MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
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In this article I-self will be building with ya’ll in unity,
criticism, unity on the ongoing discussion on organizing strategy that’s
been going on in the last 3 ULKs. But where my focus is going
to be on are the questions that the comrade Wiawimawo stated at the end
of Comrade S. Xanastas’ “An
Ongoing Discussion Organizing Strategy Pt. 2” in ULK
No. 74. Also, a little on the redefining words that are used to
villianize WE from Comrade Triumphant’s article “Forever
Protecting the Community: We Are Our Own Liberators” in ULK
No. 75.
The questions posed by our comrade Wiawimawo are stated below:
“can building the Re-Lease on Life and University of Maoist Thought
programs mobilize and reach the masses in the same way as the campaigns
making demands from the state?
“…Isn’t a campaign exposing the widespread use of torture in U.$.
prisons an undermining of U.$. imperialism regardless of the maneuvers
the various states make to cut back on or hide their use of long-term
isolation? Or should we focus solely on the Third World neo-colonies and
expose U.$. meddling in Ethiopia, Cuba and Haiti?”
To answer the first question: can building the Re-Lease on Life and
University of Maoist Thought programs mobilize and reach the masses in
the same way as the campaigns making demands from the state? I would
have to say yes, and I also think that the Re-Lease on Life and the
University of Maoist Thought Programs will aid and assist with the
campaigns making demands from the state. Reason why is that the
University of Maoist Thought programs and the Re-Lease on Life will give
the de-imperialization study groups, programs, or classes, etc. Plus the
most right and exact educational class WE can bring to the masses so WE
can liberate ourselves. Which will in turn not just promote these
campaigns, but these individuals who “over”take these classes will have
a sense of duty to not just self, but the whole commune to start up
campaigns that are making demands from the state. In turn, this will
open the opportunity to capture the minds of more of the masses from the
imperialist reigns of control to be re-directed to our
de-imperialization study groups and/or classes, and then that situation
repeats until the masses are overwhelmingly pushing S.O.P.s in these
koncentration kamps and communism to the outside free world.
Next question is: Isn’t a campaign exposing the widespread use of
torture in U.$. prisons an undermining of U.$. imperialism regardless of
the maneuvers the various states make to cut back on or widen their use
of long-term isolation? I knowledge that these campaigns that expose
widespread use of torture and long-term isolation, with the many
campaigns to teach the deaf, dumb, and blind of our First World lumpen
class to see, be mindful, and more nationally, internationally,
revolutionarily conscious, and be able to discern the difference from
what is revolutionary and what is not. This will breed the revolutionary
souljas which is needed to topple U.$. imperialism and imperialism as a
whole. Souljas like those in the Ayiti (Haiti) revolution (Aug. 14, 1791
- Dec. 1803) the first and only successful revolution of Afrikans where
General Francois Capois yelled this battle cry at the final battle:
“Grenadye, also! Sa Ki Mouri, Zafe a yo! Nan pwen manman. Nan pwen
papa. Sa ki mouri, zafe a yo! Grenadye, aloso!”
Which translates to:
“Soldiers attack (or to the front and move forward)! Those who die,
so what! There is no mom. There is no dad. Those who die, so what!”
WE have to come with this mindset while in this realm of revolution,
and if WE are not there yet then WE better hop-scotch into a Usane Bolt
sprint to it and lock it in for eternity. For this is the mindset which
is going to get us to the transfer of power from imperialism to
communism. WE gotta be expecting that the imperialists are going to try
to hide their dirty laundry after WE show how filthy their ways are. So
in saying that we ALL have to become counter-attack masters and
specialists just as much as WE ALL ARE to be ready to become future
leaders of the revolutionary struggle.
Which is also answering the following question: or should we focus
soley on the third world neo-colonies and expose U.$. meddling on
Ethiopia, Cuba, and Haiti? Now just stating that WE ALL have to become
counter-attack specialists and be ready to become future leaders, the
comrade with the most knowledge gets to speak on either of the three. If
WE don’t have any of the comrades or leaders who have that knowledge,
then WE gone get into that study hall classroom and get some knowledge,
wisdom, understanding, and elect a cadre to each country.
So the focus that is needed to build campaigns that will undermine
the imperialists here in the U.$. and the world abroad, will be there in
full discretion. WE gotta become the monsters that the beast is scared
to death of. Since everybody has or had a monster that they was afraid
of, why not BE the monster(s) the imperialists shit and piss in their
pants every time they think of WE. Then die of heart attack when WE
manifest in the flesh.
Because WE as revolutionaries and FW lumpen have been villainized by
the imperialists already right? It’s either now that WE redefine these
words or abandon words like “monster,” “demons,” “gang,” “criminal”, and
etc. Just how the comrade Triumphant stated in their article “Forever
Protecting the Community: We Are Our Own Liberators,” I see and
knowledge that this task is going to be a difficult one. First,
redefining these words to the point it’s worldwide spread that even our
opps – the imperialists – knows the redefinition of word that they use
to villainize WE and use the new definition their damn selfs. Example:
How many knows Tupac Amaru Shakur’s redefinition of the word ‘NIGGA’?
Which is “Never Ignorant Getting Goals Accomplished” or does the first
thing a persyn think about is a New Afrikan individual? And this leads
into part two: WE have to remember our leaders and souljas locked away
like Larry Hoover Sr., Iman Jalil Amin, Dr. Mutulu Shakur, Bomani
Shakur, and many others’ lives are dependent on WE and if WE fail to
redefine correctly and get it worldwide recognition; WE’ll do more harm
to WE then forward progression of the movement. This will push us back
like Gang injunctions and R.I.C.O. acts. Just something WE should keep
in mind as we progress forward in these stages of organizing
strategy.
by a North Carolina prisoner September 2021 permalink
On 15 September 2021 twenty four prisoners declared hunger strike at
Foothills Correctional Institution in North Carolina. By 2PM the
administration locked up 3 comrades. Me and another comrade stayed
fasting.
They only give us phone once a week; no yard in a month; and less
than 2 hours of recreation per day. Basically we’re in segregation for
no reason. I reflect on these b.s. measures, then I asked myself why and
how does this opre$$ion end?!
“Why are the battles endless?! Why the Us vs. them?! Why is the Earth
CRYING ?!”
When my brother first articulated the vision for the new venture,
Forever Protecting the Community, and his general desire to uplift Our
people, We were in a supermax prison, in the middle of nowhere. He
himself had just days prior been released from a similar prison and had
come to visit me. It was Our first time seeing each other in six years,
since my trial, in which i was unjustly sentenced to life without the
possibility of parole.
Thick, shatter proof glass separated Us in the visitation booth. i
expressed through the phone, between static, my approval and tipped my
head in acknowledgment of the self-development and maturation process
that i knew had led up to this point in his life. i knew the process
intimately, as i myself have undergone it as well in my own way. It is a
process of social and mental growth that many before us have gone
through. It is a process that sees one evolve from a state of self and
socially induced ignorance, towards a state of a more completely
functional humyn being, one who is engaged with the community and world
around them, being productive therein. It is this way which We were
meant to live among each other, but through the process of
social-economic development, from a communal economy, into a hyper
capitalistic society, We’ve become a mutation of Our true selves.
Individualism dominates collectivism, greed has taken the place of
contentment. Being as We are born and bred in such a world it takes a
process of re-education and re-commitment in order to shun these
counter-productive characteristics and act in the furtherance of
productivity and communal upliftment.
Sometime later after Our visit, Prisoner A asked me to make a
contribution to a collection of short stories that he wished to publish
under the banner of Forever Protecting the Community. He stated that his
vision was to correct those of Our homeboys behind enemy lines with the
movement that was/is in process in the streets. As it is, when Our
people are held captive by the state they’re often forgotten about, or
merely become just another hashtag, as the world moves on. Additionally
he figured, and i agreed, that brothers such as myself who are living
the effects of social alienation, political disengagement/dependence,
and economic insecurities, the combination of which has led to lives
tarnished by and through captivity, should have much to express in
regards to the direction of Our communities and Our nation (that is the
nation of Black people in Amerika which i refer to as New Afrikans).
In responses to my brother’s request i consciously refused to
contribute a ‘short story’. Reason being, short stories are fictional,
while the subject matter surrounding the necessity of Forever Protecting
the Community is far from fiction. It is real life that drugs and STD’s
have ravished Our communities. It is real life that millions of New
Afrikans – Black children, wimmin, and men are currently in captivity or
under the ‘supervision’ of the state. It is real life that the public
school system is failing Our youth, not providing the necessary tools to
live a self-sufficient life but only to enter the ranks of the wage
slaves. It is real life that in areas which We call ‘Our community’,
property ownership among New Afrikan people is less than 5%, this number
includes homes, commercial real estate, and ‘essential infrastructure’.
These property relations are significant, as it is this factor which
creates ‘social alienation, political dis-engagement/dependence, and
economic insecurities’, so it is real, very real, that many of us live
and die without having owned Our living spaces, and under the rules of
Amerikan settler-colonialism and imperialism, it is increasingly
difficult to own Our very identities, both collectively and
individually.
So because this is Our real life, and has been for sometime, i felt
what was/is needed more than mere entertainment is some ‘real talk’ as
it pertains to ‘us’. Therefore i’ve offered up this place to shed light
and open much needed communal discussion.
The word ‘protect’ means ‘to guard’; ‘to secure’; ‘to hold in safe
keeping’; all these definitions imply that there is a force, or forces
which seek to bring destruction, in whole or in part, to whatever entity
needs guarding, security, safekeeping, or protecting. In Our context We
are alluding to the need to secure Our ‘communities’, which are
essentially semi-colonized territories dependent upon and occupied by
outside forces.
It follows that if and when there is an entity that seeks the
destruction of Our territory, Our community, Our nation, Our family, Our
people, and Our self, that said entity is an avowed enemy to Our cause
and Our interests. So therefore i pose the question, ‘who are Our
enemies and who are Our friends?’ 402 years ago with the advent of the
Maafa (African slave trade; tragedy) an unresolved contradiction arose.
This contradiction has been characterized by the colonization of New
Afrikan Black people, first as slaves, a nation of slaves, and oppressed
and exploited free people, until now, where Our colonization is
characterized by the forced dependence upon the United States,
settler-imperialist neo-colonial empire, for the basic functions of
modern nationhood. That is free development of independent political,
social, and economic production and advancement.
During the last 402 years, what it means to be a New Afrikan in
Amerika has been tied to Our ongoing collective struggle to express
Ourselves in the full extent of Our humynity, to cast off the old forced
colonial relationship, which saw us as completely dependent pawns in the
‘game’ of world affairs, and to exercise a role and position which has
been guaranteed to almost all other peoples of the world, that is to
determine for Ourselves who We are, what We are (a colonized nation),
and how We wish to organize Ourselves for the daily survival of Our
people.
For the settler-empire’s part in this contradiction they’ve sought to
undermine Our natural, independent, development at every turn. All the
empire’s actions towards Our people, whether they be in the field of
military intimidation (police terrorism), propaganda, political
policies, and all other matters, they have all been to further the
relation of dependence upon their governance and economic structure.
Due to these simple truths and the multitude of ramifications that
they produce, it shouldn’t be lost on the reader that the enemy of New
Afrikan–Black people is the system of economic and political power that
has been FORCED upon us. This system is called capitalism-imperialism,
and the u.s. government at both federal and local levels is the world
leader of this system which is the cause of not only Our collective
misery, but that of the majority of the world’s people.
We, as a people, must come to understand that, ‘yes’, ‘protection’ is
needed and it is needed from the forces of power. Our enemies are not
those of another block, set, or turf who not only look like us, but more
importantly, are victims of the same systemic oppression and alienation
as us, which has fostered Our like conditions. Our enemies are not those
whom the real enemy has told us are the ‘gangs’ and ‘criminals’. These
We must begin to see as Ourselves, Our siblings, Our allies, in this
struggle. Allies whom have not yet been awakened to their place and
position within the ranks of Our New Afrikan Independence Movement.
Forever Protecting the Community, as many of you reading this already
know, has grown out of the legacy of the Forum Park Crips, in
particular, and that of New Afrikan-Black street organizations in
general. Modern street organizations within Our colonies (communities)
have for a long time possessed the tendency to re-imagine their
identities and the role in which they intend to play in the development
of Our people, that of destroyers or builders.
Prior to the creation of the original Crips of Los Angeles in 1971,
there were other street organizations. During the mid-1960’s as Our
nation was on a collective march to determine for Ourselves Our own
destiny, several Black Power organizations began to recruit effectively
within the class of people in Our colonies that were or would likely
become members of street organizations. These Black Power
revolutionaries impressed upon the sisters and brothers that the most
effective way to combat the mistreatment they all faced was to unite on
the basis of nationhood, and the shared quest for
self-determination.
On the West Coast, the main Black Power groups leading the shift in
social philosophy and participation among the ‘street class’, were the
Black Panther Party, and the US organization. The former would succeed
in consolidating ALL of the New Afrikan Black street organizations on
the West Side of South Central into one mass body. This effort was led
by Panther deputy chairman Alprentice Bunchy Carter: a former leader of
the ‘Slausons’ street organization, and convict, turned political
revolutionary while in California’s San Quentin Concentration Camp.
Bunchy Carter would help politicize most of his former ‘gang’ buddies,
recruiting them into the Panther organization and more importantly,
re-install the sense of common-unity (community) among the working class
of the surrounding area, with the former ‘destroyers’, the ‘gang’
element. This was only possible once the people could see that the 5,000
strong Slausons had made themselves a vehicle for productivity in
opposition to the people’s REAL enemies instead of assisting the enemies
of the people in the destruction of the people and Our areas of
residence. Forever Protecting the Community, if it lives up to its
calling, will follow down this same path of self-liberation, utilizing
the examples set by the Slausons and others to build upon the
advancement of Our nation in Our quest for self-determination and
independence.
“The time is NOW for a total refocusing of Our efforts, away from
non-productive distractions and other elements of temptations, and focus
towards those disciplines that will make us real [contributors] in Our
communities. We must stop the gangbanging and drive-bys. Our [nation] is
being destroyed by the killing [drugging and imprisonment] of Our own
youth. We must stop hating one another because of the block, hood, turf,
and color We represent, these actions only continue the cycle of
self-destruction.
“And finally, in my sincere appeal for peace and unity: Those of us
that have experienced being Our brother’s keeper – We must educate Our
members around Us. Education brings about awareness. Awareness generates
the ability to think. Our youth must know the end result of crime is
shame, disgrace, and imprisonment to themselves, as well as the
community. We must come to the point of outlawing those who willfully
disrupt Our communities and Our call [to Forever Protect the Community].
Crime must not be accepted as the normal way of doing things.” – Larry
Hoover’s 1993 ‘Call For Peace’
As articulated previously, there has been a tendency among New
Afrikan-Black street organizations to re-imagine their identities and
the role in which they play, or intend to play in the development of Our
people, that of destroyers or builders. Larry Hoover leading the
transition of his organization from ‘Gangster Disciples’ to ‘Growth and
Development’ is one of the most noteworthy and informative examples that
We can/should take lessons from. Yet before We delve more into the
lessons We can take from this grouping, it is important that We
illustrate the hands of the enemy in regards to the growth and expansion
of today’s street organizations and the sanctioned culture of
gangsterism.
Going back to the mid-60’s, as the Slausons and other similarly
situated groups began to cast off the self-destructive, and
counter-productive behaviors, they consequently began engaging in the
socio-political battles Our people faced at the local, ‘national’, and
global levels. Once it became clear to the masses that Our oppression
was/is political and economic and that the political reinforced the
economic, it became evident that the interests of Our people had to be
represented, by Our people, in the political sphere, and subsequently
political bodies were formulated. The Black Panther Party, along with
the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika, were two of
the foremost leaders among these such groups. On a national level, the
‘street class’ began to be involved in the development of themselves,
and their people on an objective basis, as such naturally their
priorities began to shift, instead of clubbing, slanging and banging,
this class of people, many of Our predecessors, began to initiate
community political education classes, free health clinics, community
‘face lifts’, and clean up programs, free busing to prison for visits,
and a host of other ‘survival programs’.
It was during this time, because Our people had clearly drawn a line
of demarcation between themselves and the enemies of the people,
furthermore the same elements of the New Afrikan-Black Nation which had,
by force of circumstance, been most dependent upon the u.s. federal and
local governments couldn’t and/or wouldn’t. Such a development signaled
to the people that they themselves had the necessary power to liberate
themselves, hence the popularity of the phrase, ‘Power to the
People’.
Much of the oppressors continued rule depends upon the people’s
belief that they’re utterly helpless without the structure of the
settler-colonial imperialists. Once this illusion is unmasked and the
essence of the establishment is exposed, the oppressive state apparatus
must solely rely on brute force to maintain its illegitimate rule upon
the people, Our people. The establishment seeks to bypass such a
reality. Overt violence for the sake of political repression usually
swells the ranks of those in opposition to the illegitimate governmental
authorities.
It was this exact situation which saw the federal government
intensify the contradiction which began in Black August 1619 to the
level of a domestic war between two opposed and contradictory entities,
through the FBI’s declared war on the various organizations and people
within the Black Liberation Movement, by way of the Counter Intelligence
Program (COINTELPRO).
The u.s. government’s carrying out of COINTELPRO in order to prevent
the self-developed expression of the New Afrikan-Black experience as a
colonized nation held captive for centuries by the u.s. government,
resulted in numerous political assassinations of New Afrikan-Black
liberation combatants, the political/false imprisonment of various
souljahs and activists of Our cause, and the subsequent obliteration of
what has been up until this point the most progressive era of Our
collective struggle in 402 years (the Black Liberation Movement).
The defeat of the movement is important to this discourse on FPC,
because it was in the wake of the defeat of the movement that the Crips,
Bloods, Folks and Peoples established themselves. The establishment of
these street groups was facilitated by the war initiated on the
movement, and the subsequent elimination of progressive, productive, and
revolutionary leadership in the colonies which We call communities.
Ajamu Niamke Kamara (Stanley Tookie Williams), co-founder of the Crips,
said the following:
“i’m convinced that had the Black Panther Party still been recruiting
- uninterrupted by the duplicitous COINTELPRO… Huey Newton and Bobby
Seale would have salivated over the untapped youthful potential We
represented.
“Throughout this state and country, We embodied only a small divided
body within a multitude of reckless, energetic, fearless, and explosive
young Black warriors. Though we were often seen as social dynamite, i
believe We were the perfect entity to be indoctrinated in cultural
awareness and trained as disciplined soldiers for the Black
struggle.”
Unfortunately for the original Crips and Bloods, and the many
multitudes who have since followed in their foot steps, in 1971 while
Tookie Williams and Raymond Washington were establishing the teenage
clique that would become an international menace, the Black Panther
Party was enduring a major split within its ranks, which was caused,
partially, by the assault(s) of COINTELPRO, that would be the beginning
of the end for the Party and the movement.
In the wake of the defeat, the establishment initiated a wide variety
of methods to ensure that the widely dispersed wave of righteous
rebellion and the desire of an internal colony to free itself from the
forced yoke of imperialism and neo-colonialism, would never happen
again. To insure that Our people would remain collectively divided and
conquered, and sleep, the enemies invented and distributed crack
cocaine, and military grade weapons throughout the mid 1980’s and into
the 1990’s, allowed for the AIDS/HIV epidemic, created laws and policies
that would hold millions of Our youthful and vibrant siblings in
captivity based on fabricated and over-exaggerated portrayals of Our
colonized territories and peoples, and Our responses to Our colonial
oppression.
While the movement for self-determination was brutally crushed by the
u.s. government, that same government, wherever it could, assisted the
growth and expansion of the street organizations. The very industry that
was factually created by the CIA (the Crack Trade) was the vehicle which
drove Crips, Bloods, Folk, and Peoples factions in their growth across
the u.s. empire. This subsequent growth and expansion led directly to
the formation of the street organization, Forum Park Crips, an
independent Crip faction in Houston, Texas, along with countless other
similar factions and groups. What could have been the u.s.
establishment’s motive in instigating the growth of parasitic groups,
while murdering and torturing the productive organized bodies? The
answer can only possibly be the intended destruction of Our nation and
people.
With this realization that We have been manipulated, on a large
scale, to act against Our own interests and that of Our nation, the
formation of Forever Protecting the Community, though not the solution
within itself, surely takes a step in the correct direction.
“… Our women and children are suffering greatly at the hands of an
oppressive, dominant, racist political system… We can no longer afford
the forced luxury of non-involvement or non-participation. The question
remains: How can We contribute within Our limited capacities? .. i say
to you: If We accept a partial responsibility for the plight of Our own
people, then We must take an active role in the game of POLITICS.” –
Larry Hoover’s 1993, “Call to Action”
Where Do We Go From Here? As stated above, the formation of Forever
Protecting the Community is not a solution in and of itself, and it
remains to be seen whether or not this formation will live out its full
potential. What has already taken place however is the necessary act of
determining for ones self what your identity and purpose will be. There
will be naysayers who will point to all sorts of negative aspects of
those who are or become active with the new FPC movement. They will, if
hystory is any indicator, deter the general public from supporting and
identifying with the movement of Our people and colonies.
In order to get out in front of this foreseeable roadblock to Our
progress, We must do one of two things. 1) Abandon the words and
personification of ‘gang’, and ‘criminal’, to those who have defined
them (Our enemies) so that now they will have purely negative
connotations; 2) redefine those words/personifications - or create a new
word or phrase to describe organized groups within Our oppressed
colonies (communities).
Whichever choice is made, NEW concepts must be developed that
reinforce NEW forms of activity that should begin to appear on the basis
of the NEW concept. Forever Protecting the Community is the NEW concept,
and now what the leaders of this organization must act towards is
organizing a wide variety of people of the community to work
collectively to transform the ‘gang’ into a progressive organization of
New Afrikan people, which struggles and works in the interests of Our
people. The problem within Our colonies (communities) isn’t that there
are ‘gangs’, but it is the real problems which all peoples under
capitalist domination face, it is capitalism itself, and the social,
economic and political alienation it creates, which indirectly gives
birth to ‘gangs’ and ‘crime’.
Forever Protecting the Community has taken one step towards
empowerment – one critical step closer to a new sense of collective
identity, purpose, and direction – by using the power that We already
have, to define Ourselves, name Ourselves and speak for Ourselves –
instead of being defined and spoken for by others. The next step
consists of leading all the people of the community to share in the
responsibility for providing a NEW broader sense of collective identity,
purpose, and direction – for Our children and Ourselves. It is time now
to promote NEW ideas about the life We wanna live and the society We
wanna live in. Its time to promote NEW definitions of Our problems
(e.g. ‘racism’ or capitalism/colonialism) and the real solutions to Our
problems (e.g. ‘empowerment’ or genuine independence). We must begin to
promote among Our people the idea that Our purpose isn’t to simply own a
nice car, jewelry, a house, or even to quasi control a few city blocks,
but to share in Our control of entire cities, entire states, and
eventually, to share in the control of Our independent nation.
The task is to begin to formulate a community coalition behind the
idea/motto/slogan of Forever Protecting the Community. By a coalition i
mean connecting with a variety of people who identify with and support
the cause of the organization. Particularly, the following elements
within the community should be sought out for support and
assistance:
“What We have to do is get together the conscientious progressive
thinkers within these [street] organizations that know that they have to
make a change in order to survive… We have to put together a concerted
effort by all segments of Our community– clergy, business, activists,
and progressive thinkers within street organizations [local elected
officials, educators, health care providers]. You have to go within
these organizations to change them… You can’t just write off a
generation… It is time for [New Afrikans] from all over the country to
realize what has happened to Our people, and that while much of it can
be attributed to outside forces We have to begin to take responsibility
for Ourselves.” – Larry Hoover
As a politicized prisoner, and activist, co-founder of the prison
activist organization Texas T.E.A.M.O.N.E., i extend my hand, and that
of my comrades and supporters on both side of the walls, in support and
solidarity of the Forever Protecting the Community organization, and
more importantly i look forward to workin with my brothers, the 10’zzz,
on concrete actions both FPC and Team One can collab on that will suit
both Our missions.
We of TX T.E.A.M.O.N.E. believe the current United Struggle from
Within movement which We support, along with the general prison
resistance/abolition movements, align perfectly with Forever Protecting
the Community’s mission. As such, We humbly ask that if you are a part
of or support the mission to FOREVER PROTECTING THE COMMUNITY, that you
also contact and actively support the souljahs behind enemy lines within
the TX Team One formation fighting against legal slavery in Texas
prisons, and the inhumane use of indefinite, and long term solitary
confinement, as a toll of social and political repression.
Dare 2 Struggle Dare 2 Win; 1 Love 1 Struggle for LAND AND
INDEPENDENCE
“Look you a Blood, i’ma Crip, but i figure we can get back to that
Black shit, instead of killin and bangin for crack shit, is n****z too
stuck in they ways? i know We long overdue, but is We ready for change?
Stand under one flag like an ARMY brigade. Time to put the deuce-deuce
down and pick a ‘K’, and if We bangin on sum Black shit. Let’s ride for
the dead homies and get the burners for Malcolm and Nat Turner. Talkin’
to them other n*****z, my so called enemies We don’t own one block but
We live and die for these city streets. Even though the pain runs deep,
REAL n*****z know its time to make PEACE so We can FOCUS ON THE
PAYCHECK.” – Nipsey Hussle
“Now if We wanna live the THUG LIFE and the gangsta life and all
that, okay, so stop being cowards and let’s have a REVOLUTION. But We
don’t wanna do that, dudes just wanna live a character. They wanna be
cartoons, but if they really wanted to do something, if they was tough
alright, lets start Our OWN COUNTRY, lets start a REVOLUTION, let’s get
out of here [prison], let’s do something.” – Tupac Amaru Shakur
Triumphant
TX T.E.A.M.O.N.E Co-founder
New Afrikan Independence Movement
To contact/support/learn more about TX Team One:
TX T.E.A.M.O.N.E
113 Stockholm, #1A
Brooklyn, NY 11221
TexasTeamOne@gmail.com
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This is in reply to the article “An
Ongoing Discussion on Organizing Strategy”, which appeared in
ULK 73. In it, the author labels the following statement as
incorrect and unscientific:
“From an organizers perspective, [struggling for quality-of-life
reforms such as increased phone access] are not battles which we can
effectively push anti-imperialism forward, much less MLM…”
The author cites a failure to apply the materialist dialectic, or the
‘science’ behind scientific socialism, to the situation at hand. When
viewed in isolation and out of its proper context, the conclusion that
they have reached would certainly be a commonsense position to take. And
as they write a little further on:
“How can we then deem that prison struggles aren’t aligned with
anti-imperialism?”
Yet if the quote being critiqued were analyzed in its totality, we
can begin to see more nuance and why such a statement was made in the
first place. So to continue where the partial quote left off:
“…without veering into reformist practices of little tactical or
strategic value. I am aware that arguments of principle can be
mounted to the contrary, but absent a practicable, totalizing
strategy for revolution domestically being put forward by an MLM
organization that is actionable in the here-and-now, we cannot
effectively utilize many of these prison struggles as a proper
springboard to corresponding actions in other areas, actions which do
not translate into long-term pacification which benefits their prison
administration in an objective, cost-to-us, benefit-to-them analysis. If
we cannot muster the resources and external manpower to mount a facility
or state-specific campaign for a tactical reform to push our agenda and
continually imprint firmly in the minds of all incarcerated that we have
their best interests in mind, it may be advisable to abstain from
participation lest credit for the reforms go elsewhere and become
politically-neutered, or, worse yet, the system co-opts the struggle as
its own and touts its successes (ie. The First-Step Act). Otherwise, we
are gaining no more than sporadic traction amongst those we are
attempting to revolutionize, and then only of a transient nature.”
(emphasis added)
As mentioned earlier, there is a nuance to the position I have taken
that is obscured in comrade Triumphant’s approach to mounting an
argument on principle, and that in itself constitutes an incorrect and
unscientific approach to proper discourse. Quoting someone out of
context may buttress a particular argument or agenda, however arguments
begin to lose their strength when quotations are re-situated in their
proper place. You ask, ‘how can we then deem that prison struggles
aren’t aligned with anti-imperialism?’, but who has or where has such a
view been advocated in the first place for this allegation to be made?
As you can see, the position put forth in the original commentary
advocated not an abandonment of revolutionary struggle within prisons
but rather its placement within a more explicitly revolutionary
framework. Refining our approach does not imply an abandonment of all
struggle just to focus on study.
It is agreed that the materialist dialectic can be applied in all
manner of social phenomena, and the Amerikan injustice system and the
struggle between prison staff and the captive population are no
exception. But the real question is, should it be applied in
this particular instance in the manner which the Team One Formation,
K.A.G.E. Universal and others have done thus far – that is, pushing for
minor reforms largely divorced from a wider revolutionary
anti-imperialist agenda resulting in pacification once concessions are
made? I would argue that advocating for these various minor reforms to
address the prison masses immediate needs can be classified as
(presupposing these formations desire revolution or claim communism as
their goal) right opportunist deviations.
Right opportunism is an error in practice that occurs when an
organization attempts to embed itself in the masses and in doing so
gives up a clear revolutionary program in the interest of fighting for
immediate demands. This leads to economism/workerism (or in this case
‘prisonerism’), which is the purview of reformism: solely focusing on
economic demands (economism), or the demands of prisoners.
You write that “quality-of-life reforms are connected to the strategy
of cadre development.” Now can experience be gained in how to train
cadre and organize people while doing this? Sure, but similar things can
be argued about improving one’s marksmanship and related skills acquired
while employed as a cop too. While a rather extreme analogy, what I am
getting at is that productive skills can technically be derived from
incorrect practice. Yet the question for both scenarios remains the
same: Is there a better methodological approach to training cadre?
It is a laudable desire to want to avoid being all ‘study’ and no
struggle, but if ‘struggle’ leads a group to avoiding, obscuring or
watering down their politics in order to attain their demands, then that
is not getting us any closer to our desired results. As MIM(Prisons)
notes:
“We can also say that only focusing on the reformist campaigns,
without the larger goals, is not going to change anything in regards to
ending oppression and injustice.”
It is encouraging to see that in consequence of previous organizing
experience comrade Triumphant has pledged to focus on “reorganizing of
the TX Team One under a clearer program and a better understanding of
what our strategic and tactical goals are.” This statement also aligns
with what this comrade wrote in the November 2020 USW organizing update
in reference to the reformist practice of the Prisoner Human Rights
Movement (PHRM):
“unless anti-imperialist, revolutionary nationalist and/or communists
take hold of this movement and see it as a tactical operation instead of
a be-all end-all and thereby re-center the movement, it may only further
‘Amerikanize’ the (only) vastly-proletarian revolutionary sector of
society we have (lumpen in prison). That could occur if cats become
pacified with all these tokens and reforms that have been struggled
for.”
But just because we re-center a movement along these lines and dress
future demands to the state in sufficiently ‘revolutionary’ language to
avoid the perception of reformism does not mean that we are actually
avoiding these same pitfalls.
Here I will argue that even with an explicitly revolutionary program
guiding us in the struggle for tactical reforms, we can still be
susceptible to a sort of unwitting crypto-reformism if our struggles are
not chosen very carefully and with the correct tactical,
strategic and narrative approach. In the original commentary I wrote
that
“we should not be trying to ‘improve’ Amerikan prisons, much like we
should not be attempting to cut a bigger portion of imperialist profits
from Third World super-exploitation for the lower class, yet still
relatively privileged, citizens of empire.”
This statement meshes with your desire not to have strictly-reformist
campaigns “further ‘Amerikanize’ the (only) vastly-proletarian
revolutionary sector of society we have.” Of course our current approach
differs strategically from the reformists but, noble intentions aside,
it is still having the same overall effect in practice: we are
inadvertently pacifying individuals, making them complacent sleepwalkers
again. You may probably think: ‘Bullshit. We are teaching the masses
not to fall for any old reform, that these are ’tactical
maneuvers’,etc. And you may very well be able to indoctrinate a core of
cadre to hold strong to a political line which promotes this view.
However, if we view matters through a historical lens, when concessions
from the state were achieved via a revolutionary stage of struggle these
victories largely blunted the sympathetic masses desire to seek further
redress by way of revolutionary means. Whether that be (to cite a
non-Maoist, yet anti-capitalist example) during the peak of IWW
organizing a century ago, the transient successes of the
anti-revisionist New Communist Movement era or our current campaigns to
‘Abolish the SHU’ and ‘Release the Kids in Kages.’ Our ‘successes’ end
up serving as a pressure-release for many and creating a ‘kinder,
gentler machine-gun hand’ for our opponents to use against us, akin to
replacing the arrogance and political incorrectness of Trump for the
soothing reassurances of Biden.
From the commentary of the same USW organizing update from November
2020, you write that
“from an anti-imperialist perspective, the PHRM is only a tactic, a
means to an end. That end being, sharpening the contradiction between
oppressed and oppressor nations, and advancing the oppressed aspect of
that contradiction.”
But how do we really expect to sharpen the contradiction between
oppressed and oppressor nations and advance the oppressed aspect of that
contradiction if we are actively participating in the lowering or
resolution of the contradictions which heightened tensions in the first
place? There is a periodic ebb and flow of the revolutionary tide in
this country; why do we by way of our current tactical, strategic and
narrative approach inadvertently help turn an upswing into a downturn?
Of course the inherent contradiction in (note:their) Amerikan
society will never truly go away absent revolution, but we are in the
meantime attempting to apply balm to their societal problems
and in effect delay its arrival.
Circling back to the arguments put forth in ‘An Ongoing Discussion on
Organizing Strategy’, you bring up a good question when you write
that
“the real crux of the issue, as it pertains to linking a totalizing
revolutionary strategy, lies in practical experience gained by the
masses in asserting their collective power. For, how will we seize state
power if the people lack the strategic confidence to assert their
power?”
As my position does not advocate pushing for more quality-of-life
reforms even if there happens to be some positive by-product in cadre
development, my reply to this question is that we should re-orient our
tactics, strategy and narrative approach to the masses by
over-emphasizing self-reliance and independence-mastery on the
road to communist revolution. Therefore we should largely abstain from
trying to prevent erosions of their bourgeois legal rights such as
affirmative action, LGBTQ rights, abortion access, etc. and, if we are
to engage in any tactical reforms to begin with, instead focus on
opposition to proposals to place limits on magazine capacity, bans on
assault rifles and other perceived or actual threats to their 2nd
Amendment and other measures which will aid in our ability to maneuver
and take them down when the time comes. This of course does not
mean that we don’t support LGBTQ rights or abortion access, but fighting
for their (re:Amerika’s) civil liberties and other bourgeois
rights keeps many, including some well-meaning comrades, from seeing the
bigger picture: Let their country go to hell. The Amerikan
government will not become any less imperialist by advocating for more
rights for more people within U.S. borders and it is debatable that we
are contributing to anything more than a temporary weakening of
imperialism domestically. If anything we are contributing to its further
consolidation under the guise of new exploiters with more varied
genders, orientations and skin tones.
Our cadre and the masses will gain practical experience and strategic
confidence in their power by continuing to focus on construction of
independent institutions, not making demands of an illegitimate
government to provide redress. In the prison context, I repeat: “if we
are to engage in any prison organizing, then censorship battles
concerning our political ideology, the UFPP and the Re-Lease on Life
programs should take center stage… As for our comrades who do not have
the luxury of a release date, or have sentences which essentially
translate into the same, their best hope for release lies not in reforms
but with an all-sided MLM revolutionary organization planning their
release through eventual People’s War.”
Bypass the reforms which do not help us either strengthen our
party/cell formations, build independent institutions for the people or
hasten People’s War.
Say ‘NO’ to negotiations; focus on revolutionary-separation and
self-determination.
Wiawimawo of MIM(Prisons) responds: I want to thank
Triumphant and S. Xanastas for their thoughtful articulations on this
topic. And i hope that printing these in ULK are helpful to
others in thinking about how to organize effectively under the United
Struggle from Within banner or on the streets.
In my many years of working on this project i would say this two-line
struggle is really at the heart of what we do. Of course, how we walk
the line between ultra-left and rightism is always at the heart of those
deciding strategy for a communist movement. But these comrades address
this question in our context today in the United $tates and in the
context of organizing the First World lumpen and engaging in
prison-based organizing.
In all contexts, going too far left means isolating ourselves from
the masses and going too far right means tailing the masses and
following them into dead ends. Therefore finding the correct path also
requires determining who are the masses in our conditions. If we did not
agree on who the masses are then we could not have this discussion in a
meaningful way. Since we do agree, this is a two line struggle within
our movement. With that frame I want to quickly address a couple points
brought up here.
First, I think the strength in Triumphant’s argument is not in the
skill-building of the individual cadre leaders as organizers, which
arguably could be found elsewhere, but rather “in practical experience
gained by the masses in asserting their collective power.” Triumphant
also talks about the importance of the tactical battles in “increas[ing]
the collective practical experience of contesting the state as a united
body.”
S. Xanastas’ suggested program echoes closely to what Narobi Äntari’s
calls for comrades to do upon release. And they echo much of
MIM(Prisons) focus, especially in more recent years. Yet, i pose the
question: can building the Re-Lease on Life and University of Maoist
Thought programs mobilize and reach the masses in the same way as the
campaigns making demands from the state?
And one final point, is that MIM always said the principal task was
not just to build independent institutions of the oppressed, but also to
build public opinion against imperialism. Isn’t a campaign exposing the
widespread use of torture in U.$. prisons an undermining of U.$.
imperialism regardless of the maneuvers the various states make to cut
back on or hide their use of long-term isolation? Or should we focus
solely on the Third World neo-colonies and expose U.$. meddling in
Ethiopia, Cuba and Haiti?
The American reformers who first devised the penitentiary believed
that criminals could be ‘reformed’ through solitary confinement, labor
and religious indoctrination. The use of solitary confinement and
isolation/sensory deprivation began at Philadelphia’s Eastern State
Penitentiary in the 1820’s. But what was actually discovered was that
conditions of sensory deprivation caused mental deterioration and
psychosis. Leading writers such as Charles Dickens and Charles Darwin,
upon touring the penitentiary, spoke out against its conditions of
mental torture. As Dickens observed: ‘I hold this slow and daily
tampering with the mysteries of the brain to be immeasurably worse than
any torture of the body.’ The Supreme Court ultimately ruled such
solitary confinement ‘mentally destructive’ and outlawed it. It
stated,
“A considerable number of prisoners fell, after even a short
confinement, into a semi-fatuous condition, from which it was next to
impossible to remove them, and others became violently insane; others
still committed suicide, while those who stood the ordeal better were
generally not reformed, and in most cases did not recover sufficient
mental activity to be of sufficient service to the community.” See: In
re Medley, 134 U.S. 160, 168 (1890)
Since that time, however, solitary hasn’t ceased. This is even after
courts and legislators in the late 20th and early 21st centuries have
outlawed even the new and more scientifically designed forms of solitary
confinement.
TX T.E.A.M.O.N.E. was founded by persyns who have endured years and
decades of solitary confinement in the forms of SHU and Ad-Seg (now
called ‘restrictive housing’).
Many modern courts have found the same conditions and injuries to
prisoners from confinement in modern control units as did the high court
of 1890 in the Medley case (see: e.g. Madrid v. Gomez, 889 F.
Supp. 1146 (N.D. Cal. 1995) )
“Many, if not most inmates in SHU experience some degree of
psychological trauma in relation to their extreme social isolation and
the severely restricted environmental stimulation in SHU.” This court
concluded that confinement under such conditions may press the outer
boundaries of what humans can psychologically tolerate. The
psychological consequences of living in these units for long periods of
time are predictably destructive, and the potential for these
psychological stressors to precipitate various forms of psychopathology
is clear cut. “Another court found that isolating human beings year
after year or even month after month can cause substantial psychological
damage, even if the isolation is not total. Davenport v. DeRoberts,
844F,2d 1310, 1316 (1999)
As a study on sensory deprivation by a team of 4 Harvard
psychologists conducted for the CIA revealed:
The deprivation of sensory stimuli induces stress;
The stress becomes unbearable for most subjects;
The subject has a growing need for physical and social stimuli,
and;
Some subjects progressively lose touch with reality, focus inwardly,
and produce delusions, hallucinations and other psychological
effects.
“Segregation is the modern form of solitary confinement. Segregation
inmates are almost completely deprived of the commonplace incidents and
routines of prison life. In theory [RHU] is not punitive. In practice,
it can only be described as punishing.”
It is with the preceding information that TX T.E.A.M.O.N.E. has been
inspired to put Our lives on the line in the most literal sense, by
refusing the necessary nutrients for survival, and good health. This
coming Black August 21st, the 50th anniversary of the assassination of
George L. Jackson, TX T.E.A.M.O.N.E. will be leading the masses on
TDCJ’s Allred Unit in a hunger strike to protest and bring attention to
the fundamental injustice that is embodied in the mere use of isolation
solitary confinement. We ask the inside community to join us in
struggle, as We already have a case in the courts challenging TDCJ’s use
of the RHU. We ask the outside community to join us in solidarity
(solidarity actions will be listed at the end of this pamphlet).
What is BP – 3.91?
Board policy 3.91 has recently been revised and is set to take effect
on August 1st. These revisions seek to create an asexual environment in
prison. If the penal system has its way, all publications, pictures
which may possibly cause arousal will be considered contraband.
While We, T.E.A.M.O.N.E., recognize the needs of some to
rehabilitate themselves from what may be considered perverse sexual
behavior, the same cannot be said for all, nor even most, prison
captives. For factually speaking, each individual has individual needs
to the realm of recovery and redemption.
TDCJ, when it benefits their agenda, seems to agree. For, in recent
years they have mandated that each captive complete an ‘individualized
treatment plan.’ All captive persyns must complete the plan prior to
their release on parole, or risk remaining in prison.
What Penological
Reason Does BP – 3.91 Serve?
At the date of this writing TDCJ has refused to state any reasoning
for this policy amendment. This refusal in itself is unlawful, by the
standard set by the Supreme Court’s Turner case.
That aside, since they’ve left the reasoning up to interpretation,
let’s interpret it:
Why on earth would anyone want an asexual environment? One where in
theory only sexual desire doesn’t exist? We say in theory
only because factually speaking, no matter the variations of
sexual expression, desire and arousal are as natural as breathing. What
then happens when large masses of people are warehoused, cut off from
ALL social stimuli, as We are in RHU? Frankly, this act
falls in line with historical missions of the american establishment, in
terms of genocide, a slow and deliberate de-population of outcasted
sectors.
REMEMBER EUGENICS? The selective breeding of persyns in order to weed
out unwanted social characteristics that were thought to be found in
ones genetics. REMEMBER FORCED STERILIATION of both wimmin and men who
were largely held captive, were mentally unequipped, or otherwise
considered a liability to the social order. This BP – 3.91 is aligned
with this grim history.
But that’s not all! BP – 3.91 will ban any material which depicts a
persyn with their face covered! Still in the middle of a pandemic!
Enough said!?
Solidarity Actions
Phone-zap: Those outside persyns who’re not local should call the TX
Board of Criminal Justice on August 1st (512-475-3250) demanding BP 3.91
be annulled as it has been revised, as it is an unlawful use of prison
censorship.
On August 24th, supporters should call the executive director of TDCJ
(936-437-2101). On the 24th We will have been on strike for 3 days,
which makes it official. Demand that TDCJ begin to rectify its inhumane
confining of RHU inmates indefinitely and without meaningful review.
Express your support for the hunger strikers on Allred.
Those who are local to this region, We ask to come out in droves to
support Our cause via an outside noise demonstration at the grounds of
the Allred prison colony. We need and appreciate your support.
USW 27 in California reports: Abolitionists From
Within(AFW) is back on the move. Building, can’t stop, won’t stop. We
put forth United Front for Peace in Prisons statement of principles:
Peace, Unity, Growth, Internationalism and Independence. The work on the
ground is coming together. About a month ago, one of the comrades pulled
me to the side and had a novel idea about bringing the community
together for Juneteenth. What do you know, they made Juneteenth a
national holiday. And we had a day of peace and unity here in our
facility.
The young Afrikan and older comrades smiled that day. You know me, I
told them to get ready for Black August. But it was nice to see our
community ask questions about Juneteenth, the end of slavery. However,
for us it was a day to learn and come together. Unity, Peace. A day that
I can’t be lied to anymore. Thank you to the comrade who hit me up with
the idea.
Now I need that same energy come Black August. Now to all you New
Afrikans who participated in Juneteenth Day, thank you. You are free
Black men.
Da Struggle Continue
a USW leader in TX reports: For Juneteenth, the
‘Black Unity group’, which is called Black Independence Taking
Root(BITR), initiated a peace treaty among Black lumpen street
organizations. A community meal was shared after sundown as the daytime
was reserved for fasting as a show of appreciation to New Afrikan
ancestors, and activists of various stripes who’ve pushed the cause of
New Afrikan liberation forward. During that time, this cell provided the
brothas here with largely unknown New Afrikan revolutionary
contributions of the past, both recent and not so recent. The masses
responded to the initiative very well.
MIM(Prisons) adds: The New Afrikan holiday,
Juneteenth, was made a federal holiday just prior to 19 June 2021. While
Amerikans celebrate 4 July 1776 as their independence day, 19 June 1865
has been celebrated by many as “Black Independence Day.” Though the New
Afrikan nation was not liberated from the emerging U.$. empire on that
day, it marked the day that the Emancipation Proclamation was announced
and enforced in Texas, the last state it reached. It took two and a half
years after the proclamation for the northern troops to make it to Texas
and enforce the law. While the proclamation made on 22 September 1862 by
President Lincoln was not originally a permanent law, the Thirteenth
Amendment making slavery illegal, except for the convicted felon, was
passed in January 1865, prior to the freeing of the slaves in Texas.
With the Thirteenth Amendment, former slaves were made citizens of
the United $tates by mandate, and with no say in the matter. This new
people had evolved from 100s of years of African slaves working together
in a common economic situation, developing its own culture and investing
in developing the land they found themselves on. After 100s of years of
being denied any rights by the slavemasters who brought them there,
suddenly they were told they must join the nation of their
slavemasters.
What happened in the south following the civil war was a plan for a
bourgeois democratic program for Black people, to incorporate them as
full citizens, within the confines of capitalism. This plan was called
Reconstruction. It was short-lived (1863-1877), as the whites charged
with enforcing it soon gave in to the resistance by the whites who
opposed it. We learned that the white nation was not willing to see
through the struggle for bourgeois democracy for the New Afrikan nation.
That is why today we say real independence, full rights and
self-determination for New Afrikans, requires New Democracy. A New
Democracy is a proletarian-led democratic revolution, different in class
leadership from the bourgeois Amerikan Revolution.
The history of Reconstruction followed by Jim Crow is the most
culturally relevant example for us in the United $tates of why a
dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary to end oppression. No
oppressor class, nation or gender in history has yet to give up its
power without a fight. The all around dictatorship of the proletariat is
what communists have used to revolutionize societies at all levels to
undermine class and gender distinctions.
Jim Crow laws enforcing segregation remained in effect until 1965.
During the 1960s there was a significant movement for true liberation of
the New Afrikan nation centered around the Black Panther Party for
Self-Defense. As we enter Black August later this summer, we commemorate
those who were murdered by the state in the righteous struggle against
oppression. A struggle that was recognized as necessary thanks to the
lessons of Juneteenth.
Last year, President Donald Trump made a point by scheduling a rally
speech on Juneteenth in Tulsa, Oklahoma where whites waged an
all-out-war against New Afrikans in 1921. This year was the 100th
anniversary of the battle of Tulsa, where the communist African Blood
Brotherhood(ABB) led the brave defense of “Black Wall Street” from
marauding whites, who shot up and bombed the Greenwood district of the
city from planes. The ABB was a secret society in Jim Crow Tulsa and
many other southern cities, because to be a communist outright would
have meant a death sentence from whites. The battle began when the ABB
organized a resistance to the lynch mob coming for a young New Afrikan
falsely accused of raping a white girl. While this battle led to many
deaths on both sides and the burning of both white and Black-owned
properties, it put an end to lynchings in Tulsa for a long time.
A year after Trump’s Tulsa debacle, President Biden made Juneteenth a
federal holiday. This symbolizes the conflict within the Amerikan ruling
class, and the white nation as well, in how to deal with the oppressed
internal semi-colonies today. While the Republican and Democratic
parties have switched positions, with the Republican Party now being the
one trying to disenfranchise New Afrikans, the disagreement over the
national contradiction is very similar to the days of Republican Abraham
Lincoln.
As communists we strive for the resolution of this national
contradiction by freeing all oppressed nations once and for all, not
waiting and hoping for one slightly friendlier sector of the oppressor
to win out. The ongoing struggle for New Afrikan liberation is tied to
the struggle of all oppressed people for liberation. It is not
surprising that the nation that ultimately worked so hard to keep the
Black nation down in the 1800s is now the primary force keeping
oppressed people down around the world. We have seen the limits of the
euro-Amerikan revolution.
Karl Marx was writing at a time when bourgeois democracy had
triumphed, and political parties ruled the day. These political parties
represented the various oppressive classes, primarily the bourgeoisie
itself. A radical idea at the time was to form a party that was for and
by the proletariat.
V.I. Lenin led the first successful project to build a proletarian
party, a Communist Party, and take power from the hands of the
oppressors and put it in the hands of the oppressed. Lenin left us with
many lessons on how to do this, how such a party should be organized and
how it should operate. The Party as the vehicle for the transfer of
power from the oppressor to the oppressed has been a foundation of
revolutionary science ever since.
The Maoist Internationalist Movement began in 1983. In 1990 the first
MIM party, MIP-Amerika, was formalized. In 2006, the Party dissolved and
put out a plan for a new cell structure for the MIM. In 2007,
MIM(Prisons) formed as a cell. There remains no functioning parties
within the MIM today.(see Continuity and Rupture: A Counter-Narrative to
JMP’s History of Maoism for more on MIM timeline)
A CA USW comrade: “[The journal] Kites hit it square
on the head though as MIM has said we really don’t have a vanguard. But
I thought Kites’ pointing out a squandered opportunity in 2020 on point.
This is our job, to seize opportunity out of the objective situations
and especially the crisis amongst the enemy itself. The only thing
missing regarding the external factors (we can’t control) is 3rd world
revolutionary revolts. But we have no mass support but 2020 should’ve
been a god-send for that. And it wasn’t.”
Actually, MIM has never said we don’t have a vanguard. MIM has always
said the vanguard is the most advanced political line, which could be
held by a tiny organization or even one individual when conditions are
very undeveloped. What this comrade gets right is our situation remains
very undeveloped.
We won’t get into a deep analysis of revolutionary forces here. We do
think 2020 was an opportunity to expand our influence that we could have
done more with if we were stronger. But the essential character of the
U.$. population did not, and has not changed from 2019 or from 2001. The
vast majority in this country benefit from the current imperialist
order.
MIM(Prisons) has argued that the cell structure makes sense at this
strategic stage, even within a Leninist model, because we are not vowing
for state power at this time, or tomorrow. Another USW comrade in
Federal prison contends that the lack of a party:
“complicates the task of implementing a totalizing strategy for
revolution and building the mass base to carry it forward.”
This comrade argues that we need a united leadership to guide us down
the correct road now. We touched on the inherent contradiction of the
cell structure in our Reassessing
Cell Structure 5 Years Out where we pointed out that it allows for
one cell to decide its time to form a party, while others disagree. If
only that were the main problem we were facing today.
The question is, do we need a party for a united strategy? And what
are the downsides of moving too quickly into a Party formation to try to
achieve that? We actually have a question about the weaknesses of the a
party structure in our introductory study course. Here are some recent
answers:
“B.D.S.: Bad leadership could cause death of the
movement
Ocelotl: Easier to target and infiltrate
Iashstiem: Security is more easily compromised
Adonis Salvo: More difficult to control and keep
organized and focused
The Sober Souljah: Slacking in security by accepting
strangers
F.L.A.V.A. 1: It will bring more of a spotlight on
the party depending on its action in the revolution
Anarchy in VA: Prioritizing actions to take
Jups: Snitches/spying break down organization”
The primary answer, and the primary reason given by MIM for adopting
the cell structure, was security. The second reason offered by comrades
here is a fear of putting all your eggs in one basket type of argument.
If we can allow for a diversity of approaches, we have more
possibilities for success. This could be especially important in the
early phases of our development as a movement. If five people come
together and form a “Party” all we have is five self-appointed leaders.
MIM(Prisons) often mentions the development of leadership that occurs
through the forced self-reliance within small cells. It is when we have
cells around the country who can elect leaders to represent them in a
Party that such a project becomes viable.
A CA prisoner comments: “I was very impressed with
ULK’s answer to the Potash book on Tupac. Until now I did not
know that anyone other than myself was aware of the extent the
intelligence community is involved in eliminating dissidents of their
empire and the psychological warfare against civilians in the U.S. thru
COINTELPRO and other intel ops against civilians. I was astonished to
have my innermost suspicions confirmed by ULK. With the
elimination of our leaders, we can not succeed thru unity, We must adopt
independent cells as a model as you are obviously aware, every time a
potential leader arises that can restore basic human rights and dignity
and even freedom itself, the U.S. government is quick to eliminate our
leader.
“And so you are correct in educating the People… Thru mass education,
hopefully the People will awaken and do the work independent of any one
leader, as a duty to the idea of freedom, not as a part of a bid for
acceptance… True freedom can only come from socialism… We face a giant
and to truly succeed we must be very wise. We cannot win by force yet so
let us educate ourselves and know that against our common enemy we all
must fight our own battle.”
This comrade touches on security, our strategic stage and the
strategy of People’s War as opposed to great man theory. Education is
always important, but at this stage it is principal over the use of
force. This comrade’s approach to mass education as the best hedge
against losing the leaders we depend on is in line with the Maoist
strategy of People’s War. This strategy involves building a People’s
Army that is embedded in the people, engaging in productive work and
educational campaigns side-by-side with the people as we work towards
developing base areas. Ultimately, as this comrade points out, Mao’s
emphasis on how the people must learn to wage war through waging war
rings true.
In our culture, social media reinforces practices that put
individuals in the spotlight. We must develop ways to utilize the reach
of the internet, without promoting ideas of great man theory or
revealing persynal information of our leaders.
Security practices is one area where we must do more education. The
only people MIM(Prisons) has interacted with that have good security
practice seem to be individuals working alone. The state of basic
security practice among revolutionaries is horrible. There is no way to
succeed in a serious struggle with such practices. Yet, we must move
beyond isolated individuals posting anonymous content to actually do
real organizing.
A NY USW comrade asks: “Is the cell ideology
productive? As a single unit I have not been able to grow. I do not
believe it is me. Is there more I can do somehow else?”
The original MIM resolution on cell structure pointed out that a
one-persyn cell is the most secure. But is it effective? MIM(Prisons)
critiqued the idea of a one-persyn cell in general in its lack of
ability to develop knowledge dialecticaly with just one mind. Some may
be able to do it, but we don’t think it is a path that will move us
forward fastest.
So what of the single-persyn cell trying to grow that can’t seem to
recruit? In prison this problem is distinct in that you have no control
over who and how many people you have access to. That is a separate
problem. And we’d say you can reach others and recruit outside your
prison by writing and producing artwork for Under Lock &
Key, for example.
Whether in prison or not, the question becomes what can the party or
larger organization give you as an individual to increase your success?
We might think of things like a newspaper, mass campaigns, sharing
experiences around what works and what doesn’t, connecting people and
projects to make our work more efficient, imposing rules and discipline
on cadre. It is not clear to us that we need a party for any of these
things. We propose that technology today allows us to do all of these
things in an anonymous and efficient manner.
MIP-Amerika was known to have better security practices than most
self-declared communist parties in the United $tates, and yet they saw
security as a weakness that led to their demise. We should take this
lesson to heart. It will be premature to launch a party before cadre
have come to understand security practices and power struggle. Our
conditions include a level of surveillance and Liberalism that other
revolutionary movements did not face. We must have real strategies for
addressing these problems before we embark on the Party-building
project.
The problem with the cell structure as it exists in our movement is
that there is no centralized strategy for layering our security
practices. The problem faced by small organizations concerned about
security is how to separate out roles and tasks when your cadre is
limited. The cell structure can force this situation onto us. The
advantage of the Party is being able to do this bigger-scale and
longer-term strategic construction. But we argue that we are not at this
stage yet.
The cell structure is pointless without good security practices. That
would play to our weaknesses by needlessly dividing our limited forces.
It is only by developing security practices that would allow for a
successful bid for state power that the cell structure really becomes
operational. In the early stages of Party formation we should aim to
maintain some of the policies of cell structure as a fail-safe. As our
position becomes stronger, the security problems of a centralized party
become less of a concern.
As always, politics must stay in command. This type of strategic
thinking must come after an ideological consolidation. We seem to be in
the stage of “letting 100 flowers bloom” as different interpretations
and applications of Maoism in occupied Turtle Island are doing their
things, watching and criticizing each other. While we have criticized a
number of these trends as revisionists of Maoism, the diversity of
people we see studying Maoism is a step forward. We will need many more
cells organizing around the MIM cardinal principles, with demonstrated
practices, before the question of party building becomes concrete for
us.
As we move to the next step of ideological consolidation, we must
address this strategic question: when is it time to build a Party? This
is a question of utmost importance as we have no successful
revolutionary strategy in conditions like ours to learn from. We must
not rush to form a Party in a way that suddenly reveals all of our
fiercest leaders to the state. As the state will move to kill, imprison,
bad-jacket and pit these leaders against each other. Perhaps we can
achieve ideological unity and strategic unity prior to forming
a party. At this time we believe we should strive to preserve the
benefits of cell structure without promoting isolation.
What’s up comrades, friends, and supporters? i wanted to provide a
response both to USW Comrade N’s and MIM(Prisons)’s commentary that was
published in ULK 72: “Orientating
USW Organizing Strategy in Light of TX Victory.” Really, my comments
are more general rather than a direct disagreement with either Comrade N
or MIM(Prisons).
First, ‘N’ asserts that “from an organizers perspective, these are
not battles in which we can effectively push anti-imperialism forward,
much less MLM.” The comrade mentioned phone access as an example of a
battle ey was speaking of.
i’ll argue that the above assertion is incorrect and unscientific.
MLM, dialectical materialism, is universal, meaning it can be applied to
all phenomena. Further, dialectics shows us the true
interconnected nature of social phenomena and if we acknowledge that is
true, than how can we then deem that prison struggles aren’t aligned
with anti-imperialism? Like MIM(Prisons) added, “with the correct
leadership, and keeping our eyes on bigger goals like the UFPP, and
uniting others around a list of more impactful demands, reformist
campaigns like phone access could be productive.”
As organizers, we are focused on inspiring commitment within the
masses. Looking at the psychology of the masses under imperialism, we’ll
observe that the most effective way to capture the masses attention is
to organize around their immediate interests. The more mature and
in-depth communist outlook will develop in stages as study and struggle
continue. However, the first hurdle is to establish principled unity in
furtherance of an objective/program.
Our most pressing strategic goal as anti-imperialist/Maoist
organizers behind enemy lines, is developing cadres to re-enter society
with the ability to be impactful in the “free world” anti-imperialist
struggle. This is our link to a totalizing revolutionary strategy
outside the walls. The quality-of-life reforms are connected to the
strategy of cadre development because PE (political education) is made
up of 3 parts. Those 3 parts are 1) organizing, 2) educating and 3)
mobilizing. So in undergoing/providing proper PE we must study and
practice organizing, educating, mobilizing. We must observe the
knowledge-practice-knowledge method in all aspects of our development to
ensure we achieve our highest potential. So there’s an identity between
study and struggle, they go hand-in-hand and because we’re not in a
‘revolutionary situation’ our struggle, or practice, will undoubtedly
include (some) reforms.
However, it must be noted and articulated to the masses involved in
that struggle that whatever particular battle is being waged at the
moment isn’t the end-all be-all, but is only a tactical maneuver that
was set in motion with the strategy in mind of advancing the
organizational, educational and mobilizing capabilities for all
involved. The real crux of the issue is never the demands in the prison
setting. The real crux of the issue, as it pertains to linking a
totalizing revolutionary strategy, lies in the practical experience
gained by the masses in asserting their collective power. For, how will
we seize state power if the people lack the strategic confidence to
assert their power? We have to increase the collective practical
experience of contesting the state as a united body. From a lead
organizer’s perspective, putting campaigns into motion, communicating
internally, advancing understanding of self and the people, practicing
discipline, teaching discipline etc., all this does what? It prepares
you for your return to the semi-colonies and general public with
experience in organizing, educating, mobilizing people to assert their
collective power. The differences in context have little effect on the
objective advancement of a comrade’s development.
Additionally, we must also account for other aspects of the
fundamental contradiction within prisons, which is badge versus captive.
In our efforts to organize, educate and mobilize, the badge is not gonna
remain still or unmoved. The badge, like the bourgeoisie on the outs, is
gonna utilize both coercive and brutal methods to maintain complacency
with the social order among the social classes, or in this case the
captives. Also, we must acknowledge that the lumpen is a vacillating
class anyway and in prison the masses of lumpen will vacillate between
escapism, complacency, underground capitalism, etc. anyways. Therefore,
acknowledging that these currents will continue with or without our
efforts of revolutionary organizing because we still operate under
imperialist, bourgeois dictatorship, it is imperative that we exercise
every opportunity to advance our aspect of the fundamental contradiction
in prison. In doing so, we work towards manufacturing conditions within
prison that will be more conducive to our anti-imperialist goals.
While organizing around more impactful demands, the badge is still
gonna utilize its double-pronged strategy of coercing or abusing. When
the latter won’t work, the former will come in the form of cosmetic
reforms. Those cosmetic reforms, even when they’re not demanded by
organizers, still hold the possibility of pacifying individuals, making
them complacent sleep walkers again. My point is that, at present, we
can’t escape these tendencies from either side or the results they may
or may not render, but we can’t allow these tendencies to keep us on the
sideline, all “study” no struggle.
Lastly, i wanna clarify that none of the above is to assert that we
should chase after any old reform or ‘change.’ As MIM(Prisons) states,
leaders must make that determination, and furthermore, should educate
the masses on why we will or will not seek certain reforms or
campaigns.
In this process, i’ve learned the necessity of adequate communication
with the masses and unity-struggle-unity internally among cadres, as a
tool in struggling against a tendency towards tailism. What has come of
this is a re-organizing of the TX Team One under a clearer program and a
better understanding (a collective understanding) of what our strategic
and tactical goals are, uniting the most committed partisans around
those goals, and developing these partisan’s PE. We’ve downsized, what
one may call ‘purging,’ but i like to call ‘cutting the fat’ and we are
working on our next courses of action.
In Under Lock & Key 71 we promoted a campaign in Texas’
Allred Unit for phone access and video visits during the COVID-19
lockdowns. The campaign won this immediate goal, although the campaign
included a list of 15 demands that included an end to long-term
solitary confinement, good time credits, releases related to COVID-19,
the right to vote and more that were not addressed. Below one of the
leaders draws some lessons from the campaign. Both of the excerpts below
are from discussions among USW leaders on current conditions for
organizing in prisons.
A USW comrade in Texas: Seven days after the phone zap all
prisoners in Restrictive Housing Unit (RHU), even those on level 3,
began receiving free phone calls weekly. The admin bought cordless
phones, there is one on each pod. Each day one section gets calls. There
are only 6 sections per pod, so 1 day of the week is ‘stuck out phone
call day’ for those who may’ve gotten moved, downgraded etc. So the zap
and the strike were a success, but I also observed some keen lessons.
Oh, before I say that let me say that the above arrangement is supposed
to last until the OTS bluephones are installed. This is what we’ve been
told, although I don’t believe it.
Now the lessons: #1. A more profound respect for the necessity to
remain underground. This coincides with #2 which is that the masses,
both those within the organized body (the rank & file) and outside
that body, are EASILY pacified with the simplest reform because for most
lumpen the “invincibility” of the state and admin remains intact.
Therefore if in the event the admin actually budges in any way it is
considered a monumental victory and complacency sets in. That’s what I’m
dealing with now surrounded by masses on the “outside of the body.”
Backtracking to #1, I find myself surrounded by masses on the outside
now because the admin was made privy to my position and influence among
the active protagonists (Team One). As you know, I was isolated,
rehoused. Since then some captives have used their outside contacts to
apply pressure to admin – this resulted in the discontinued practice of
isolation of dissidents on level 3 pods. Consequently I was moved again,
and although things are favorable here in most ways, the point is that
the admin’s success in separating the cadres has circumvented my attempt
to mobilize peers to push the movement forward.
However, I truly think that once the ‘free’ calls are taken away, and
it goes back to $15 for a 5 minute call, and no OTS phones have been
made available, people will see exactly what I’ve been preaching to them
the last 3 months or so, then the material conditions will be ripe
again. In the meantime, I’m working on developing new cadres.
MIM(Prisons): The comrade above reported on repression
and bad-jacketing efforts by the state, but has worked against them
through mass contact and political education. While the focus of the
campaign became the immediate goal of phone access during COVID-19, the
demands highlighted much bigger concerns, including the end to long-term
solitary confinement, which MIM(Prisons) has spent a lot of time
campaigning for over the years. Another USW Leader addressed the issue
of organizing around immediate, minor reforms in the USW leaders meeting
while discussing local conditions in eir prison:
USW comrade N: The most pressing issues at this facility are of
course important to all who feel strongly about them (i.e.: phone access
to loved ones during the lockdown). However from an organizers’
perspective, these are not battles in which we can effectively push
anti-imperialism forward, much less Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM),
without veering into reformist practices of little tactical or strategic
value. I am aware that arguments on principle can be mounted to the
contrary, but absent a practicable, totalizing strategy for revolution
domestically being put forward by an MLM organization that is actionable
in the here-and-now (notwithstanding the exemplary work MIM(Prisons) has
exhibited in their particular field of operations), we cannot
effectively utilize many of these prison struggles as a proper
springboard to corresponding actions in other areas, actions which do
not translate into long-term pacification which benefits their prison
administration in an objective, cost-to-us, benefit-to-them analysis.
If we cannot muster the resources and external manpower to mount a
facility or state-specific campaign for a tactical reform to push our
agenda and continually imprint firmly in the minds of all incarcerated
that we have their best interests in mind, it may be advisable to
abstain from participation lest credit for the reforms go elsewhere and
becomes politically-neutered, or, worse yet, the system co-opts the
struggle as its own and touts its successes (ie. The First-Step Act).
Otherwise, we are gaining no more than sporadic traction amongst those
we are attempting to revolutionize, and then only of a transient nature.
We should not be trying to ‘improve’ American prisons, much like we
should not be attempting to cut a bigger portion of imperialist profits
from Third World super-exploitation for the lower class, yet still
relatively privileged, citizens of empire.
If we are to engage in any prison organizing, then censorship battles
concerning our political ideology, the UFPP and the Re-Lease on Life
programs should take center stage. I find it harder to advocate
quality-of-life reforms which are not linked to a totalizing
revolutionary strategy outside the walls. Our goal is to radicalize
those on the inside, for subsequent outside work. As for our comrades
who do not have the luxury of a release date, or have sentences which
essentially translate into the same, their best hope for release lies
not in reforms but with an all-sided MLM revolutionary organization
planning their release through eventual Peoples’ War. It goes without
saying that for them, and for everyone suffering under American
imperialism, the sooner, the better.
*In case it may not appear as such, all of the above is written in
the spirit of “Unity-Struggle-Unity.”
MIM(Prisons) adds: Comrade N echoes MIM(Prisons) in calling for
campaigns around censorship battles, building a United Front for Peace
in Prisons and developing Re-Lease on Life programs. Ey reflects our
general practice in shying away from inherently reformist campaigns;
ones that do not contribute to our long-term goals and projects. We
include the struggle against long-term isolation on that list, which
Team One included in their demands, but was perhaps dismissed as a
throwaway demand.
Our comrade in Texas suggests that organizing may start up again when
the state doesn’t keep its promises. And we should note that it can be
hard to separate out UFPP development work from reformist campaigns.
Formations like Team One serve to unite different lumpen formations for
common cause. With the correct leadership, and keeping our eyes on
bigger goals like the UFPP, and uniting others around a list of more
impactful demands, reformist campaigns like phone access could be
productive. At this point we rely on the leaders of Team One to make
that determination.
We think both the comrades here are contributing greatly to work on
the ground and to developing the knowledge and line of our movement
overall. We can also say that only focusing on the reformist campaigns,
without the longer goals, is not going to change anything in regards to
ending oppression and injustice. Scientific leadership liquidating its
demands in the masses is an error that will not get us anywhere good
either. We’ve seen many who say they unite with our goals but argue that
the masses aren’t ready for them so they hide their true politics. This
is called tailism, and it has not proven effective in building the
communist movement.
Finally, Comrade N makes the point that we need a broader communist
movement to be guiding our work in a strategic way. The fact that we are
just a prison ministry focused on prisoner support, without a larger
organization/formation to be guiding our work leads us much more
susceptible to the trap of reformism. This is why it is important for us
to be involved in the development of a broader communist movement in
this country and to link up with other forces that have the correct
orientation around key questions for communists.
All Power to those who deserve it, all those who fight for it and all
those who know. The hunger
strike at the California Substance Abuse Treatment Facility (SATF) over
conditions during the COVID-19 pandemic is still alive. Though the
leaders have suspended the starvation act of the strike, our workers
strike remains alive. We determine that our Covid Intervention Statement
remains relevant as an organizing tool to those involved in the struggle
to force the transparency of California Prisons. It’s sad that it takes
individuals to put their life at stake before the public can have
knowledge made known of the conditions we suffer. But it is how it goes
within the belly of the beast. Leaders plan to resume the hunger strike
at a later date of 2021, and will notice at the point of strike.
We suspend our strike solely because the conditions began to take a
very unhealthy turn, with little adequate record keeping power of the
families and supporters to know just what is happening with the
healthcare of the leaders. By no means do we want our suspension to be
construed as a resolution of our DEMANDS being met. For there can be no
talks of SATF Administration meeting strikers’ DEMANDS when SATF and
CDCR Director Connie Gipson fall silent to ANSWER to the statement of
prisoners at SATF hunger striking. They do not deserve this sort of
CREDIT.
The conditions of building 2, where prisoners receive showers every
72 Hrs. Laundry exchange, including sheets and pillow cases are unknown
to any other living units. And Phone calls have been consistent to once
per week. Meals remain served cold. Showers remain dirty, standard of
PPE remain poor, and the package officer L.A. Alvin is said to have been
rerouted to G Facility Gym 2 weeks ago. For 3 days packages were issued,
and then they were stopped.
The more pressing issue is testing and quarantining prisoners, that
first DEMAND. It would seem that SATF has engaged in testing, hence the
report of the outbreak. The high numbers serve as a focal point and
evidence of the need for families and supporters of prisoners to mend
broken relations between one another and unite against this human rights
disaster. The hunger strikers recognize the support the public gave, and
we say that though SATF and CDCR fall silent to answer the DEMANDS of
the strikers, members of the public did not fall silent. Members of the
public stood in solidarity with the strikers, accepting the terms of
which we testified to be true, spreading this as high as the State
Capitol. We rest in recovery from the loss of body weight, consequent to
starvation. But we know that there are members of the public who are now
directly connected to the struggle here at SATF in the Valley of Death’s
shadow.
In the question of what it is that leaders achieved in starving
themselves in this ACTION, we won the fight to silence prisoners by the
noise of CDCR Covid scheme operations. We raised awareness in the Valley
in solidarity with other prisoner leaderships in prisons across
California, that CDCR’s failure to protect the imprisoned population
where Covid is concerned is unacceptable.
A public stage has been made available to prisoner leaderships in the
shadow of Death Valley, where once it had gone silent. The CDCR culture
known as the ‘Code of Silence’ cannot rule where there are members of
the public willing to speak out and ACT out in criticism of the state,
its departments’ bureaucracy and the ACTIONS of its agents.
The REPUBLIC and SOVEREIGN will of individuals, independent of the
state, acting in collaboration with WE who struggle for human decency
against all odds.
WE together born about a culture that ushers a future where
redemption is real. Reconciliation is possible, and reparations are as
simple as a public admission of guilt, an apology and plan of action to
make right said wrongs.
This is what we struggle for. NO MORE SILENCE, give us answers. The
supporters of the strike have done great in raising awareness that here
at SATF there are those who have starved to improve the conditions
within CDCR as it relates to Covid. We have established court in the
streets, now we will begin releasing our AFFIDAVITS and MOTIONS for
orders against these FACILITIES, like SATF. COMMON LAW RULES everywhere
in AMERICA where the CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM fails. All that is needed
are a few FARMERS who can teach how to GROW and provide WORK to the
UNEMPLOYED, for there remain WE who will WORK for food, and stock
inner-city community food banks. A few BAILS BONDSMAN willing to perform
CITIZENS ARREST of ASSETS LIQUIDATABLE in PERSONAL DAMAGE CLAIMS of
PRISONERS, against correctional staff and healthcare personnel for COVID
ATTACKS.
What the PIGS are doing to us is equal to a carrier of COVID
intentionally coughing in the face of someone who hasn’t been
exposed.
It’s assault and battery.
We will begin putting out BENCH WARRANTS for offenders, and from here
on out the PUBLIC OPINION will decide their FATE. COURT is in the
STREETS.
THE FAILURE OF CDCR HAS BEEN ACCEPTED AS AN ACT OF WAR AGAINST WE
PRISONERS.
Right now we need our supporters to help us get our health back up so
that we can make our next strike. We can use whatever folks can by
making a deposit into our inmate trust account.
Using JPAY Deposits, supporters can send leaders money for canteen
where food purchases, cough drops, lotions, spices, herbs, oil and
vitamins may be purchased to do for themselves what the institution will
not do for them. [Contact MIM(Prisons) to get a name to send donations
to.]