MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
www.prisoncensorship.info is a media institution run by the Maoist Internationalist Ministry of Prisons. Here we collect and publicize reports of conditions behind the bars in U.$. prisons. Information about these incidents rarely makes it out of the prison, and when it does it is extremely rare that the reports are taken seriously and published. This historical record is important for documenting patterns of abuse, and also for informing people on the streets about what goes on behind the bars.
Well comrades, I must stop and apologize to all. I fell back into the
street life, I had no place to live, I could not get a job, so I went
back to the old habits. I have no family support. I came back with 12
years to do. These things are very important in the post release: a
place to live, there’s a lot of people that come back because of
this. We also need to help find comrades jobs already lined up so they
can touch down running. Also if there’s anyone like me, x-gang members,
felon, tattooed up, it’s very hard.
Please put me back on the list for ULK. I’m no longer an active Crip,
I’m going to college in prison. I am now on the SNY yard because of
dropping out. It’s hard to have a political life. It’s easy in here
because we have a place to stay, but when comrades touch the streets,
life moves very fast and I was too slow to keep pace. So I’m starting
over. I want to get right. One thing I do know is the imperialists must
not win.
In Struggle.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This comrade echoes the theme of most
submissions to this issue of the Re-lease on Life newsletter: life on
the streets is hard after prison! We agree with this writer that we need
to set up serve the people programs to help our comrades hitting the
streets. Jobs and housing are a priority. We don’t have the resources to
do this right now, but these programs are part of our longer term goals
for the MIM(Prisons) Re-lease on Life program. And this is a way that
people on the outside can get involved. Help us seek out existing
resources that new releasees can tap into, and build the groundwork for
programs we can set up independently. As a first step, if you know about
resources in your area, send us information so we can share that
information with others. Anything that you find useful will probably be
useful to others: how to get food stamps, where to find temporary
housing, places that help finding jobs, etc. Until we are able to build
our own resources we can at least offer our newly released comrades some
help with finding some of the existing services that might help them get
along on the streets.
This is a question which all communists must ask themselves at one point
or another of their revolutionary careers. Furthermore, it is a question
which has essentially dominated the International Communist Movement
(ICM) ever since that movement became a real contender on the world
stage. Suffice to say that there has never in essence been a more
important question to ask and correctly answer within the ICM itself
other than patriotism or internationalism? That said, the concepts of
patriotism and internationalism are not mutually exclusive phenomena
forever separated by the same great impassable divide of ideological
difference, rather, patriotism and internationalism as properly
understood by communists are dialectically interconnected concepts that
we must struggle to unite.
Sometimes general, sometimes particular, but always of universal
importance, the concepts of patriotism and internationalism represent
different aspects of the subjective forces whose task it is to carry out
revolution both at home and abroad. Focus too much on one and you run
the danger of making an ultra-left mistake. Focus too much on the other
and you will not only be committing a tactical mistake, but will be
guilty of committing a right opportunist error. What comrades must
understand however is that pushing the revolutionary vehicle towards a
bright communist future isn’t necessarily about making the decision of
patriotism or internationalism. It’s about both. This is the topic which
the following essay will attempt to explain. Thus in wars of national
liberation patriotism is applied internationalism – but are there other
ways for us to apply internationalism within nation-specific projects?
Contrary to how this quote has been narrowed down by some comrades,
applied internationalism isn’t only about each nation fighting their own
battles and hoping that anti-imperialists from other nations will be
astute enough to recognize the tactical opportunities of our fight and
hence get in where they fit in. Internationalism is about extending our
hands and providing assistance to our comrades whenever we can and
offering lesser but equally important means of support when other
avenues of help have been closed off to us.
Point in fact, MIM(Prisons) can’t physically and persynally reach out to
every prisoner on a one-on-one level. But it has a bi-monthly newsletter
that goes out to the prison masses as well as a Free Books to Prisoner
Program, a website created in part to help facilitate the needs of
prisoners across the United $tates and document abuse. It runs study
groups and most recently help put out Chican@ Power and the Struggle
for Aztlán, a book that will help to build public opinion for
revolution in North America by agitating in favor of the Chican@ masses.
Not to mention the other nation-specific and internationalist projects
which it has been responsible for spawning.
Another excellent but largely forgotten and ignored example of applied
internationalism being practiced outside of a nation’s own borders is
how the Cuban masses under the leadership of Fidel Castro volunteered to
cross the Atlantic to fight alongside the Angolan people in their
struggle of national liberation against Portuguese and Amerikan
imperialism. This act took place for a variety of reasons, but perhaps
none more important than the sheer anger, disgust and solidarity which
Cubans felt at the sight of imperialist bombs falling on Angolan heads.
It could then be said that this sacrifice on behalf of the Cuban people
marked a development as well as a leap in the revolutionary
consciousness of the Cuban nation, both because they were willing to
give up their lives in the service of another oppressed nation and
because with their sacrifice they helped land such a strong and decisive
blow against colonialism, while simultaneously helping to detach Angola
from the imperialist framework. It could therefore be said that this
action on behalf of the Cuban masses was equally, if not more
significant than the Cuban revolution itself. This is just another
reason why Cuba holds such a special place in the revolutionary hearts
of oppressed people everywhere.
This now brings us to a recent debate initiated within the California
Council concerning USW’s potential contribution to a certain nationalist
project, and a certain comrade’s apprehensions/objections about the role
of USW vis-a-vis the national liberation struggles of the oppressed
internal nations, as well as the exertion of influence on USW by
revolutionary nationalists operating within that organization. In eir
argument the comrade in question took the position that no one nation
should be forced to take part in another nation’s struggles, citing that
this would be tantamount to one nation co-opting others to do its job
for them. That said, no nation should be allowed to control another
nation’s destiny or make decisions for other nations that are integral
to the liberation of the latter as this would in effect mark the
beginnings of a neo-colonial relation on a certain level. Furthermore,
the comrade also made the statement that “USW is not one nation united,
it’s multi-national.” Now this may be true, but the correct definition
for USW is the following:
“USW is explicitly anti-imperialist in leading campaigns on behalf of
prisoners in alliance with national liberation struggles in the United
$tates and around the world. USW won’t champion struggles which are not
in the interests of the international proletariat. USW will also not
choose one nation’s struggles over other oppressed nations struggles.”
And from the pamphlet The Fundamental Political Line of the Maoist
Internationalist Ministry of Prisons:
“Rebuilding the anti-imperialist prison movement means uniting all who
can be united around the common interests of the U.$. prison population
in solidarity with the oppressed people of the Third World…”
So while we should definitely be in agreement that no nation should be
forced to participate in another nation’s struggles and that no one
nation should be allowed to come up at the expense of another, this does
not in any way mean that USW, or the California Council in particular,
should be disallowed from initiating proposals and passing resolutions
that will support and lend assistance to nations or nation-specific
organizations represented within or outside of USW. The nation in
question can either accept the assistance or not. This method of action
and participation will ensure that USW retains its United Front mass
organization character by preserving the unity and independence of all
USW comrades and affiliated organizations. Indeed, USW, like all other
organizations, has a dual character. Unlike most other organizations
however USW’s duality is complementary and it is not an antagonistic
contradiction. While it is true that USW is a mass organization created
to represent and fight for the common interests of all prisoners as a
distinct social group, it is also a launch pad for the national
liberation struggles of the oppressed internal nations in which comrades
can cut their teeth thru revolutionary organizing, and from where they
can then go on to initiate and lead national liberation struggles on
behalf of their own respective nations.
This is what USW, as an anti-imperialist prisoner organization, should
be about: the internationalism of prisoners breeding revolutionary
nationalism, and revolutionary nationalist projects breeding
internationalism amongst the prison masses. This requires more than each
nation blindly going its own separate way. It requires unity of action
and unity of discipline. As such, it would seem then that what we have
here with the comrade in question may be a problem of perspective. What
some might see as internationalism others might perceive as a
contradiction. What some regard as mutual assistance others will call
co-optation. For those of us having this problem of “perception”
however, we would be wise to be cautious not to let our own love for our
nations blind us to the plight of others, as sometimes what this fear of
“co-optation” really translates to is our own fear or refusal to
participate in another nation’s struggles. Thus, we should be aware of
how our own nation’s struggles, as well as our failure to act on behalf
of other nations, can affect the ICM, lest we degenerate to the level of
narrow nationalism.
Since this question of whether or not USW should participate in a
variety of nation-specific struggles seems to be one rooted in
perception, let us take a closer look at the supposed pimping of nations
that would take place if USW were to decide to work in the interests of
a distinct national project. As has been the current practice thus far,
nowhere at all has this resulted in one nation’s struggle being taken up
to the detriment of another. But let’s just suppose that this is the
case, then maybe ULK should just stop featuring articles that
promote the struggle of one nation or another so that we may ensure that
no comrades from any nation feel as if they’re being pushed into the
background, or that their nation-specific article is forced to share
space on the pages of an internationalist forum that also represents one
nation or another, lest these comrades begin to feel “co-opted.”
Just because Mao Zedong said that in wars of national liberation the
nationalism of the oppressed nations is applied internationalism, it
does not justify our lack of adherence to other internationalist
principles. This is a guiding line of real communism and should likewise
be seen as a line of demarcation for all revolutionary nationalists
claiming the mantles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao. Applied
internationalism is about more than just fighting your own nation’s
struggles and we should never forget that. To give an additional
hystorical example, when Amerikan imperialism attacked Vietnam the
People’s Republic of China aided the Vietnamese by providing all types
of supplies including food, money and intelligence. Most activists of
the time believed this was not enough and that the Chinese should’ve
provided troops as well. We wonder what the previously mentioned comrade
would think about this? Perhaps ey would say it was too much and that
the Chinese were already guilty of co-opting Vietnam’s national
liberation struggle and how dare anyone suggest that the Chinese become
more involved? Of course, in a possible revolutionary future we can even
envision a myriad of situations in which the internal semi-colonies will
be forced to coordinate and work shoulder-to-shoulder to oust Amerikan
imperialism from their territories. Or would this too be a case of one
semi-colony co-opting the struggle of another?
The
Palestinian
campaign initiated by USW last year is yet another internationalist
project that is now shadowed by question marks, at least according to
that one comrade’s perspective. Perhaps this was simply incorrect
practice and “a waste of USW’s time”? As previously stated, while we
agree that no nation should be forced to contribute to another nation’s
struggles, we also believe that no comrade should feel as if they’re
being “forced” to participate in another nation’s struggles. As such,
maybe these type of people aren’t so much for internationalism as they
sometimes claim to be? Because Mao accomplished and wrote so much on the
national liberation struggle of China many have erroneously come to
believe that ey was a nationalist first and a Marxist-Leninist second;
but this view is wrong. Mao loved eir nation but ey was a
Marxist-Leninist first and foremost who recognized the liberation of
China as only a small component in the global struggle for communism.
Choosing and deciding what internationalist struggles one can
participate in besides those that are explicitly national liberationist
exclusive to one’s own is both a tactical and strategical question that
is dictated by the struggles and conditions of the time. Lacking a clear
and coherent reason why not to participate is indicative of a national
chauvinist political line in command. The USW Palestine campaign was a
fairly easy campaign to initiate due to the current stage of the
struggle and most USW comrades’ material conditions. Other struggles
will take more time and consideration to implement, while some might be
outright out of the question. Excluding the labor aristocracy, there is
a reason why revolutionaries from Marx to Mao championed the slogan:
“workers of all countries unite!”
We struggle for the liberation of all oppressed people or we don’t
struggle at all.
I received my copy of the book that you sent entitled
Chican@
Power and the Struggle for Aztlán. I found it quite interesting
because of its historical reflections, but it also produced a storm of
negative thoughts to disrupt my normal tranquility and this is why. In
regards to inclusion of the Agreement to End Hostilities in the
Chican@ Power book, for the most part those individuals who
reside on a Special Needs Yard (SNY) are not the enemy, but merely
opponents with opposite points of view and I believe that to disrespect
us merely because we refuse to conform to the ideology of those who
believe themselves to be demigods is to go against the
five
principles of the United Front for Peace in Prisons. Because not
everybody on an SNY are snitches who work for the pigs. Contrary to the
propaganda that is preached not everyone has gone through the debriefing
process. To be real it’s only about 10% who actually had to debrief
because they were validated.
I don’t understand why you would choose to destroy such an educational
book with the propaganda that has been professed to be against “the
establishment”, but has utilized the worn out but effective tactic of
divide and conquer for all these years. If they have learned anything
from the treatment that they’ve been subjected to, for all those years,
I would think that they would have learned that when you’ve got your
hands full, that the only way that you will be able to grab on to
anything new, is to let go of the past.
Ehecatl responds:
Struggle to Unite!
All unity with no struggle is the hallmark of opportunism which leads
even those claiming to fight for the oppressed to take up the mantle of
oppression as they continuously gloss over contradictions within the
broader movement for democratic rights. This is why we must not only
unite in order to struggle, but struggle to unite, as only then will the
struggle for democratic rights behind prison walls develop to the point
that the old prison movement fades away and enters a new stage in its
development. This will be the stage in the prison movement in which the
prisoner masses finally realize that their oppression is unresolvable
under the current system. This will be the stage of the prison movement
in which prisoners will give up their illusions of the current system.
This will be the revolutionary stage in which millions of prisoners will
demand national liberation for the nations oppressed under imperialism.
As dialectical materialists, Maoists are aware that all phenomena
develop within the process of stages. The prison movement is no
exception. The prison movement is currently in its early, embryonic
stage and not yet pregnant with revolution. The Agreement to End
Hostilities (AEH) and the Pelican Bay Short Corridor Collective (PBSCC)
are still a long way from advocating for the revolutionary nationalist
stage of the prison movement. More importantly neither the objective
conditions nor the subjective forces of the revolution have been
sufficiently prepared for the prison movement to have entered this
stage. This is not so much a judgment of the PBSCC as it is a statement
of facts. However, as stated earlier, unity without struggle is the
hallmark of opportunism and while we support the AEH, because we
recognize and uphold the progressive nature of that document in our
present stage, this should in no way mean that we won’t criticize where
it fails to represent the true interest of the prisoner masses. Before
going into this topic further however, some background on the Chican@
Power book is needed in order to clarify any misconceptions people
have have about who was behind the book project.
To be clear, Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán was a
collaborative effort between revolutionary nationalists from the Chican@
nation and MIM(Prisons). It was written primarily for the imprisoned
Chican@ masses in an attempt to not only educate Chican@s on our
hystory, but our reality. It was an attempt to produce a comprehensive
but concise work that fuses Chican@ liberation with Maoist ideology. The
authors of the AEH did not take part in the production of this book. In
addition, both Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán and the
AEH were mutually exclusive projects carried out by two mutually
exclusive groups around roughly the same period. This point is extremely
important to grasp because of the scope and significance of these
projects, as well as their correlation, because it speaks to the leaps
in consciousness amongst both these groups. This goes to show that the
revolutionary current has once again begun to surge in both the lumpen
class in general and the Chican@ lumpen in particular. Both the AEH and
Chican@ Power represent positive steps in the right direction.
So, while we most certainly believe that there is much room for
improvement in the AEH and have said so since day one, we also believe
in such a thing as United Front organizing. United Front organizing
involves the unification of various groups, organizations and
individuals around a common program capable of bringing together as many
progressive forces in order to defeat the common, stronger enemy. The
result is an alliance which, while not always easy or without
difficulties, gets the job done. Therefore, what is required during this
particular stage of struggle is strategic and not ideological unity. To
make ideological unity a pre-requisite for U.F. organizing will
undoubtedly amount to defeat after defeat for the prison movement
because not everyone is at the same place politically, or of the same
mind. Some people participating in the AEH are New Afrikan
revolutionaries, some are for Aztlán liberation, while more are still
stuck in old gang mentality; Norteño, Sureño, Blood, Crip. Some are even
SNY! And while there are many things that these groups don’t have in
common there is still one thing that binds them together – their common
oppression at the hands of a common enemy.
More to the point, our decision to take part in this United Front comes
from the Maoist conception of the principal contradiction. The principal
contradiction is the highest, most influential contradiction whose
existence and development determines the existence and development of
other contradictions. Therefore, it is imperative that all California
lumpen organizations and individuals unite and uphold the correct
aspects of the AEH, all the while building newer, stronger and more
correct foundations based upon the revolutionary aspects of the AEH
while rejecting its reactionary aspects. Doing this will ensure that the
progressive nature of the document will continue to push the movement
forward, lest it retrogress, stagnate and die.
The growing phenomenon of Sensitive Needs Yards in California prisons is
itself a manifestation of the principal contradiction within the prison
movement; and the principal contradiction is itself dialectically
related to the dismantling of the old prison movement and the temporary
demise of national liberation struggles within U.$. borders. Many have
forgotten that it was the revolutionary impetus of groups like the Black
Panther Party, the Brown Berets and many others that originally sparked
the revolutionary fire within California prisons nearly 50 years ago.
And just as the creation of the SNY was dialectically related to the
contradictions within the old prison movement, so should the
contradictions that led to the need for SNYs be resolved with the
success of the new prison movement. If the new prison movement is to
live up to its full potential it is essential that the prison masses
learn from the mistakes of the past. This requires that the
revolutionary masses behind prison walls begin organizing in opposition
to the status quo, as only then will the prison movement truly become a
movement of the masses and not one of individuals. This requires that
the revolutionary masses begin taking the initiative in revolutionary
organizing and that the leadership sponsor and provide safe avenues for
the prison masses to organize. If the PBSCC is sincere in its fervor
then the masses will see this and work hard for the struggle. Likewise,
if the PBSCC and other prison leaders are not sincere in their fervor,
then the prison masses will also see this.(1)
The present principal contradiction within the prison movement was
identified by United Struggle from Within (USW) and MIM(Prisons)
comrades as the parasitic/individualist versus
self-sufficient/collective material interests of prisoners. Within this
contradiction it is the parasitic/individualist aspect that is currently
dominant, although the self-sufficient/collective material interest
aspect, while currently subordinated, has been steadily gaining
prominence. How this contradiction will turn out is wholly dependent on
how the prison movement continues to develop. Will it continue to move
forward or will it retrogress?
It is true that the AEH does not conform to the United Front for Peace
in Prisons. Furthermore, if one reads this document carefully ey will
note that the first point clearly states that they are only interested
in bringing about substantive meaningful changes to the CDCR system in a
manner beneficial to all “solid” individuals, who have never been
“broken” by “CDCR’s torture tactics intended to coerce one to become a
state informant via debriefing…” Indeed, if the PBSCC is being honest
then they should acknowledge that it is the powerful lumpen chiefs who
bear the brunt of the responsibility in pushing prisoners into becoming
state informants in the first place, and not CDCR. [We can look to
examples like the siege of Wounded Knee when the FBI and military
terrorized and interrogated the whole Oglala Sioux population and no one
gave up information to the pigs. - MIM(Prisons)] Admittedly enough, the
principal writers who have been contributing to Under Lock &
Key since this document came out should be blamed for not practicing
one divides into two politics (myself included). If the writers
regularly featured in Under Lock & Key and the MIM(Prison)
website are supposed to be representing the proletarian pole then it’s
time we begin pushing the leaders of the PBSCC and their supporters in a
more revolutionary direction. If the PBSCC is serious about lessening
oppression behind prison walls then they should recognize that they will
need the help of SNY prisoners who make up over 30% of the CDCR prison
population.(2)
A while back you had sent me the book Chican@ Power and the Struggle
for Aztlan. Well, recently I went to ASU for violence and while
packing my property the C/O threw it away along with every book I owned
having cultural literature. While throwing out Chican@ Power ey
stated that the cover is red, therefore it looked gang-related. While
I’m 602ing this, is there any way i can be in line to recieve it again?
Our group’s name is FFU, or Frantz Fanon University. Our statement of
unity is to actively educate “the people”, radicalize gang members in
aims of putting an end to ALL OPPRESSION.
We believe in having peace amongst the oppressed in working
together arm-in-arm. We know that it takes unity to rise up
against the power structure that holds us down. Growth is
tantamount in the struggle. Internationalism needs to be
reached. Independence is what we’re striving for.
by a California prisoner April 2016 permalink18 April 2016 Revolutionary Greetings to you all,
Today we had a tournament of handball here in Folsom Prison C-Yard. It
was a tournament where my homies from the south and the fellas from the
north played with each other. We opened our courts for them to come and
just have some fun and express solidarity and unity not only to our
people but to the other factions of people and tribes. It was a
beautiful thing to see, for we had all the Raza from Aztlán and other
comrades in the courts of handball. Two months ago we had a few baseball
games where north and south Raza had a go and for a minute we thought
that would probably be it. But no. Efforts are being made from both ends
and others as well, to keep the peace amongst the lumpen organizations
(LOs). We understand it’s a small token here, but a big step for
emancipation for sure. It’s been a good year so far. We are constantly
working to unify the lumpen, I myself struggle to spread the view of one
united Aztlán. It’s a slow but steady process.
I received the book, Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán.
It helps me out, not only to understand more, but also to teach others.
And now I can provide more info when we teach each other.
Update 18 May 2016: The next step we have taken is to mix the
teams – no more north against south – We just play. So we’ll see what’s
next. It’s as if we’ve been waiting for this to happen but wouldn’t say
it. Now that it has it is embraced by the majority here. Of course,
there is still those that have an Amerikanized divide and conquer
mentality. But they will adapt and learn.
The new hit single across California.
Available now @ Pelican Bay State Prison, California Correctional
Institution, San Quentin State Prison, Corcoran State Prison,
& Old/New Folsom State Prison. Stand up for your rights
now to get your free tickets!
No doubt even throughout the global community many have heard of the
infamous “3 Strikes Law.” In California if someone gets 3 felony
convictions they face a sentence of LIFE in prison. The law has created
quite a bit of controversy and there’s been a few token reforms to it
that mean about as much as calling San Quentin (SQ) a “Correctional
Center” instead of a prison.
SQ’s Adjustment Center (AC) is also in the midst of controversy and in
the process of implementing reactionary token reforms in much the same
way. They also implemented what could be called “The 2 Strikes Law.” The
SQ oligarchy calls their oppressive tool of retaliation Operational
Procedure (OP) 608 Section 825 A.4. Here’s how it gets implemented:
On 25 December 2015 while en route to group yard Sergeant Rodrigues
waved a piece of paper in a prisoner’s face, after asking him if he
remembered refusing to show his asshole to officer C. Burrise the other
day. Rodrigues tells the prisoner he is going to the AC for receiving
two serious Rules Violations Reports (RVRs) within 180 days of each
other. A death row prisoner receives an indeterminate SHU term for that.
The two RVRs involve the prisoner’s refusal to submit to unclothed body
search procedures either prohibited by OP 608 Section 765(2) (local
prison rules) and state law, or not applicable to East Block (EB)
prisoners. In fact, before either of these RVRs were fabricated the
prisoner had filed several staff complaints citing the Prison Rape
Elimination Act (PREA) and alleged “sexual harassment under the guise of
security.” The prisoner also wrote an informal letter to Specialized
Housing Division Facility Captain J. Arnold asking him to abolish his
“Perversion Enforcement Team Training Project” (PETT Project). That got
the prisoner a punitive cell search response resulting in the
confiscation of a loaner TV and theft of art supplies valued at $48. So
now you know the motive. But let’s see what else this means for ALL
death row prisoners thinking Seigle & Yee are to the rescue.
Seigel & Yee are the attorneys currently representing the “AC class”
regarding the long-term/indeterminate SHU program conditions experienced
by death row prisoners in the AC. One prisoner who corresponded with
Seigle & Yee attorney Emily Rose Johns in early 2014 from his
recently acquired EB (SHUII) cell reports advising her a wave of
prisoners formerly doing indeterminate SHU terms in the AC was flowing
into EB and being assigned to the “Sun Deprivation Program.”(1) This
prisoner came over to EB just ahead of that wave. Johns’s response to
our dilemma was, “We intentionally kept the scope of the case narrow for
many reasons, including out of respect for the experience prisoners in
the AC had with the Thompson case.”
So now it’s about time that someone points out that experience prisoners
in the AC had with the Thompson case, including not rescinding the 2
Strikes Law, and that OP 608 Sec. 825 A.4. is still being used as a
revolving door into the abyss of indeterminate SHU terms. How leaving
that door wide open could be hailed as a reform or “respect for the
experience of prisoners in the AC had with the [SQ/Seigel & Yee]
case” remains to be seen by a lot of prisoners literally LEFT IN THE
DARK for years.
This unfolding experience brings to mind an article from a recent issue
of Under Lock & Key.(2) It sets the record straight,
explaining in detail the
“reforms”
hailed in the media regarding indeterminate SHU terms with respect
to prisoners subject to the cruel and unusual conditions in the Pelican
Bay gulag. Just as the so-called reform left the doors wide open to
every other SHU in California’s gulag system, merely limiting the time
spent doing an indeterminate term at Pelican Bay to 2 years. It’s
nothing, NOTHING different than SQ’s 2 Strikes Law being intentionally
contested. Torture cannot be reformed. So the practice of long-term
isolation must be ABOLISHED. The construction of more SHUs at SQ must
stop because it is torture.
[This comment was submitted by a California death row prisoner to the
California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation in response to a
“written public comment period” (closing 22 February 2016) on the topic
of instituting death penalty by lethal injection in California. Any
response to this letter will be posted here.]
No matter how it’s accomplished legalized murder is still murder. Making
it seem less cruel so it’s not that unusual needs a lot of
premeditation. And unfortunately the United $tates keeps drooling to
kill people under the guise of “justice” around the globe.
The most sickening thing about the state governments still promoting
legal murder within their borders is the warehousing of all those bodies
awaiting the genocidal intention of their oppressor. These beast-like
governments are scurrying to stack living bodies high in newly designed
torture units based on the Pennsylvania model, which was ironically
outlawed back in the 1890s then brought back in 1983 starting in Marion
(in Illinois) and continues unchecked, merely shrouded in token reform
despite the Convention Against Torture ratified by the United $tates in
1994 or the hunger strikes of 2011 and 2013. So who are the real
psychopaths?
The general public’s ability to research these facts is greater than a
prisoner’s, and of course this is by design as well. The oppressor is
real, and just as it intentionally deprived its slaves from an education
to keep them neutralized, submissive, unable to use the most powerful
weapon to free themselves - their minds - because knowledge is power; it
is still the mind our oppressor is aiming to destroy. Our bodies provide
their sustenance. So it’s no sign of relief simply because their methods
of execution change.
Obama once went on TV saying Assad needs to be ousted for gassing to
death his own people. He even talks down to the UN Assembly basically
accusing it of having no balls and suggested threats, drones and
missiles be launched at Syria as if that would promote mass peace in the
region.
Several states, including California have a history of gassing to death
their own people too. Some prosecutors rallied to bring back the gas
chamber since suppliers of chemicals used by the state to “legally”
murder its citizens are not wanting to sell them drugs meant for
peaceful purposes – for extending and saving life rather than making a
weapon of mass corruption to use against the minority nations.
If it’s Obama’s solution to oust the Assad regime/government than reason
dictates that the Obama regime/government should be ousted for the same.
What you are seeing is a chiseling away at human rights which is
starting to expose the features of the beast within, not some random
shape perceived in a passing cloud of one’s overactive imagination. And
the current government don’t seem to have the balls to admit.
I am a true soldier for the cause of change and the fight it takes to
accomplish it. I have been housed at Pelican Bay State Prison since
2013, after being released for a sticking. My prior dealings with this
place dates back to 1996 when I did my first bid. Currently I have
chosen to embrace change and growth as well as a United Front for Peace
at Pelican Bay State Prison.
I am currently involved in “P.E.A.C.E.”, Prisoners Embracing
Anti-hostilities and Cultural Evolution. We have been going strong for
over 8 months. Our cause is based on embracing anti-hostilities and
cultural evolution amongst Africans, Hispanics, Whites, Asians,
Islanders, and Native Americans by way of partaking in tournaments of
basketball, handball, volleyball and having made a conscious choice for
change.
These efforts are not being taken lightly by this prison, and every
effort is being made to stomp our push for change. The oppressor has
refused to follow any of their own set rules and regulations as far as
Inmate Leisure Time Activity Groups (ILTAGs) are concerned and assisting
our approved ILTAG from running said tournaments without any hassle or
fear of our sponsor being prevented from performing his duties without
constant nickel and dime harassment tactics.
Pelican Bay State Prison is not open for change. I have been placed in
Ad-Seg due to what staff here refer to as “causing ripples.” I did 9
months with no charges or a finding of guilt as to that 115
[Disciplinary Report]. A comrade took on the Men’s Advisory Council
chairman job and raised many concerns of the general population, only to
find their house searched by squad numerous times, and constantly given
urine tests, though none of these tactics ended with any findings of
guilt.
I have so much to share with you all including the atmosphere on these
main lines and the new tactics being used to incite violence, chaos and
riots. I am on the front line as are so many other brethren here, but we
need that voice and the way shared with us on how to proceed in the
correct way.
I wish to further educate the masses here at Pelican Bay State Prison as
do others, but we seriously need a support system from the outside. Just
like the distance of this place from civilization, this is what it feels
like to seek rehabilitation, peace, and change at a place that
specializes in oppressing. Prisoners’ mail is not going out or coming
in, and there is no way to prove either way, the
602
[prisoner grievance] process is in shambles; even when you win in
this prison you still lose. Every action causes a reaction and Pelican
Bay is notorious for their continued nit picking until they get the
reaction they are seeking: chaos, violence, riots and disunity amongst
prisoners.
We humbly ask for your assistance in bringing change to Pelican Bay
State Prison, and the followers you possess in how to proceed. Please
include all information and knowledge needed to proceed. Contact myself,
and all will be shared with the men concerned. P.E.A.C.E.