dirty with the realities of
revolutionary politics.
Eventually Mayta deserts the Trotskyists to join up with a focoist
movement in the mountains that is going to take armed action. He is
galvanized by the idea of real action rather than the talk that his
Trotskyist group has been engaging in for years. He is kicked out of his
party, who consider the action premature, and also because Mayta has
approached the Stalinists to participate in and support the focoist
action.
Focoists believe that the armed actions of a small group of people will
spark the masses to join the revolution. This is an incorrect view of
revolutionary strategy. History has demonstrated that small groups of
insurgents are not sufficient to bring about revolution; successful
revolutions have come through the hard work of organizing the masses. As
inspiration, many focoists look to the Cuban revolution, and Castro is
mentioned repeatedly in the book. But the Cuban revolution is the only
example focoists have of anything resembling success, and while that
revolution did deliver a blow to U.$. imperialism, it created a
state-capitalist country dependent on the Soviet Union.(2) Like other
focoist actions, Mayta’s small group is captured during their armed
insurrection. And there is much debate about whether desertion,
betrayal, or just poor planning led to their failure.
A recurring theme in this book is the claim by the narrator that the
truth of history is impossible to determine. In interviewing people
about the life of Mayta the narrator gets conflicting stories from
everyone he talks to, and is unable to figure out exactly what happened.
This nihilist position encourages people to just give up rather than
seeking to understand and interpret history to help forward progress in
the future. Ironically Vargas Llosa thinks he knows the definitive truth
about the history of politics in many countries as he interprets history
through the lens of the imperialists.
Through this fictional novel, Vargas Llosa manages to attack a vast
range of revolutionary theories and practices, and leave the reader
disillusioned and without hope for a better future for the people of
Peru. He does not try to hide the poverty and despair that is the
everyday reality of life for the Peruvian people, but condemns
revolutionaries, politicians, and everyone else to failure in a maze of
corruption, collaboration and irrelevant theories. There is no redeeming
political value to this book which could depress even the most militant
of activists.
Legend of the Guardians: The Owls of Ga’Hoole (2010)
We have to give props to a kids’ movie that can portray an anti-fascist
struggle, while downplaying the glamor of war. Soren is a young owl who
dreams of meeting his heroes, the Guardians of Ga’Hoole, who are
legendary for defending the owls against evil forces. He and his brother
Kludd are kidnapped by the fascist owls, “The Pure Ones”, who recruit a
select few from their species of owls to join their army and enslave all
other species of owls. Soren escapes and flees to find the Guardians for
help while his brother joins the Nazi owls.
Soren’s journey to the Guardians requires him to learn to fly and take a
difficult trip with a few fellow travelers who believe in the mission.
As the Guardians gather information and prepare for battle with the
fascists they learn that one of their leaders is working for the enemy
and has betrayed them. This is a good lesson in the need for vigilance
against spies and turncoats in the anti-fascist struggle.
Kludd’s decision to join the fascists is played as a simplistic need for
recognition after a childhood of struggling to achieve next to his
brother. But this is not so far off. Fascism appeals to people who are
easily convinced that their lack of success can be overcome at the
expense of others. In Amerika we have a large labor aristocracy who are
paid more than the value of their labor with profits brought home from
exploitation of Third World workers; these workers have a material
interest in imperialism. Those who are in the lowest stratum of the
labor aristocracy look around and see that they are not achieving the
same wealth as their peers. This group of people are the most likely to
go for fascist rhetoric that blames their failures on immigrants and
Third World workers with promises of greater wealth for those who
deserve it (i.e. the white nation). There was no labor aristocracy in
The Owls of Ga’Hoole but the oppressed nations were represented by the
different species of owls who, just by nature of birth, were considered
inferior to “The Pure Ones.”
When Soren meets the Guardians he gets to know one who is somewhat crazy
and a bit of an outcast, only to learn that he was the heroic leader in
previous battles. From this owl Soren learns that war is not all glamor
and has real consequences. The decision to fight the fascists was taken
seriously with this in mind.
For a kids’ movie, Legend of the Guardians has a lot to offer, but we’d
rather see the oppressed nations (or species in this case), organize to
rise up and fight for themselves. The movie makes that impossible by
drugging all the slaves and implying that the rest of the owls from
other species were completely in the dark about the fascist plot to take
over the world. This plot twist might have been possible if they had
gone further and The Pure Ones struck out in battle so that other
species realized what was happening.
That a group of heroic owls had to save the world and defeat the
fascists was made somewhat better by their failure due to turncoat
betrayal requiring Soren and his fellow travelers to join the battle and
save the day. At least this reinforced that anyone could be a heroic
part of the anti-fascist struggle, not just the special heroes of
Ga’Hoole.
I am shocked by the stupidity of the Amerikan people to recognize the
causes of this economic cri$i$ and the roots of the current covert and
overt imperialist wars (i.e. massacres) against other native nations and
majority-driven grass roots movements. But I am equally disturbed in
what I see going on within Amerika. I don’t believe there is any will by
the Amerikkkan people to resist against this United Snakes of
surveillance. Instead what we have is ridiculous groups like the Tea
Party whose true fear is of Amerika losing its hegemony to rising
Oppressed Nations.
A lot is to be blamed for this. Like letting political pundits and the
co-opted media determine the topic and language of social debates. And
don’t get me started on the media’s go-to military West Point grad
analysts who are supposedly going to give us a fair and truthful
analysis. All we hear is terror terror terror, national security
security security, austerity cuts cuts cuts, and planned protest protest
protest.
To hell with the debate over Republikkkan or Democrat$. I’m ready for
the revolution. A revolution is what we need to uproot the military
industrial complex. A revolution would make the imperialist monopolies
U$ currency paper worthless. A revolution would accomplish all that is
needed. Yet our potential comrades are bogged down in appeasing Saturday
or Sunday protest while the CEOs and corporate board members are out on
their yachts. We’re stuck in de-centralized legal battles while the
political establishment appoints and upholds outrageous U$ supreme court
decisions which undermine dozens of hard fought legal battles.
I could elaborate all century about the genocides, entrapments, and
swindling business that this police state has committed but that is of
little use to us enlightened few. Tactics, strategy and the execution of
both is what we should focus on. The execution of tactical and strategic
methods will vary depending on your individual prisons and predicaments
within those bars of oppression. I myself am very limited in the
activism I can contribute to the revolutionary movement because I’m in
solitary confinement for the next three years (minimum). But through
obscure ways I can talk with others. I use this channel of communication
to convince and discuss current, past and future events.
I never discuss or answer anything in the language of the oppressor.
What justice does it do us to use the term “bailout” when it’s really a
robbery? What justice does it do to call a Saudi fighting in Afghanistan
a foreign fighter or terrorist and then on the contrary call an
Amerikkan soldier fighting there a liberator or patriot. What justice
does it do us to call a hungry man who takes from the oppressive rich a
criminal and then on the contrary enable U$ exploitative foreign policy
by calling it national interest. When we talk in the language of the
oppressor we legitimize the frivolous arguments that ignorant amerikans
have been partaking in since the consolidation of the modern media
establishment that sponsors this imperialist empire.
So please comrades be more conscious of your choice of words when
debunking this “amerikan dream” myth. This imperialist hegemony is in
judicial, information, and economic cardiac-arrest (I wish I could say
the same about the military). Propaganda is in full swing and the best
tactical defense and offense is that of dialectical historical
materialism. DHM is more than just 19th century literature It’s a social
and political science developmental pattern that serves as the best
kryptonite to capitalism and this so-called democracy. So lets all
convey our messages as revolutionary comrades and not as stupefied
soldiers.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This comrade makes a good point about the
importance of language in shaping our discussion about politics and
current events. We need to use every tool at our disposal to expose the
imperialists. However, we do not agree that Amerikans are “stupid” for
not recognizing the causes of the economic crisis, or that the media is
to blame for this. While the mainstream media is certainly serving the
imperialists, Amerikans are going along with it because it is what they
want to hear. The vast majority of Amerikan’s have been bought off by
imperialism and are paid more than the value of their labor with
superprofits brought home from the exploitation of Third World. This
gives Amerikans an economic interest in sticking their heads in the sand
and supporting imperialism. It’s important that we understand the
classes within U.$. borders so that we know who has a material interest
in revolution and what demands we should be rallying people around. For
a more detailed case study of Amerikan wealth, see the MIM(Prisons)
article on the
U$
housing market printed in ULK17.
Cartoons aren’t real. But in the mind of the public, that’s what prison
inmates have become; a not-quite-real depiction, a ‘Freddie’ or
‘Nightmare on Elm Street,’ or ‘Chuckie’ the evil, knife wielding doll
from a similar themed movie. We are quite simply, ‘The Boogie Man’ to
much of the public.
The news media has lifted this image of us in total, from the drawing
pad of the prosecution and police spokesmen who have a budget funding
interest in heightening the public’s fear of prisoners. They traffic in
fear for profit just as surely as any drug dealer traffics in narcotics.
As a group, prisoners are shunned and isolated from society, which
serves to keep us unheard, unseen and sufficiently distant to mask the
inconvenient truth of our humanity. Unsatisfied with our present
excessive sentences and hopeless parole hearings, the state, through the
ever-solicitous news media, paints a picture of prisoners as cartoon
cut-outs of a somnolent evil, awaiting an ‘early’ release (which is in
their eyes, any release this side of death). Then to swoop down and fall
on society, like the mongolian hoards of Attila or the evil flying
monkeys from ‘The Wizard of OZ.’
The gang member, the mentally ill, and the drug dealer are each depicted
as heinous, the sex-offender has the honor and burden of being
designated the premier ‘hated minority.’ Some of our fellow prisoners
believe, mistakenly, that the legal excesses directed at the
sex-offender, will drain off the venom and hatred of the fear-driven
stampede headed our way. It will not. Emboldened by their success
against sex-offenders, they see no reason not to widen the scope of
their offensive against liberty and justice, to ‘cast a wider net.’ And
as they do so, we are unable to counter this wider application of law or
restriction because with the unchallenged perversion of justice
burdening the sex-offender there is legal precedent for us to be yoked
together and like-wise bear an excessive penalty and burden. In the end
we are all equally heinous in the eyes of the law.
Once started, this treatment of people as less-than-human, progresses
inexorably, ever-widening, all-encompassing and proud of its own
inhumanity. First the sex-offenders, then gang-members, then felons of
every type, then misdemeanants, inflators, infractors, smokers and
skateboarders, the ‘disapproved’, will each in turn, become one of
‘those’ who don’t deserve justice. We’ve seen this before. Pick any
pogrom, massacre, ethnic cleansing, relocation or concentration camp in
history and you’ll find that it’s genesis was right here in the same
denial of humanity and justice.
We are nearing the end of 2010 and the progression of anti-human,
anti-liberty and anti-justice continues unabated. Here in the Fresno,
California area, the young father, who put a thumb-nail sized tattoo on
his son’s side was sentenced to eight years in prison, pleading guilty
to a child abuse charge to avoid a life in prison sentence. And just in
time! A new law just passed in California, called ‘Adams’ Law’,
reflecting the shameful practice of naming unjust and legally dubious
laws after children who have suffered death or abuse. What kind of
memorial for a child is it, when the state commits injustice in their
name?
This sequel to the 1982 original Tron movie which was a technical
trailblazer for its use of CGI but not a big hit, includes dazzling 3D
special effects but not much else. The plot focuses on Sam Flynn, the
grown son of Kevin Flynn who was the main character in the original
Tron. Kevin, a computer visionary, disappears when Sam is 7, because he
got stuck inside The Grid of an alternate computer universe that he
created. The grown up Sam gets himself transported into this alternate
universe and some dazzling race and fight scenes and trite plot lines
ensue.
Tron: Legacy had a lot of potential for some interesting
political content. There is the new digital race of people who came into
being inside the computer universe. These people were all but completely
wiped out by the evil dictator program Clu in his quest to eliminate all
imperfection. Clu, the not so subtle fascist dictator, is a program that
was created by Kevin Flynn, to help him build the perfect world. So we
get a good solid anti-fascist message here. But the alternative, from
Kevin, is praise for individualism and it’s inherent imperfections, now
that he’s realized his mistake with Clu.
Rather than have the masses (of program beings) rise up against the
fascist dictator, we’re just told dismissively that they were all killed
(but one). There are a few rumblings of the other programs being unhappy
with dictator Clu, but they are incapable of organizing themselves into
any resistance and the few we see either die or end up being turncoats
serving the fascists. The only signs of useful resistance come from
heroic individualist actions by programs who break with their fascist
leader but with no explanation or organization.
In the end, the big individualists themselves are the only ones who can
defeat the fascist dictator and save both the real world and the
digitized alternate universe. This leaves us with three super-heroes who
only need to kill off the dictator and all is right in the world.
Fundamentally Tron: Legacy promotes individualism and worship
of leaders while dismissing the revolutionary potential of the masses.
It suggests that the masses can only be liberated/saved by a leader who
is much smarter than them. And so, in spite of it’s lip service to
anti-fascism, MIM(Prisons) doesn’t recommend Tron: Legacy.
Most people are familiar with the patriarchy and exploitation of females
in hip hop culture, especially in the music industry. From the days of 2
Live Crew to Snoop Dogg’s appearance at the awards show with women who
had dog collars and leashes around their necks to Nelly’s “Tip Drill”
video showing him swiping a credit card between a woman’s butt cheeks,
and don’t forget his marketing of the energy drink “Pimp Juice.”
All the above is abhorrent and should be criticized but no one really
talks about the pseudo-feminists in the music industry. For example,
Debra Antey, the CEO of Mizey Ent. and former CEO of So Icey Ent. and
manager of Nicki Minaj, the latest hot female rapperstar and piece of
porn for me to jerk off on.
A brotha also studying MT2/3 sent me an article from the Dec/Jan 2010
magazine XXL. We think this article points out the contradictions and
bullshit these pseudo-feminists espouse. Antey was asked in this article
“How to take Nicki Minaj to new heights?” Antey’s answer: “with Nicki
you have to know the role that you’re about to step into. You’re about
to open the door for a lot of women, and you can’t open it through the
sexual stuff. She had to make a more conscious effort about what she was
saying, and it’s starting from the babies… I’m about empowering women,
and Nicki is a product of that.”
Anyone who’s listened to Nicki’s lyrics or seen any photos (promotional)
of Nicki can only conclude that she’s just the latest in a long line of
females being objectified to make money. What’s so empowering about
Nicki calling herself a “5 star bitch,” dressing sexually provocative
and talking about men paying her for sex (taking her shopping). How is
that empowering women?
“Pornography has no value if it shows women doing empowering, important,
and meaningful things. Its value is tied to portraying a bitch ready to
be raped.” (MT2/3, pg 127)
In street terminology, Antey is a pimp. She enriches herself through the
exploitation, pornographic objectification of young black female
entertainers, Nicki in this instance. It’s all game.
Antey was asked a second question: “On being a ‘powerful’ woman in a
male-dominated business.” Her answer: “in the beginning, it was hard.
I’d go to the table with a group of men, and nobody was hearing me. But
I got a big mouth, so eventually you are gonna hear me, and I’m gonna
stand my ground. I’m a strong woman. In the beginning, it was a little
nerve-racking, but now it’s a beautiful thing.” Of course, it’s a
beautiful thing to Antey. She’s getting paid big dollars. She’s a pimp
and she was able to convince the male-dominated industry that she was
not a “threat to the men creating, marketing and profiting from the
exploitation and economic coercion of the women who participate in
making [pornography].”(MT2/3, pg 128) She assured them that their
interest was her interest and that she was male also.
The point is that the pseudo-feminists have been highly successful in
deflecting criticism away from themselves. MIM is the only organization
that I’ve seen take them to task and expose them.
Jean Grae rapped in the song “knock”: “I rhyme sick but niggas is quick
to turn their backs on spitters with clits /…/ they still want chicks
with tits and ass out / my respect is worth more than your advance cash
out.” The Debra Anteys (pseudo-feminists) of the music industry turn
their backs also. “They are working to gain themselves more power to
join in the oppression, and to profit off the labor and deaths of the
poor and nationally oppressed peoples of the world.” (MT2/3, pg51)
MIM(Prisons), we have much, much more to say on this and other topics
mentioned in MT2/3. Especially, the “all sex is rape” and there’s “no
good sex” under capitalism.
Thanks for pointing out the socially constructed gender theory. It’s
right on point.