MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
We honor Black Panther Herman Wallace, who died on October 4, 2013 after
spending 41 years in solitary confinement in a Louisiana prison for
allegedly killing a prison guard. These charges were always suspect, and
on October 1 a U.S. District Chief Judge agreed and overturned his
conviction, ordering his immediate release. Despite the State of
Louisiana’s attempt to block the release, Wallace was able to spend the
last two and half days of his life out of prison with family and
friends.
The fact that Wallace had only days to live was well-known and likely
played into his release. On the same day of the decision, his close
comrades, Robert King (released in 2001) and Albert Woodfox (still in
solitary confinement) were able to visit him due to his dire
condition.(1) Together they made up the Angola 3, three of the longest
to spend time in solitary confinement. Woodfox is in his 41st year in a
control unit and is still locked up.
On 7 October 2013, the U.N. special rapporteur Juan E. Mendez called for
the release of Albert Woodfox from solitary confinement, saying his
isolation amounts to torture. Once again, the U.N. went on record
stating that “the use of solitary confinement in the U.S. penitentiary
system goes far beyond what is acceptable under international human
rights law.”(2)
The movement to free the Angola 3 has been championed by a dedicated
group and echoed by supporters of political prisoners for decades. And
the three, who formed a strong prison chapter of the
Black
Panther Party before being put in isolation, have continued to stay
politically sharp and struggle for the rights of oppressed people.
Robert King has been dedicated to not just supporting his two close
friends, but opposing the Amerikan criminal injustice system.
While we recognize their indominable spirits, and the pleasure Wallace
must have felt in his last few days, the tragedy of wasted lives in U.$.
torture chambers remains unacceptable. These men, who became dedicated
revolutionaries because of the adversities they faced, were prevented
from fully acting on those aims by a system that intentionally framed
and isolated them for political reasons. The state wants to brand
activists like the Angola 3 as “cop killers” when in reality they were
dedicated to a life of serving the people. They were individuals who
could have transformed the destiny of New Afrika, and supported the
liberation of all oppressed people from imperialism. Instead, Wallace
was tortured by Amerika for four decades, until he was within days of
death.
The case of Herman Wallace epitomizes the politics behind the United
$tates’s sanitized version of torture, in what is the largest mass
incarceration experiment in the history of humynkind. And while it may
be easier for some to support a Black Panther framed for killing a cop
than to support a Crip accused of being a “shot caller,” we must
recognize the continuity between them. Otherwise we only spend our time
on the individual cases, without addressing the system. We respect the
work of the Angola 3 Coalition and groups like it. On the other hand, we
should not be satisfied with victories like the release of Herman
Wallace 2.5 days before he dies. We celebrate the organizing that has
reached international attention in California in recent years, where
prisoners of all backgrounds in long-term isolation have stood together
to attack its very existence. While even that is just one piece of the
system that must be addressed, we can best pose a real challenge to this
systematic use of torture that is used by the Amerikan oppressor to
control those who might challenge their hegemony over the world by
organizing all those affected by it.
As a member of the
Georgia
hunger strikers of 2012 and the focus of Georgia’s prison beating, I
strive to awaken these brothers here in Georgia. I have been spreading
ULK to all here and to a lot of associates at other prisons. As
of 16 September 2013 the
video
of me being beaten with a claw hammer by these pigs has gone viral.
A comrade and myself have filed charges on those pigs, and due to all
the exposure, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation is doing their best to
do damage control, but the damage is too great. Two state Senators are
calling for the whole ordeal to be investigated, including the Internal
Affairs and Georgia Bureau of Investigation. I’m still at the so-called
Special Management Unit.
To the brothers in California I salute you all! To all the fallen
comrades: your sacrifice will not be in vain!
MIM(Prisons) adds: This is a good example of the power of media
to expose injustice. Unfortunately, mainstream media has little interest
in exposing imperialism or the criminal injustice system, as that would
not sit well with their advertisers or their Amerikan readership. This
is why we need an alternative press. ULK fills this role for
prisons in particular. And we can best cover news when prisoners write
about what’s going on in their state. The 2012 Georgia hunger strike was
not written about extensively in ULK because we had to rely on
non-prisoner sources. Our ability to contribute to struggles like this
one is greatly enhanced with comrades like this writing in with news
about the struggle. Exposure does sometimes embarrass the pigs into
making changes, and even when it doesn’t, we must continue to educate
people about the abuse and injustice going on across the criminal
injustice system.
I don’t read much in ULK about Florida prisons. This is
unfortunate because readers may believe the Florida Department of
Corruption (FDOC) is like the California, Texas or Arizona systems. This
is not true. There are conditional differences as well as attitudinal
differences between the north and south Florida prisons.
Some notable conditional differences are in what has been referred to in
ULK as SHUs and the unity among Florida prisons. The FDOC has
Control Management Units (CM). One can find these on CMI, CMII, or CMIII
for 3, 2, or 1 year, respectively. In the beginning, the early 1990s,
these were sensory deprivation cells. During the CM heyday of the late
1990s you didn’t even have to commit a disciplinary infraction, just be
considered a ‘management problem.’ Torture was the name of the game.
Suicide was frequent. With help from the outside, lawsuits were filed
and settled, and the CM system changed at the close of the 90s. This did
not bring a close to the shattered lives of the survivors of these
imperialist torture cells. FDOC still has CM, but it is not as easy to
put someone on CM status, and they are not sensory deprivation any
longer. Brutality and rampant use of tear gas sill happen, but not as
bad or often as before. I urge comrades in the other states to keep up
the struggle and to not think any sacrifice you may make is too much. A
couple of my friends lost their lives trying to get out of those torture
cells and two more took their own lives after release from prison due to
continuing mental instability after years in CM. It doesn’t go away when
the door opens!
It appears to me, after reading several issues of ULK, that
there is more unity in other states. There is no organization among
different prisons nor even among individuals within a single prison here
in Florida. They are more like cliques operating for extortion purposes.
Unity is virtually nonexistent against the administration.
Unity is not even a concern of the guards. In my present experience, I
am a peer facilitator in a certain program. The institution requires
everyone in the program to live in the same dormitory and to meet at
least once a day, 25 at a time in a separate classroom, to complete
character based programs, i.e. imperialist brainwashing, that I then
conduct unsupervised - Ha! Comrades, you would think this is the perfect
opportunity to organize and unify, but it doesn’t work that way. There
is much inner struggle. When I speak of how the imperialists define a
box and then they say it is our own fault that we don’t fit in it; that
we are here, I am met with scorn. I have started a slogan: Power to the
poor people, but it is slow to catch on - no one is poor? When I filed a
grievance on an officer for not doing her job it was labeled as
‘snitching on the police’ as if that’s even possible! When the water
cooler broke and we needed it fixed, I asked who all will file a
grievance. No one would: no one did. There is a fear about unifying to
file grievances.
Furthermore, as I stand up and speak on oppression and revolutionary
ideas; about socialism and communism, I alienate myself more and more
from my fellow white nation. It is just like a comrade from MIM wrote me
recently - I am committing class suicide (a small sacrifice indeed). I
am labeled communist as if that were a dirty word! If any comrades know
of a technique I can use to get these guys united, let me know.
North Florida prisons vary from south Florida prisons in the general
attitudes of the guards and administrators. The north Florida prisons
are mostly operated by the white nation. These prisons are more
structured, restrictive, and command more discipline. The south Florida
prisons are mostly operated by the Black and Latino nations and are not
as well organized, loosely run, and more laid back. It is not so easy to
get a disciplinary report or go to disciplinary confinement while in a
south Florida prison.
I said that to say this; keep the struggle against the man, not
yourselves. Remember who the enemy is no matter what type of prison you
are in, be it a north or south Florida type. Just because some of you
have better conditions than others doesn’t mean be pacified, it means
you can struggle more; struggle harder.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This comrade raises a good point about
analyzing the conditions where we are at. Each state, and even each
prison, has different conditions with different contradictions and
struggles. While this comrade is frustrated by the current lack of unity
in Florida prisons, s/he gives a good example of unified struggle from
the 90s and so we can see that conditions we face change over time. We
do have the power to affect these conditions. It won’t happen overnight,
but through education we will build unity. Where there was unity around
a shared struggle against Control Management Units, we might look to
build unity today around another common struggle. This is a challenge
for USW comrades in Florida: to determine what issue will be best to
focus on at this time. Regardless of the issue, spreading Under Lock
& Key and other revolutionary material, and talking to others
about their situation and the system, will help build consciousness.
When we are met with scorn when we talk about the imperialists, we may
need to take another approach, start from something that is bothering
someone. Try to tie this back to the imperialist system so they can see
the connections. And remember that even if we don’t gain a comrade
today, we may have planted the seeds for revolutionary consciousness.
Under the pretense of not allowing any harm to befall me, I was placed
in Administrative Segregation (Ad-Seg). Texas law states inmates in
Ad-Seg must be afforded at least one hour a day, every day, out of their
cell for exercise and/or meaningful recreation. I stayed in Ad-Seg for
approximately nine months, and at no time was I granted any time out of
my cell. I suffered significantly due to this cage. Without exercise my
muscles atrophied and now cause me severe pain. My mental state declined
greatly, with horrible depression, thoughts of suicide, all around
mental anguish.
Well, I wrote several grievances about these deplorable conditions, all
of which were denied (of course). Then, I filed a formal complaint
against Harris County Jail with Texas Commission on Jail Standards
(TCJS). TCJS then responded that the “24 hour” lockdown was appropriate
and they will not pursue the issue any further. I took the next step and
filed a lawsuit (form 1983) against the jail, the Sheriff of Harris
County, the Mayor and Captain over the detention bureau. I stated that
they violated my 8th Amendment right (to be free from cruel and unusual
punishment) as well as my 14th Amendment right (the right to due
process). This civil action was filed 4 April 2012. There have been
multiple motions filed both on the plaintiff’s side and the defendant’s.
One mistake got me close to the case being thrown out. It seems inmates
in county jails on “detention centers” are not protected under the 8th
Amendment. They get to decide who is worthy or not of receiving rights
guaranteed by the Constitution.
My case is still in the works, but when I get my day in court in front
of a jury I’m confident I will win this lawsuit. I am suing not only for
monetary compensation, but I’m trying to help my fellow comrades by
asking the judge to declare this 24-hour lockdown illegal and immoral,
and order the jail to cease and desist this barbaric practice.
MIM(Prisons) adds: In our ongoing struggle against
control
units we have seen the dramatic and detrimental health effects of
this system of torture for social control. Even the United Nations has
condemned long-term solitary confinement in Amerikan prisons. But still
prisons and even jails continue to use this practice. This is not
surprising since we see these units used as a tool of social control.
Prisoners who fight the system in any way, or are perceived as educators
or organizers of other prisoners, are isolated to try to limit their
work. We have been collecting
statistics on
control units because there are no public numbers on the scope of
this torture. To help with this project write to us for a survey about
control units in your state.
According to the Collective’s statement, they have suspended their
strike in response to a pledge by state legislators Tom Ammiano, Loni
Hancock and Tom Hayden to hold a legislative hearing into conditions in
the Security Housing Units (SHU) and the debriefing process.
MIM(Prisons) is not optimistic of the outcome of such hearings. Ammiano
held a hearing in August 2011 in response to the first of three mass
hunger strikes around this struggle, and nothing changed, leading to the
second hunger strike that October. Back in 2003, our comrades as part of
the United Front to Abolish the SHU attended a legislative hearing on
the conditions in the California SHU and the validation process. They
published an article entitled,
“CA
senate hearings on the SHU: we can’t reform torture.” Ten years
later, little has changed. These hearings keep happening, but they are
little more than pacifying talks by those in power. The facts have been
out there, the state has known what is going on in these torture cells.
So what is the difference now? And how can we actually change things?
CDCR Done Addressing Problems
Before we look at how we can change things, let’s further dispel any
illusions that the CDCR or the state of California is going to be the
source of this change. In the latest iteration of the strike, an
additional 40 demands were drafted around smaller issues and widely
circulated to supplement the
5
core demands. On 26 August 2013, the CDCR released a
point-by-point
response to the demands of those who have been on hunger strike since
July 8. The announcement by the CDCR cites a 5 June 2013 memo that
allegedly addresses many of these supplemental demands. Others are
listed as being non-issues or non-negotiable.
This CDCR announcement implies that we should not have hopes for
negotiations or actions towards real change from CDCR. The Criminal
Injustice System will not reform itself; we must force this change.
The Struggle Against Torture Continues
At first glance, the fact that this struggle has been waging for decades
with little headway (especially in California) can be discouraging.
However, our assessment of conditions in the imperialist countries
teaches us that right now struggle against oppression must take the form
of long legal battles, despite claims by the censors that we promote
lawlessness. Sporadic rebellions with lots of energy, but little
planning or longevity, do not usually create change and the conditions
for armed struggle do not exist in the United $tates. We are therefore
in strategic unity with the leaders who have emerged to sue the state,
while unleashing wave after wave of peaceful demonstrations of ever
increasing intensity. All of us involved have focused on agitation to
shape public opinion and promote peace and unity among prisoners, and
then using those successes to apply pressure to the representatives of
the state. These are all examples of legal forms of struggle that can be
applied within a revolutionary framework. Lawyers and reformists who can
apply constant pressure in state-run forums play a helpful role. But
make no mistake, prisoners play the decisive role, as the strikes are
demonstrating.
Control units came to be and rose to prominence in the same period that
incarceration boomed in this country. As a result, in the last few
decades the imprisoned lumpen have been a rising force in the United
$tates. Within the class we call the First World lumpen, it is in
prisons where we see the most stark evidence of this emerging and
growing class, as well as the most brutal responses from Amerikans and
the state to oppose that class.
In California prisons in the last three years we’ve seen that with each
successive hunger strike, participation has more than doubled. Just
think what the next phase will look like when the CDCR fails to end
torture once again! And as a product of this rising force in prisons,
support on the outside has rallied bigger each time as well. As we said,
this outside support is important, but secondary to the rising
imprisoned lumpen.
Over 30,000 prisoners, one-fifth of the population in California,
participated in this latest demonstration against torture. Many who
didn’t strike the whole time wrote to us that they, and those with them,
were on stand-by to start up again. These grouplets standing by should
be the basis for developing cadre. The 30,000 plus prisoners should be
the mass base, and should expand with further struggle and education.
If you’re reading this and still wondering, “what is it that
MIM(Prisons) thinks we should do exactly?” – it’s the same things we’ve
been promoting for years. Focus on educating and organizing, while
taking on winnable battles against the injustice system. Fighting to
shut down the control units is important, but it is only one battle in a
much larger struggle that requires a strong and organized
anti-imperialist movement. We run our own study programs and support
prisoner-run study groups on the inside. We provide Under Lock &
Key as a forum for agitating and organizing among the imprisoned
lumpen country-wide. We have study materials on building cadre
organizations, concepts of line, strategy and tactics and the basics of
historical and dialectical materialism. Each of these topics are key for
leaders to understand.
Organizing means working and studying every day. In addition to the
topics above, you can study more practical skills that can be used to
serve the people such as legal skills, healthy living skills and how to
better communicate through writing and the spoken word. Prisoners are
surrounded by potential comrades who can’t even read! We need Serve the
People literacy programs. Combining these practical trainings with the
political study and trainings promoted above will allow leaders to both
attract new people with things they can relate to, while providing
guidance that illuminates the reality of our greater society.
Principled organizing builds trust and dedication, which are two thing
that comrades often report being in short supply in U.$. prisons.
Principled organizing is how we can overcome these shortcomings. It is
not an easy, nor a quick solution. The opponent we face is strong, so
only by studying it closely and battling strategically will we be able
to overcome it.
Whatever other tactics comrades on the inside decide to take to continue
this struggle against torture, the need for building, organizing, and
educating is constant and at the strategic level. Without that the
movement does not strengthen or advance. If you’re taking up this work,
we want to hear from you and we want to support you in your efforts.
I was confined to Ad-Seg in Harris County Jail while my case was under
trial. Texas law requires the jail to give prisoners at least one hour a
day for exercise and meaningful recreation. I stayed in segregation for
nine months. Not once was I allowed out of cell exercise. I filed
grievances, which were denied. I then filed a Section 1983 lawsuit for
violation of my 14th amendment right to due process. The litigation is
ongoing, however the jail refuses to
stop this
barbaric and inhumane treatment of 24 hour lockdown. The “justice”
system is failing to protect the incarcerated individual. Again.
I traded several of my meals to other prisoners for a few stamps. I was
only able to gather 5 stamps. I know it’s not much, but I hope it helps
some. I have been spreading the MIM(Prisons) campaigns, and have put
together a small group of other prisoners to remember the Attica
uprising. We have planned a fast for September 9, 2013.
MIM(Prisons) adds: This comrade is organizing others to
participate in the
country-wide
demonstration September 9. Calling attention to the treatment of
prisoners, this demonstration coincides with the anniversary of the
Attica uprising.
Regarding the
dietary
petition you sent to my friend, we had those 10 filled out
immediately, well 9. I sent one to the law library to get 10 copies
made. From these 10, I had 9 more signed within a day. I tried to send
it to the law library to have copies made again. I was informed that I
would not receive copies because the law library would not copy blank
forms. The form was returned ripped, with my cell # written on it in
permanent marker. Of course this was a lie. Ely State Prison does copy
blank forms, they just don’t want me copying the petition and/or
distributing it.
However I erased my name etc. from the form, sent it out to a comrade of
mine in San Diego, and I asked for 30 copies so I could distribute them.
This comrade sent me 100 copies. I did receive these copies, and have
been passing them around, and have received many more signed copies. I
and another are also attempting to send copies to individuals in other
institutions. However, my mail is now being read and I have been
informed that if I continue to distribute and push the petition I will
be written up and my transfer request denied.
I have been housed at Ely State Prison (ESP) since 2002. ESP is a
supermax where we are locked down 24 hours a day. I have spent 8 years
trying to get a transfer. I was finally approved last month, and this
threat to keep me here is their way of trying to force me to stop
passing around the petition. I am not going to stop with my effort to
have these petitions signed. If it costs me my transfer so be it, I’ve
been here almost 11 years, I can handle more!
MIM(Prisons) adds: This is just one more example of how Amerika
uses long-term isolation as a form of social control against those
trying to organize for better conditions, even small reforms around
basic needs. This comrade’s determination to continue the fight against
food deprivation, even with the threat of ongoing long-term solitary
confinement, is an example for prisoners everywhere. This campaign has
gained support among prisoners in Nevada because it is a clear problem
for all prisoners, and one that we can reasonably expect to win. We do
need to be clear when spreading campaigns such as this one that this is
just a small battle that must be part of a broader effort to educate and
organize prisoners against the criminal injustice system. Only an
anti-imperialist movement with the long-term goal of a system where no
group of people oppresses another group has a chance of putting an end
to the criminal injustice of imperialism. The oppressed, united under
this goal, must build a new state that applies proletarian justice,
making depriving people of basic food and medical care a crime that is
punished and eliminated.
I would just like to educate those who hope to be released from
SHU/Ad-Seg. STG kickouts are a sham! Rope to hang yourself is what it
should be called. I am validated and was excited to be given a “chance”
to go to mainline, but I lasted one week and am back in Ad-Seg. During
that 1 week staff and gang units harassed me, searched my cell 3 times,
and told me they would be back until they “catch me slipping” and could
lock me back in SHU again.
I was told socializing with gang members is a violation, yet I’m GP
(General Population) so of course I socialize with the fellas around me.
I received a letter from a friend on the street who is from the same
neighborhood as me, so he closed the letter with our street name. I was
told by gang units this was a violation and “promoting gangs”. Really?
So I must not speak to friends I grew up with because CDCR says so?
Anyway, myself and a few others did not last more than days and we are
now under investigation (for what? I’ve no clue). So for those of you
who are active as I am, I wish you luck if you can actually go to the
line without dropping out and not coming back. STG kickouts were not
designed for us actives.
MIM(Prisons) responds: We believe the program this prisoner
writes about is the same as the
new
STG Step Down program in California. We have reported from others
that this is a revolving door that will not really address the problem
of Security Threat Group validation, which locks prisoners up in
long-term isolation on flimsy “evidence” of membership in a lumpen
organization. The reality is, prisons target lumpen organizations out of
fear for what they represent. Organizations of the oppressed, many of
which get involved in some organizing against the criminal injustice
system, are a scary thing to the oppressors. And when these
organizations start coming together and building unity to fight broader
anti-imperialist battles, like has happened in California around the
July 8
hunger strike, this is even more dangerous for the system.
19 August 2013 - Today, a federal court approved the force-feeding of
people who are on hunger strike in California prisons to protest torture
in the form of long-term isolation and group punishment. The
force-feeding itself is considered torture by many, including those who
have been on hunger strike in Guantanamo Bay since February and have
been suffering through force-feeding for months.
The decision in California came shortly after we posted a report from a
comrade who was
denied
liquid supplements and collapsed on July 21 in Corcoran State
Prison. Many others have collapsed since then, and the state’s
behavior has made it clear that the health of prisoners has not been a
concern of theirs. They apply very strict rules to how they count people
as being on “hunger strike,” knowing that strikers depend on the state
to report their numbers to the public, forcing them to abide by these
rules that don’t allow for any electrolytes.
The state has consistently used health care as a weapon to manipulate
prisoners into submission, rather than act as the custodians of health
and safety that they claim to be. Now that strikers are approaching
life-threatening conditions, the CDCR is acting to prevent them from
exercising one of the strongest forms of protest that they have from
within these isolation cells. The attention given to the situation
inside California prisons right now is already unprecedented and they
fear that if more prisoners die they may lose their power to torture
prisoners in the future. The torture is important to them because it is
what they believe to be their best tool to prevent the oppressed from
fighting their oppression (the injustice system’s true purpose). The
ongoing hunger strike, decades in the making, has begun to turn the
tables on that idea though.
This recent report asserts that 70 of 130 prisoners currently on hunger
strike have been going since July 8, 2013. There are a number of groups
of prisoners in California who are ready to restart hunger strike in
support of the 70 (or more) who are in it for the long haul as the
struggle heightens.
In the months leading up to July 8, there was some debate about the
return to the hunger strike tactic, particularly as previous attempts
were aborted prematurely without any changes from the state. But those
first two strikes resonated among the oppressed across the country, and
particularly in California where 30,000 prisoners stood up against
long-term isolation on July 8, 2013. As we approach 50 days on strike,
and repeated assertions from participants that they will not stop for
mere promises this time, this struggle is approaching a crucial point.
To date, control units have been a fairly effective tool of repression.
But if oppression breeds resistance, then even these tools of total
control can be overcome. At no other point have we been closer to that
goal than we are right now. Those who have and will give their lives for
this struggle must not die in vain. Those 30,000 plus prisoners who
supported this campaign must take every opportunity over the coming
months to build, educate and organize to prepare for the next phase of
this struggle. A failure to seize this moment in the prison movement
will mean much more suffering for the imprisoned lumpen in the decades
to come.
On Monday, 22 July 2013, 32-year-old Billy “Guero” Sell died in his cell
in the Security Housing Unit at Corcoran State Prison. Prisoners near
him reported that he had been requesting medical attention while on
hunger strike, but his requests were ignored.(1)
MIM(Prisons) has joined the many organizations and individuals who are
demanding that the California Department of Correction and
Rehabilitation (CDCR) address the medical needs of prisoners throughout
the hunger strike. These people are hired as public servants, and yet
they allow people to suffer and die by denying basic medical care. We
don’t know what the cause of Billy Sell’s death was, but we know a
number of comrades who have known conditions that are not being
addressed during the hunger strike. While
those
on strike are not getting the state-mandated medical checks.
In our years of experience advocating for U.$. prisoners, it has not
been uncommon for Amerikans to say “let them rot” or even become
belligerent towards us for something as benign as handing out a flier.
It is no surprise then, that our
comrades
are reporting similar attitudes from the staff who are overseeing
their well-being in California prisons.
This kind of oppression is exactly what the current prison movement
needs to combat. There is a social force opposing the lumpen of the
oppressed nations. And the only way to stop this abuse is for the lumpen
of the oppressed nations to organize as a counter force, which means
organizing in a different way than they have been in recent decades.
Ensuring prisoner health requires survival programs organized by the
oppressed populations themselves. These are rights that prisoners
supposedly have in this country. But as we know, no rights are
guaranteed unless you fight for them.
As the strike in California passes the 20-day mark, the tens of
thousands of people who have completed their solidarity strikes need to
be building more long-term institutions - study groups, health
campaigns, legal assistance clinics, etc. These are the first steps
towards building independent institutions of the oppressed, which are
necessary because the existing institutions of the state will kill us.