MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
In November 2019, the U.S. District Court ruled that the Arizona
Department of Corrections (ADC) must “establish bright-line rules that
narrowly define prohibited content in a manner consistent with the First
Amendment.” These rules must be defined by mid-February. This ruling
comes after years of censorship of a variety of publications by the ADC,
often as a result of arbitrary decisions from mailroom staff.
In this case Prison Legal News (PLN) (a project of the Human
Rights Defense Center (HRDC)) filed a lawsuit in 2015 challenging the
censorship of its newsletter for “sexually explicit” content.
Ironically, the content that inspired this censorship was describing
non-consensual sexual contact between guards and prisoners. And as most
readers know, PLN is primarily a legal resource for prisoners
fighting injustices like this prison rape.
Arizona bans a variety of publications, including issues of National
Geographic, Men’s Health, and GQ.
Issues of
Under Lock & Key are also on this banned list, though not
for sexually explicit material. In the case of ULK, the most
recent ban (that we know about) is ULK 63 from July/August 2018,
which was banned for “Incite, Aide, Abet Riots, Work Stoppages, Means of
Resistance.” Many other issues of ULK sent to subscribers in
Arizona are returned or rejected without reasons given. Our attempt to
appeal this ban of ULK 63, requesting the ADC provide more
evidence than these vague claims resulted in the following response:
“The pages identified containing such content are throughout, including,
but not limited to, pages 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, and 17.”
In an example of their arbitrary decisions around censorship, a
MIM(Prisons) six-page guide to forming a prisoner-led study group was
censored in 2016 because it supposedly “Promotes superiority of one
group over another/promotes racism/degradation.” This is exactly what
MIM(Prisons) fights against: the superiority of one group of people over
another. And this is exactly what the criminal injustice system
promotes.
This court ruling requires the Arizona Department of Corrections to
change the mail policy from allowing DOC staff to use their discretion
when determining what’s banned and to establish consistency in excluding
sexually explicit material. This won’t help MIM(Prisons) as it is rare
that a prison claims ULK should be censored for sexually explicit
material. But any progress towards less censorship and more
narrowly-defined policies is a good thing.
On 22 October, in a different case, Prison Legal News was awarded
$1.2 million in attorney fees by a Federal district court in Florida
after a nine-year lawsuit over censorship of PLN publication
because of ads for phone services, pen-pals and stamps. This victory
came after the Supreme Court refused to take up the final appeal of this
PLN ban.(1) This resulted in the case remanding back to the
district court for a ruling on the attorneys’ fees. Basically this means
PLN won on their Due Process claims but lost on their First
Amendment claims. So the censorship is still legal, but the DOC failed
to follow proper censorship policy.
“Free speech isn’t free,” said Human Rights Defense Center executive
director Paul Wright. “In this case, censorship by the Florida
Department of Corrections cost state taxpayers almost $1.2 million –
because of the vicious efforts by the prison system to censor HRDC’s
publications. The Attorney General’s office spent over 3,000 hours in
attorney time fighting this case. The real tragedy is that Florida
prisoners remain unable to read PLN and other HRDC publications
that will educate and inform them of their rights.”(2)
PLN and the HRDC have done a lot to fight censorship in prisons over the
years. And their hard work on this front benefits everyone seeking to
help educate and organize prisoners. This censorship, and failures in
the courts prove a point we often make: there are no rights, only power
struggles.
Censorship is one of the biggest barriers to our work with prisoners.
And it’s an area where we always need more help, both from jailhouse
lawyers and from lawyers on the streets. If your mail is censored,
APPEAL IT, and get in touch with us and let us know. We will send you a
guide to fighting censorship and sometimes we can assist on our end with
an appeal to the prison. And lawyers on the streets get in touch and
help us with these battles!
The latest installment in the Terminator movies takes up where
Terminator II left off. In this timeline the A.I. called Legion has
achieved consciousness and seeks to wipe humynity from the earth. The
plot continues the theme of humyns fighting the machines after a nuclear
holocaust, with the future pivoting on the life of one persyn.
This movie features more gender and nation diversity than the previous
Terminators. All the humyn heroes are female. And it moves beyond the
U.$. borders to Mexico where the new target of the Terminator lives. In
Dark Fate the Terminator was sent back in time to kill Dani
Ramos. A cybernetically-enhanced soldier, Grace, was also sent back in
time, to protect Dani. And Sarah Connor, target from the previous
Terminator movies, shows up to help with Dani’s protection.
There are a few interesting themes to the Terminator movies that
continue in Dark Fate. First there is the nuclear destruction of
humynity. The earth and most of life on it has been wiped out. People
need to take seriously the dark possibility that humynity is driving
towards this destruction. It may not include a conscious A.I. wiping out
the few humyns who survive. But capitalism is on a firm march towards
annihilation of the current balance of life on Earth that humyns depend
on. It is not sustainable. And so movies that pose this possible future,
brought about by the actions of humyns, are good for the ideas they can
provoke.
Another general theme of the Terminator movies is that one persyn is
pivotal to the entirety of humyn existence. In previous movies that
persyn was John Connor, the unborn child of Sarah Connor. And so the
Terminators went back in time to try to kill Sarah to prevent the birth
of John to stop em from leading the resistance that could defeat the
Terminators. In Dark Fate the one persyn is Dani Ramos. In this
case it’s not Dani’s womb that needs protection/destruction, it’s Dani
eirself, who will lead the resistance.
We might read into Dark Fate that it’s not actually about
individuals. After all, John Connor died but now we have Dani. Humynity
and its conditions creates these leaders. But for the most part the
movie is pushing a message that history is created by one individual who
must be protected or destroyed at all cost. Humyns would not have united
against the Legion without Dani. So the Legion must send a Terminator
back in time to destroy Dani, and the resistance must send a soldier
back to protect Dani. That’s a lot of resources and energy spent on one
persyn.
Dark Fate is consistent with the bourgeois theory of history, a
spin on history that focuses on the accomplishments of individuals,
removing them from the political context of their time. Communists, on
the other hand, don’t see Dani, or John, or the other humyn resistance
leaders as uniquely qualified for their roles. Instead we see them as a
product of the political conditions. They did what was necessary to
fight for the survival of humynity. And in their absence others would
have done the same.
The idea that only certain special individuals are able to take
leadership roles fits in with a religious/capitalist way of thinking.
Humynity may be moving towards destruction, but there’s nothing average
folks can do about it. Only special heroes can make a difference. This
way of thinking discourages people from taking up the fight for a better
future. And instead suggests it’s best to just believe in a leader
without question.
Maoists, on the other hand, see no individuals as infallible. In fact, a
fundamental tenant of Maoism is the need for continuous cultural
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, in which the
people are actively critical of and struggling with socialist leaders
and one another. This includes removing from positions of power those
who have strayed off the revolutionary path. The future lies in the
hands of the people, and so the people must learn through struggle in
order for us to discover the correct way forward.
The earlier Terminator movies had a good slogan from Sarah and John
Connor: “No Fate But What We Make.” This was a mantra that John repeated
to himself and others to remember that the future can be changed. This
is a good counter to the idea that humynity is fated to nuclear
destruction and the rise of conscious anti-humyn A.I.s. And that only
John, or only Dani, can lead a successful resistance. Perhaps the A.I.s,
in their limited world view, believe this to be true. But humyns should
be focused on stopping the nuclear destruction and A.I. consciousness
event before it happens. It is unfortunate that Dark Fate takes
into its title the antithesis of this anti-fate slogan, and perpetuates
that message in the plot.
The movie misses a great opportunity to avoid this idea of fate at the
end, when discussing the future of one young character. The goal that
this character not die in battle later in life is a good one, and a sign
that potentially fate can be changed. But the assumption that the way to
do this is to start military training for the post-apocalyptic battle
now, rather than fight to keep humynity from destroying itself, is an
unfortunate ending.
More than 200 detainees began a hunger strike on October 18 at the ICE
Northwest Detention Center (NWDC) in Tacoma, Washington. The NWDC is a
private prison run by the Geo Group. The facility can hold over 1500
people and houses those swept up in immigration raids, transfers from
the U.$-Mexico border, and other migrants caught in the Amerikkan
system. This is one of the largest immigration prisons in the country.
Since 2014 detainees have launched 19 hunger strikes to protest their
detention and conditions behind bars. This latest protest is demanding
edible food and humane treatment, with many also demanding a complete
shut down of NWDC. Prisoners find maggots, blood, hair and other things
in the food. Kitchen workers report rats running around the food prep
area. Guards abuse the prisoners. And Geo group ignores these
complaints.(1)
U.$. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention centers mirror
conditions in other prisons in the United $tates. In fact, prisoners at
Clallam Bay Correctional Facility in Washington also went on food and
work strike earlier in October to demand better conditions, focusing on
food quality.
ICE officials issued a statement denying the existence of a hunger
strike: “Failure to eat the facility provided meal is not a stand-alone
factor in the determination of a detainee’s suspected or announced
hunger strike action. Commissary food items remain available for
purchase by detainees.” They followed up this statement with a press
tour of the NWDC, featuring spotless conditions, a well stocked urgent
care room, and nice library. It appears that no prisoners were
interviewed or even filmed up close in the tour.(2)
A majority of the 54,000 ICE detainees in the United $tates are held in
privately run prisons. And migrant detention makes up the majority of
the private prison population in this country. But this isn’t about the
difference in conditions between private and state or federally run
prisons. Conditions across the criminal injustice system are abusive,
dangerous, and inhumane. We’re not fighting for a different face on the
abuse.(3)
While federal arrests overall have gone up over the past 20 years,
between 1998 and 2018 federal arrests rose 10% for U.$. citizens and
234% for non-citizens. The most dramatic increase was between 2017 and
2018, a 71% rise in arrests of non-citizens. In 1998 63% of all federal
arrests were U.$. citizens while in 2018 that number flipped and 64% of
all federal arrests were of non-U.$. citizens. The portion of federal
arrests increasingly focused along the U.$-Mexico border increased from
33% in 1998 to 65% in 2018. 95% of this increase was due to immigration
detainees.(4)
The ICE detention centers make clear the purpose of prisons in the
United $tates. This is national oppression. These non-citizen detainees
are mostly being prosecuted for the “crime” of being in the United
$tates without permission of the imperialists. This “crime” represents
78% of the cases.(4)
Closed borders are a requirement of imperialism. The wealth is kept
within these borders for the lucky few who are born to this privilege.
That wealth is stolen from outside the borders; exploitation of labor
and theft of natural resources brings great profit to the imperialists.
And the imperialists share that profit with the citizens of their
countries to keep them passive and supportive. This wealth differential
is obvious, even between the poorest within U.$. borders and average
people living in the Third World. Those living outside those borders are
desperate to get in to access this wealth stolen from their homeland.
The role of ICE and the Department of Homeland Security is clear: keep
this wealth within u.$. borders exclusively for Amerikan citizens.
We support the just demands of prisoners in NWDC and throughout the
criminal injustice system. This system has sunk so low that people are
forced to starve themselves to fight the dangerous and inhuman
conditions. It will not be fixed by improving the condition in one
prison, or even by shutting down one facility. But these demands fit in
with the anti-imperialist struggle as we fight for open borders and an
end to a system where one nation has the power to lock up others just
for the crime of crossing an invisible line.
Scott Daniel Warren faces 20 years in prison for his volunteer work
distributing food and water to migrants in Arizona. Warren works with
the group No More Deaths to aid migrants crossing the border in the
Arizona desert. For this work, and for providing a place for two men to
sleep, Warren was charged with two counts of felony harboring and one
count of felony conspiracy. Eir trial ended on June 11 with a hung jury.
Warren was arrested in January 2018 along with other No More Deaths
volunteers. The arrests came just hours after the group released video
of border patrol agents destroying jugs of water left in the desert for
migrants. This case isn’t closed yet; federal prosecutors may choose to
retry Warren.
The Arizona desert is one of the deadliest places for migrants to cross
the border due to the extreme heat. But people are forced to this area
by the 1994 Clinton era “Prevention Through Deterrence” policy aimed at
making border crossings more deadly. The idea was to force crossings
over more hostile terrain, putting more lives in danger, to discourage
migrants from attempting the journey. Metrics of the plan’s success
included “deaths of aliens.” By that measure, the plan has been a
success. The total number of people attempting the crossing has dropped
but the odds of dying have gone way up.(1)
Hundreds of migrants are found dead every year. Trump’s border policies
are just a continuation of the anti-immigrant policies of all Amerikan
imperialist administrations, including Obama. Closed borders maintain a
cheap source of labor and natural resources for the imperialists. This
preserves wealth for those within at the expense of poverty for those on
the outside. Migrant deaths are just one result of these borders.
Fighting the Trump border wall is a distraction from the real problem.
Fight borders not walls. Open the borders; return the stolen wealth to
occupied nations at home and around the world.
The United $tates is attempting a coup in Venezuela, pushing Juan
Guaidó, formerly a lawmaker in the Venezuelan government, to declare
emself President. This subversion of democracy is par for the course for
the imperialist United $tates. The United $tates will do whatever it
takes to maintain access to cheap labor and resources in Latin America.
In this latest round of intervention, the United $tates has rallied
other imperialist powers and U.$. lackey governments to join the charade
in recognizing the illegitimate government of Guaidó.
As of this writing, the coup is failing and the national bourgeois
government led by Nicolás Maduro remains in power in Venezuela.
President Trump has threatened military intervention and we can
anticipate further subversion of democracy and covert and overt
imperialist attacks on Venezuela in the months to come.
The Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela
Venezuela was colonized by Europeans in 1522. The people won sovereignty
in 1821 led by Simón Bolívar. After WWI oil was discovered in Venezuela,
prompting an economic boom. But the collapse of oil prices in the 1980s
devastated the Venezuelan economy. As the standard of living fell and
the government implemented harsh economic reforms at the demand of the
imperialist IMF, the people began to protest. In 1989 massive riots were
met with violence by the government. This led to several coup attempts.
While these coups failed, they indicated the ongoing unrest and
instability in the country.
In 1998, Hugo Chavez was elected President with an overwhelming majority
of the vote and a mandate for change. Formerly a military leader, Chavez
had attempted a coup in the previous years of unrest. While not a
communist by any stretch of the imagination, Chavez represented the
national bourgeoisie in Venezuela. This class is a progressive ally of
the anti-imperialist forces. Chavez launched a “Bolivarian revolution”
which began with a 1999 Constituent Assembly to rewrite the Constitution
of Venezuela. The people were mobilized to participate in this political
process.
At the same time, Chavez implemented programs to help the vast majority
of poor people in the country. By 2005 they had eliminated illiteracy.
Between 1999 and 2012 infant mortality was cut from 19.1 to 10 per 1000,
malnutrition was reduced from 21% to 3%, and poverty rates were more
than halved. Venezuela also paid off all of its debts to the World Bank
and IMF and then withdrew from these imperialist organizations which
promote economic subservience in the Third World.
While implementing internal reforms, Chavez took up the anti-imperialist
pole of leadership in Latin America, in alliance with Cuba. In 2011 ey
helped launch the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States
(CELAC), uniting 33 countries outside of imperialist control. In 2005,
Venezuela launched a program to provide subsidized oil to 18 countries
in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Chavez was re-elected to two more terms as President, but died from
cancer in 2013 before serving his third term. Nicolás Maduro has been
the president of Venezuela since Chavez’s death. As Vice President,
Maduro was appointed to fill the role, and then won the popular
election. Maduro again won a recent presidential election, but under the
pretense that this election was not democratic, Juan Guaidó swore
himself in as “interim President” in late January at the urging of the
United $tates. Not even a participant in the election, Guaidó was
previously the head of the national assembly, a body that was declared
null and void in 2017.
Why does the U.$. care about Venezuela?
Venezuela is one of the world’s leading exporters of oil, and is a
founding member of OPEC. When Hugo Chavez took power, Venezuela was the
third biggest supplier of oil to the United $tates and the United $tates
continues to be the biggest buyer of Venezuelan oil. Chavez’s government
nationalized hundreds of private businesses and foreign-owned assets,
such as oil projects run by ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips.(1)
We can look to the recent history of Venezuela to understand just how
ridiculous is the U.$. claim to supporting “democracy” in that country.
The United $tates backed the viciously repressive dictatorship of Marco
Jiménez (1948-1958) because of eir support of transnational
corporations. This government imprisoned, tortured and murdered
thousands of innocent Venezuelans. For this service the United $tates
awarded Jiménez the military Legion of Merit “for exceptionally
meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding services and
achievements.”(2)
Obviously the United $tates’ economic interests in Venezuela are
significant. But there is also the geopolitical stability of imperialist
control in Latin America more broadly. Cuba, Bolivia, Uruguay and Mexico
are all refusing to follow the Amerikan imperialist lead in recognizing
this coup. And the Venezuelan government has been a thorn in the side of
the imperialists for years. Led by bourgeois nationalists, Venezuela is
a solid anti-imperialist holdout in the region. The success of the
Chavez government in retaining power and popular support is an
embarrassment for the imperialists and an example for the oppressed in
the region.
The U.$. government has been plotting coups and working to undermine the
government in Venezuela since Chavez took power. Back in April 2002 the
Bu$h government backed a short-lived military coup, but Chavez quickly
returned to leadership. The United $tates has a long history of
CIA-backed coups in Latin America. When direct overthrow of the
government doesn’t work, the U.$. government resorts to election
meddling, murder of political leaders, and other underhanded strategies.
All this is done in the name of “democracy.”
The road forward for Venezuela
Venezuela is not a socialist country. Hugo Chavez brought to power a
government representing the national bourgeoisie, not the proletariat.
Progressive reforms were made under Chavez that serve the interests of
the Venezuelan people as a whole in opposition to those of the
imperialist United $tates. But Venezuela continues to operate within the
capitalist model, despite rhetoric about “socialism.” Oil accounts for
98% of export earnings and 50% of GDP in Venezuela.(1) As production
falls, the economy has nothing to fall back on. This problem is just one
example of the failures of social democracy as a solution to the plight
of the Third World proletariat.
During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, the masses
were mobilized around the question of putting the people’s interests
first and not profits. This was the battle against the capitalist road.
Venezuela has yet to part with this road. But it continues down the road
of national sovereignty, refusing to be a neo-colony of the United
$tates. As such, the national bourgeois government in Venezuela is on
the side of the proletariat, while lacking solutions to all of its
problems. We must stand firmly in support of the Bolivarian government
in Venezuela as it remains a balwark against imperialist intervention
and subversion.
On 7 January 2019 the Supreme Court refused to take up a First Amendment
case challenging the statewide ban of Prison Legal News (PLN) in
the Florida Department of Corrections. The ban has been in place since
2009. This appeal was the final attempt to challenge the 11th U.S.
Circuit Court of Appeals which sided with the Florida DOC.(1) Each year
thousands of cert petitions are filed with the Supreme Court and most
are not heard. As is typical, no reasons were given for the PLN
case denial.
The Florida DOC maintains that they are censoring PLN for safety
and security reasons. The appellate court found this censorship
justified related to certain advertisements in PLN including ads
for pen pal services, businesses that purchase postage stamps, and
third-party phone services.
We know there is no real safety and security justification for censoring
PLN. It’s an educational publication that helps many prisoners
gain legal knowledge and fight back against injustices. PLN is,
however, a threat to the institution of prisons in the United $tates.
Prison Legal News fights for prisoners’ rights and exposes injustices
around the country. This is counter to the interests of a system that is
focused on social control.
A number of groups stepped up to file or sign briefs in support of
PLN. Of particular interest is one from a group of former
Correctional Officers, including some from Florida. They argue, very
rationally, that the complete censorship of PLN is an exaggerated
response to security concerns and a constitutional violation.(2) Of
course these former C.O.s, and many others who support allowing
PLN into the Florida DOC, made very narrow arguments that still
protected the DOC’s “right” to censor anything they deem dangerous.
These supporters are just opposing censorship for something so obviously
not dangerous as it exposes the falsehood that prisons are censoring
mail in the interests of safety and security.
This PLN lawsuit sets a very bad precedent for others fighting
censorship as the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals decision stands.
Fortunately it should not directly impact ULK as we don’t run
these third-party ads. Though Florida did censor ULK 62 for
“stamp program advertisement.” While we do accept stamps as donations,
we run no stamp programs. This goes to show that when there is no
justification for censorship, the prisons will just make up things not
even in the publication.
Any ruling upholding censorship in prisons is a bad one. This ruling
further exposes the reality that there are no rights, only power
struggles. The First Amendment only protects speech for those privileged
enough to buy that protection.
Pennsylvania DOC has a new mail policy requiring all prisoner mail be
sent to Florida, care of Smart Communications (SmartCom).(1) This
company scans in all mail and forwards it to PADOC to be printed and
delivered on site. No original mail will actually reach prisoners.
Prisoners receiving greeting cards or photos are being given shrunk,
black and white copies.
Some prisoners in Pennsylvania are circulating a request for legal help
to fight this new practice. They list multiple concerns. These changes
will dramatically impact the mail PA prisoners can receive including
almost certainly denying them access to political books and magazines.
SmartCom will keep scanned mail in a searchable database. This will
likely be used to profile people who send mail to PA prisoners. Under
the pretense of security concerns, this new policy is also about
political control.
Prisons are allowed to restrict prisoners’ First Amendment rights to
free speech, but it is “only valid if it is reasonably related to
ligitimate penological interests.” (Turner v. Safely, 482 U.S.
78, 89 (1987)) In this situation, PADOC is citing incidents of “multiple
staff members being sickened by unknown substances over the past few
weeks.” In September 2018, it says there were eight staff emergency room
trips for drug exposure.(2) It is focusing on mail restrictions because
“[i]t’s speculated that the majority of contraband enters the facilities
through the mail.”
PADOC is building a lot of hype on its website about how drugs come in
thru the mail and with visitors. Yet in its photographic report,
“Examples
of Drug Introduction into Facilities,” not one example is given of
staff bringing drugs in.(3) Anyone familiar with prison culture knows
that prison staff are a likely source for smuggling. It’s lucrative and
relatively easy. PADOC’s presentation of the situation is skewed. And
according to its FAQ on the new procedures for how it’s going to handle
this alleged poisoning problem, no additional screening or testing for
staff seems to be on the radar.
The new mail procedures imply that subscriptions for magazines and
periodicals will continue direct to the prison: “For now, you will
continue to receive issues of current subscriptions. If any issue is
compromised, it will be confiscated and destroyed. No future
subscription orders may be purchased except through the kiosk.” The memo
given to prisoners made it clear that all future subscriptions must be
purchased through PADOC. PADOC will purchase subscriptions in bulk and
have magazines shipped in bulk to the facility to deliver to prisoners.
The DOC will set the cost and select the vendors.
As a part of this change, PA is banning anyone from sending any books in
to prisoners.(4) “Inmates can make a request to purchase any book. The
DOC will provide the inmate with the cost of the book. Once the inmate
submits a cash slip for the book, the DOC will order the book and have
it shipped to the inmate.” No independent orders are allowed: “All
publications must be purchased through DOC.” Books sent any other way
will be returned to sender. While outside folks can deposit money in
prisoners’ accounts so that they can purchase approved books from
approved vendors, they will now have to pay 20% more than the cost of
the book because that is deducted from incoming money to many prisoners’
accounts as costs or restitution.
This is a ridiculous policy change, under the pretense of security.
While an argument is being made that preventing all physical mail from
entering facilities will cut down contraband, it is an unnecessary
obstruction to First Amendment rights of prisoners. The impact on
prisoners, whose contact with the outside world is mainly through the
mail, will be dramatic. Mail delays will likely increase, but more
importantly, many will no longer have access to education. Cutting off
books and magazines, limiting people to only content that is
pre-approved by the prison, means that organizations like MIM(Prisons)
will no longer be able to send literature to prisoners in PA.
This new policy is only serving to impose greater control and isolation
on prisoners in PA. The results of cutting prisoners off from outside
contact, and denying them educational materials, will just increase the
already high recidivism and likely fuel more conflict behind the bars.
This is what the prison wants: keeping prisoners fighting one another
rather than educating themselves, building ties to the community, and
building opposition to the criminal injustice system.
We received a lot of thoughtful responses to Under Lock & Key
61 debating sex offenders. This is a tough topic. It’s easy to
recognize that our culture encourages abuse of wimmin. And there are
many problems with how the criminal injustice system defines sex crimes
and selectively prosecutes this crime. But people don’t want to condone
rape, and many of us have a persynal reaction of horror to sexual
predators that makes it hard to think about this objectively.
Regardless of the societal influences, and the unfair definitions and
prosecutions, there are a lot of people who have committed sex crimes,
and these should not just be ignored or forgiven. This topic got a lot
of people thinking about whether or not sex offenders (SOs) can be part
of the movement, and if they committed sex crimes, if they can be
reformed.
Defining sex crimes
We have all been raised in a culture that promotes sexism and condones
gender oppression. We call this system the patriarchy. It’s a system
where sexy young teen models sell clothes, and TV and movies glorify
powerful men and violence against wimmin. This culture colors every
relationship we have. We’re taught that being a good man means acting
manly and strong and never letting a womyn tell you what to do. And
we’re taught that being a good womyn means submitting to the needs and
desires of your man. With this training, we can’t expect equality in
relationships. And without equality, we can’t expect free consent. Not
everyone has a gun to their heads when they are asked to consent to sex,
but there are a lot of different forms of power and persuasion.
So we’re starting out with a messed up system of gender oppression, and
then we’re trying to define which acts of sexual violation count as
coerced (rape) and which are just “normal.” One California prisoner
wrote:
“I want to comment on the sex offender topic. Yeah it’s rough because
like the Nevada 17 1/2 yr old dude it’s just that easy to get caught up.
As adults we’re able to date 18-19 year olds as a 40-50 year old.
“I mean if people are going to argue 15 year old and an 18 is different,
the question is why/how? If their answer isn’t ‘I just want my baby girl
to be my baby girl a few more years’ then their answer is B.S., because
that’s what it really boils down to.
“Moving on, the sex offender umbrella is too big. Like it was mentioned,
a person taking a leak in public is considered a sex offender? We
haven’t always had toilets, let’s get real and go after the real sex
offenders – fully adult male/female taking advantage of a child. That’s
a sex offender! 20, 30, 40 year old trying to sleep with a 13 year old –
sex offender! Possession of child pornography – sex offender!”
This writer raises the question of age to define sex crimes. We ask, why
is a 20 year old sleeping with a 13 year old rape, but a 20 year old
with a 15 year old isn’t? Probably because this writer believes a 15
year old is capable of consent but a 13 year old isn’t. That’s the key
question: who has the ability to give consent?
Truly free consent isn’t possible from within a system that promotes
gender oppression from birth. But that’s not a useful answer when trying
to define crimes from the revolutionary perspective. And if we’re going
to attempting to rehab/punish people who have committed sex crimes, we
have to decide what is a reasonable level of consent.
For now, we maintain that we should judge people for their actions, not
the label they’re given by the criminal injustice system. As this
comrade from Maryland explains, society creates sexual predators who act
in many different ways, but their actions all show us they are
counter-revolutionary.
“I was reading one article on sex offenders in ULK 61, and it was
talking about how to determine whether they did the crime or not. The
thought came to me of judge of character, their interactions with males
& females, whether prisoners or C.O.s, and the traces of
conversations when they feel comfortable. Even those who don’t have
sexual offense charges sometimes make you wonder by the way they
jerk-off to female C.O.s & female nurses or what they say to them
that have you think if they are undercover sex offenders.
“One prisoner went as far as getting the female nurse information off
the internet and called them on the jail phone and got (admin)
(Administration Segregation). This is the same person that comes back
and forth for jerking off to multiple disciplinary segregation terms,
but is locked up for a totally different charge. He’s a future sex
offender, that can’t be trusted for help in the revolution not due to a
label, but due to his character and interactions when he sees females.
“Then you have the ones that have been locked-up in their teenage years
and they’re currently in their 30s, and like to chase boys who are easy
to manipulate or who want sexual activity. One is big on being a
victimizer, but knows and talks a lot of Revolutionary preferences. He
has a lot of knowledge but can’t be trusted to prevail due to lack of
discipline and wanting to continue in his prison rapes & prison sex
crimes that he rejoiced in. But he is another one that is not locked up
for any sex offenses. Both were juveniles when incarcerated and have
been psychologically damaged and lack change & further
rehabilitation. Everyone still embraces them in general population and
looks past their sexual activities.
“How can people that exploit sexual habits right in clear view of the
prisoners be embraced and not looked upon as potential threats to
society, families, and fellow prisoners, when you have someone labeled
as a sex offender through childhood friendships and has to be sectioned
off & outcasted by other prisoners due to the label of sex offender
and not background information, the character of the man, their
interactions with same sex and opposite sex, and the signs & symbols
through their conversation?”
This writer’s view is echoed by a comrade in Texas who has come to
realize we need to judge people for their actions:
“UFPP is a must! Regardless of what you did to get in prison (rape, rob,
murder), I (also a prisoner) only judge you or anyone on how they go
forward from this day in prison. I used to work in food service and I
would break a serving into fifths for women in prison for killing or
abusing children. Then I grew up and got over myself. How do I know they
were rightfully convicted and how do I know how they got in this prison
life? I don’t. We’re all in the same spot starting out. What you do from
this time forward is your description for me. And people can change. I
have.”
When we look objectively at how many people, both in prison and in
society in general, commit sex crimes, it’s pretty depressing. The
recent #MeToo movement helped expose just how many sexual predators are
in the entertainment industry in particular. And writers like the one
above expose individual cases of predators behind bars. This is so
common because of a culture that promotes gender inequality. As long as
we see wimmin/girls as objects for sexual pleasure we will have a
problem with sex crimes. Another prisoner described this pervasive
problem in California:
“This letter is in regards to the sex offenders articles in ULK
61. We cannot”always” trust a state to tell us what crimes someone
has committed - but most of the time we can. It might not always be so
clear, but the majority of the time the person convicted of a sex crime
did indeed do it.
“Of the thousands of people I’ve come across in the SNY prisons I’ve
been in, absolutely nobody has claimed his pc 290 case is for urinating
in public. The most common is sex with a minor as there is absolutely no
thing in the state of California as consensual sex with anyone under age
18. I know this all too well because sex with a teen put me where I’m
at.
“There are probably as many different variables that create sex
offenders as there are types of sex offenders themselves. The
overwhelming factor with the sex offenders I’ve met in prison (and
there’s a lot of sex offenders in prison) is drug abuse, especially
methamphetamine. It’s safe to say that most sex offenders (at least
60-70%) were driven by the effects of meth. There are many in prison who
will admit to sex with underage females. Growing up in the housing
project of San Francisco’s Mission District I knew a lot of adults
(mostly men) that had sexual relationships (and even marriages) with
teens. It was very common also that the girls my age as a teen carried
on with grown men.
“Go to a Latina’s traditional 15th birthday celebration and count the
amount of males over 20 yrs old. Yes, that is what many are there for:
the girls. Do younger girls’ parents know about this? Yes, most do.
Cinco de Mayo has become another reason for America to party. Latin
foods, beers, music, piñatas, etc. We’ve welcomed with open arms. Are we
going to pretend that these ‘other’ traditions from Latin America don’t
exist and just continue to tag and store sex offenders or will something
be done to address this issue?
This writer makes a good point: lots of sex crime charges are real. Many
men have committed these crimes. But there’s no need to rely on what the
state tells us. In fact this writer demonstrates that people are being
honest with em about eir past crimes. We don’t gain anything by trusting
the criminal injustice system, and we don’t need to.
This comrade helps demonstrate our point that sex with teens is condoned
by capitalist culture. These cultural influences encourage men to see
their behavior taking advantage of wimmin, and pursuing teens, as normal
and acceptable. We won’t stop this completely until we get rid of the
patriarchy and have the power to create a proletarian culture.
Can criminals be reformed?
An important organizing question of today regarding sex offenders is
whether or not they can be part of the revolutionary movement. This
inspires a lot of debate behind bars. A comrade from Maryland provides
some good examples of people becoming revolutionaries in spite of
history of anti-people crimes. We agree with eir analysis that everyone
who has committed crimes against the people (sex offenders, drug
dealers, murderers, etc.) has the potential to reform and be a part of
the revolutionary movement. Whether or not we have the resources to help
make this happen is discussed in
“On
Punishment vs Rehabilitation.”
“Eldridge Cleaver was incarcerated for rape upon little white girls and
was not on Protective Custody, nor was he a victim, but the victimizer.
[Cleaver was actually incarcerated for assault, but was open that he had
raped wimmin and even attempted to justify it politically. - ULK Editor]
Though upon his parole release he worked for a newspaper company until
his run-in with Huey Newton at this newspaper company and joined the
Black Panther Party to become later down the line a leader within the
BPP political organization. James Carr was another that participated in
prison rapes even though he grew to become a instrument for the BPP, a
body-guard for Huey Newton upon his release, and a prison vanguard
alongside George L. Jackson. Basically, saying that in their era they
were not faulted by the political group for their past, but were looked
upon what they could do in the present and future.
“With what the United States set as standards are only accountable for
those who are out of their class and who they don’t care about, while
their class gets away with such crimes or slapped on the wrist with the
least time as possible. They have messed us up psychologically mass
media. So even if the people don’t know if the crime is true, what the
state places upon us as fraud charges, our mindset is automatically it’s
true cause America says it’s true. Just like when we see people on the
news wanted for questioning about a crime, we automatically say he did
it without knowing.
“Did the Revolutionaries of the 60s, 70s, and 80s not participate in the
Anti-People Crimes as modern day even though they were Vanguards for the
people and just as conscious as we are. Did they not sell illegal drugs
to raise money for court fees & bail fees? Did they not drink
alcohol and smoke weed & cigarettes? Did they not graduate to hard
drugs? Did they not shoot or stab people in their lifetime? Did they not
commit sexual assaults? That’s why we are able to learn from their
mistake, while also cherishing their great stands of Revolution. So
within criticism, criticize all through all eras and let those who want
to prove their self do it. If sex offenders, whether guilty or not,
started their own organization that was aligned with the same goals,
principles, and practices as MIM(Prisons), would you support them or
acknowledge their efforts? Do you feel that if a sex offender, guilty or
not, got conscious and changed for the better is capable of being a
positive tribute to a Revolution?”
On this same topic a Wisconsin prisoner disagrees and sees the
example of Eldridge Cleaver as a detriment to the movement overall.
“I personally do not believe there is a place in the movement for sex
offenders, and when I say sex offenders I’m referring to those who are
in prison for committing sex crimes, not statutory rape, where he’s 17
and she’s 16 or even if he’s 20 and she’s 16. I’m, talking about
un-consentual, outright rape of women, men and children. I don’t have
any affinity for those who rape prisoners or prison female officers and
staff.
“A lot of people bring up Eldridge Cleaver to support the argument of
reform for rapists, where to me Eldridge was not a true revolutionary,
he helped bring down the BPP and his mistreatment of Kathleen Cleaver,
Elaine Brown and others was egregious at best and outright barbaric at
worst. I don’t knock those who have compassion and believe in reform for
sex offenders, I’m just not one of them.”
While we disagree with this writer’s statement that SOs can’t be
reformed, we agree that embracing those who promote gender oppression
because of their correct line on national oppression can be very
dangerous for a revolutionary movement. The Black Panther Party
struggled with gender oppression, but in many ways was ahead of other
movements and organizations of their day. This doesn’t mean they got it
all right, but we have to judge people and movements in the context of
their struggle.
Finally, Legion writes compellingly about the potential for
rehabilitation of SOs and also offers a framework for undertaking this
work.
“So I’m sitting here eating a bowl of cereal and digesting ULK 61
and comrade
El
Independista made some valid points and MIM(Prisons) dissented. See
when we sparked this debate we were struggling with starting a NLO
consisting of comrades who have fucked up jackets who are willing to put
pride, ego, individualistic patriarchal thoughts and practices to the
wayside forming a column of revolutionaries who are given a chance to
show and prove that the state was wrong and that U-C-U works for all
instead of some. Answering El Independista’s questions of possible
solutions isolation, ostracization, extermination may I build?
“First and foremost as a revolutionary raised in the game I’d rather
deal with a SO than a snitch or a jailhouse thief. Why? Because in most
cases the SO can be re-educated if given the ability to perform. If a
potential comrade has been framed by the state who will hear him out.
He’s isolated like the sex offender island in Washington State off of
puget sound. Ostracization is another word for shun if the SO shuns
his/her anti-people conviction and uses unity-criticism-unity to combat
the patriarchy and upholds the merits of a drafted constitution along
with personal U-C-U known as self-criticism you can begin to mold
revolutionaries who ostracize themselves. Then there is extermination,
another word for ending re-education self-critique and revolutionary
bent will cause an ill (as in sick) blow to the injustice system. It’s
all or none. And no, I’m not harboring cho-mos and rapos, just willing
to do the work to see us free all of us. For example, if a column of
reformed SOs took up a revolutionary mindset and put said mindset into
practice one would exterminate a whole under represented class of
people.
“In California the Penal Code 226(a) is any sex crime. 266(h-j) have to
do with pimping and pandering, 288 is a molester, 290 is the required
registration code. Most kidnappers have to register for life. If you’re
a John you have to register and if you’re a prostitute you have to
register. If you opt into a shoot out and a child was involved you have
to register, and child endangerment is a sex crime. As well as rape,
peeing on the side walk, flashing. In prison all these cases get ‘P’
coded which prohibits the captive from ever being level 1 where there is
minimal politics, and forces one to live in enclosed structures with
secure doors AKA cell living. This leaves level”P” coded prisoners in 3
and 4 yards. These yards are political, whether GP or SNY there are
politics. And on these yards you have folks with a knack for praying on
the weak, creating a pattern of sexual abuse. Just look at any day room
wall you’ll see the # for the PREA hot-line and a slogan that says ‘no
means no and yes is not allowed.’
“People, we have to prepare for the white wolf invasion. You can’t bully
the SO problem away. You have to be a social scientist and commentator
and build institutions that collapse the structure. And to answer
MIM(prison), most SOs are on SNY yards and you have these snitch gangs
who look to isolate, ostracize and eliminate”threats.” Most SOs aren’t
rats, hell most aren’t even criminals, no rap sheet only accusations.
But these “gangsters” need a common enemy, and an easy target is the SO.
As a ‘do what’s best-ist’ I would, if given the platform to do so,
launch the wolf collective and invite all who read ULK to join,
not as a member but as a witness to the scientific display of
revolutionary conduct. I do this to sacrifice self for the masses.
“Start with self-critique and a solid understanding of your
errors. Make serious revolutionary action your priority Honor
and respect all human beings’ dignity Never go backwards in thought
walk and push Stand all the way up for what is righteous and do
what’s leftover You will be judged by your political work and
political line.
“You might think I’m crazy or nuts but I have 36 nuts and bolts that say
otherwise. The mathematics makes sense to turn nuts to plugs you plug in
nuts meaning you become the change you want to see, and if I have to
build the collective brick by brick stone by stone I will. I’m a convict
first for all the would-be haters, but I think the time has come to form
an infection on the skin of the beast.”
The September 9th Day of Peace and Solidarity is an opportunity for
prisoners to commemorate the anniversary of the Attica uprising and draw
attention to abuse of prisoners across the country. This event was
initiated in 2012 by a prisoner organization and has been taken up as an
annual United Front for Peace in Prisons (UFPP) event, with people
participating in prisons across the country.
We can not effectively fight the oppressors if we don’t have unity among
the oppressed. And that unity behind bars needs to start with peace and
solidarity. This is why activists spend the 24 hours on September 9
promoting peace and education. We call for a full halt on all
hostilities and engagements, whether between lumpen organizations or
individuals. All participants should use the day to educate and build
peace. In some places prisoners will observe a 24-hour fast. In others
there will be group classes to study and discuss political history and
current events. Figure out what you will do and get started organizing
people today.
We use September 9 to build on the UFPP principle of Peace: “WE organize
to end the needless conflicts and violence within the U.$. prison
environment. The oppressors use divide and conquer strategies so that we
fight each other instead of them. We will stand together and defend
ourselves from oppression.” This is a critical step in building a united
front among prisoner organizations and individuals committed to the
anti-imperialist movement. We do not need to agree on every political
question, but we must come together united around core principles to
build and succeed together. For those who are engaging others to
participate, the unity building starts well before September 9. It is a
long process of education and organizing to build the anti-imperialist
movement.
This 24 hour action will require a little sacrifice, but should incur no
harm, and should lead to a reduction in violence as all
prisoner-on-prisoner hostilities cease for the day. We can build greater
awareness of the oppression against which we fight, and build the unity
that is necessary for that battle, by organizing groups and individuals
to participate. Comrades organizing around the solidarity demo are
encouraged to send their plans or reports to Under Lock &
Key. To be included in ULK 64, your reports must be in our
mailbox by Monday September 17.
This issue of Under Lock & Key is devoted to exploring
tactics in organizing behind bars. We often hear how hard it is to get
people interested in politics, how so many are just doing their time, or
worse, getting high, collaborating with the COs, or promoting division
among prisoners. But we also hear from comrades about organizing
successes. We can all learn from our own failures and successes and also
from other people’s failures and successes.
This scientific process of learning from practice, and using those
lessons to improve our practice, is key to moving our organizing work
forward. Marxism is based in this science that we call dialectics. Often
people talk about it in the context of deep political line. But
political line is only useful if it can direct a successful political
practice. And so, as we spread revolutionary ideas and organize against
the criminal injustice system, we need to pay attention to what works
and what doesn’t, both for us and for others. And then apply these
lessons to improving our own work. Without dialectics the revolutionary
movement will stagnate; with dialectics we will continue to learn and
grow.
In a few articles in this issue we highlight the work of a psychologist,
Angela Duckworth, who has conducted and compiled studies of how to
engage and inspire people in work and how to build expertise. Although
ey writes about this subject from the perspective of mastering bourgeois
work or hobbies, we find some of the techniques and information
presented to be directly applicable to revolutionary organizing. We
learn from scientific studies like those presented by Duckworth, along
with our own practice, to grow and improve our work.
Duckworth is an interesting psychologist because eir work focuses on
measuring what ey calls “personal qualities” or traits, but eir work
also demonstrates that these traits of a persyn can and do change over
time. And individuals and society can have an impact on developing
desired qualities. We agree with Duckworth on this assessment of the
ability of people to change and grow through both their own work and
external forces. In eir more recent works, Duckworth clearly agrees with
us that these “traits” are more a product of education and training than
inherent in one’s persynality. Duckworth’s writing is instructive as we
look for ways to improve our own dedication and effectiveness, and ways
to better inspire others.
MIM(Prisons), like MIM before it, has long maintained that the field of
psychology under imperialism is generally used to help people adjust to
their oppression and adapt to the horrible culture of imperialist
patriarchy. It is a counter-revolutionary weapon when used in this way.
Further, bourgeois psychology often attributes behaviors to inherent
traits instead of material circumstances and conditions, suggesting that
humyns can’t change. We don’t have the ability to run truly scientific
experiments on humyn nature, but we have a lot of evidence from
revolutionary societies like the Soviet Union under Lenin and Stalin,
and Communist China under Mao to suggest that humyns have a tremendous
capacity to learn and grow and overcome selfish individualism.
Instead of seeing the selfishness and individualism in capitalist
culture as reasons that humynity will “always” have oppression and
suffering, we see it as evidence of the importance of a Cultural
Revolution under socialism. This concept was executed on a mass scale in
China under Mao. The Cultural Revolution recognizes the need for the
people to vigilently fight against reactionary culture and capitalist
ideas, even after the proletariat controls the government, because
capitalist culture and individualism will not disappear overnight.
Of course in the end individualism and self-interest won out in those
countries when capitalism was restored. But this doesn’t negate the very
real changes that so many people made in revolutionary societies. We
look to these examples as hopeful evidence, while studying them for
improvements needed for better success in the future.
There are people in the fields of psychiatry (medical doctors) and
psychology (not medical doctors) who have taken their study of humyns in
a revolutionary direction, contributing to the anti-imperialist
movement. Frantz Fanon is an excellent example of a revolutionary
psychiatrist. Among eir revolutionary work, Fanon’s scientific studies
contributed greatly to our understanding of the effects of colonial
subjugation on the oppressed, and a broader study of the lumpen.
Duckworth is not revolutionary, or anti-capitalist, or anti-Amerikan,
and ey is still mired in some of the pitfalls of the field of capitalist
psychology. But eir research presents some useful concepts and
techniques for revolutionary organizing work. In this spirit of
scientific learning we touch on Duckworth’s work in this issue of
ULK.