Under Lock & Key

Last summer, around June, I ordered several copies of the North Carolina Grievance petition from MIM, then had copies made and sent out. Then I announced to the block how to use the petition forms as a solution to our grievances not being answered. The forms were then distributed in the block, door-to-door in our segregated dorm. Sadly some papers were heard being ripped up as soon as they entered the cell. I challenged the chicken-shits to reveal themselves, to no avail. The remaining forms were distributed in other blocks. It wasn’t long before I realized hardly anyone would use the forms.

A couple weeks later my neighbor mentions the petition during a conversation with someone else and was telling the guy, “the police gave it to him, he saving it to the day he need to file a grievance so he could attach it to the grievance.” Translation: he has no idea how to use the petition.

Other than some people being lazy and others just don’t care, this is what I learned:

• I can’t assume we are all convicts
• Gather participants first and speak to each of them to confirm their ambitions
• Write directions on top of the form, where to send it, such as “send to address on last page or which ever office/dept you’re trying to target”
• Sometimes an orchestrator may need to influence members to participate

Close fist, Panther struggle

At the end of every year, MIM(Prisons) does an assessment of our work and finances and we plan for the new year. We also solicit reports, criticisms and self-criticisms from USW comrades. We were a little late on that this year, so perhaps we will have more for next issue of ULK.

While most are finding it hard to predict what the next Trump regime will bring, it is clear from this choice that imperialism is in crisis. The uncertainty and threat of instability from things like tariffs, deportations and defunding important social programs do not bode well for the future of U.$. imperialism or stability of the current world order of U.$. domination. There are clear cracks in the latter, despite 2024 being a series of short-term victories for the U.$. empire in the Levant.

The coming upheaval of the current system requires preparation and organization. Since the dissolution of the original MIM in 2008, we cannot say that the MIM has seen significant growth. The prison ministry did accomplish a lot in the decade from 2008 to 2018, reaching new heights in MIM’s prisoner support work. In U.$. prisons we saw significant growth and some amazing actions of mass solidarity. As long-time readers know, MIM(Prisons) took some major setbacks in 2020 and we’ve been regrouping since. In that period we’ve successfully expanded our online recruitment. We’ve also seen a significant growth in MIM line in online communities that MIM(Prisons) has never or no longer participates in (meaning promotion of MIM’s 3 cardinal principles). This has come along with a general growth in “Maoist” groups popping up, evolving and dissolving, though most of these groups do not uphold the 3 cardinals. All of this indicates change in favor of the growth of our forces here on occupied Turtle Island.

Assessing 2024

In the last few years we have revamped and relaunched all of our educational programs for prisoners, which were all non-operational by 2020. We’ve also begun running them online. In 2024, we saw another significant expansion of our educational engagement with prisoners with the relaunching of our study group for USW leaders through the University of Maoist Thought (UMT). Meanwhile, every year, comrades inside and outside continue to complete our intro study courses. These education programs are the first step to building the leaders we need to grow our movement.

Beyond just education, 2024 marked the beginning of the intentional building of the MIM-led united front. By MIM-led we mean ideologically, not a centralized organization. While still in its early stages, these discussions have been fruitful, involving people in cadre orgs and mass orgs that are doing real work in the anti-imperialist movement outside of prisons.

To be prepared for the changes to come, we must continue on these fronts. We must educate more allies into leaders, through both study groups and pushing them to engage in practical work. And we must continue to develop our networks and infrastructure to support real fighting forces in the future.

In 2024, our readership in prisons has continued its steady decline dating back to 2016 now. We didn’t receive a lot of feedback last year on the possible causes of this, but some factors include: drugs, tablets, digital mail, more long-term isolation, and a general decline in the prison movement.

We had less prisoners write us in 2024 than any other year in our existence. This translated to another decrease in donations. A few years ago we accomplished our longstanding goal of having prisoners fund 10% of ULK costs. This seemed to be a result of Covid money. Since then donations have returned to the more normal rate, but with less people writing us that’s an overall decrease in donations. The percent of ULK costs covered by prisoner donations dropped to about 4.2% in 2024, down from 11.5% in 2022.

On the other hand, this summer we distributed far more copies of ULK on the streets than ever before as part of our effort to link the prison movement to the student movement for Palestine. We got close to our goal of matching distribution inside prisons. And our donations from outside supporters (outside of MIM(Prisons)) reached an all time high as well to help pay for those papers.

Overall, our budget was very stable between 2023 and 2024, and much of the small increase was due to us expanding our operations in other locations.

Other than continuing our regular publication of ULK each season, we also put the finishing touches on our paper “Why the International Communist Movement (ICM) Must Break with the Legacy of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM)”. This paper is an important summary of the MIM struggle against the Revolutionary Communist Party(U$A) in the realm of the ICM, pointing out key differences between us and the various revisionists claiming Maoism to this day.

New for 2025

We have a number of things planned for this year already.

As whitehouse.gov removes all Spanish-language content, we are excited to announce the relaunch of our Spanish page (or section) that will start in ULK 89. We already have a Spanish version of our current letter introducing United Struggle from Within and MIM(Prisons), and will have a Spanish version of the intro study course level 1 soon. So if you know people who are interested in studying with us in Spanish have them write in for that. We are also looking for incarcerated translators to help contribute to this important project.

We are already making progress in 2025 towards our unachieved goal of establishing local AIPS chapters with local outreach, regular meetings, educational events, and campaign support for comrades inside. This should continue to expand our ability to correspond with prisoners and attempt to rebuild interest in U.$. prisons around our work.

We will be pushing the September 9th Day of Peace and Solidarity, on the anniversary of Attica, on the streets in the forms of fasting, political work and study, and possibly larger events as we have promoted inside prisons for a decade now. We have not seen much activity around this inside prisons in recent years, so we hope this will inspire that again and that we can reinforce each others’ efforts around 9/9.

The relaunch of our study group for USW leaders has been very successful overall. Specifically, it has brought together some of our most enthusiastic and advanced thinkers within the New Afrikan Independence Movement, creating momentum around more proactive work in that realm. We will be continuing this study and looking to produce work from it for the broader movement.

Join Us

Imperialism will keep providing opportunities for resistance as its internal contradictions only continue to heighten. It has been some time since we’ve seen real opportunities within the United $tates, and it remains one of the most stable places in the world. Yet, now is the time to build. Opportunities are close enough that people are getting interested in real change, but we must build before real crisis ensues and the existing dominant forces sweep away our efforts because we were not prepared.

Since 2020 we’ve seen a persistent slow and steady growth. We need your help to sustain that growth into the future.

In all ways but name Minnesota Sex Offender Program (MSOP) is a prison where we’re all serving indeterminate (de facto life) sentences as preventative detention for future crimes we will never commit. After we completed our DOC prison sentences, they transferred us to this “secure treatment facility” run by DHS instead of DOC. About the only difference from DOC is that, despite calling us “clients,” we are actually patients and thus have some additional legal protections under the Minnesota Patient Bill of Rights (§ 144.651). The biggest is our right to organize and run a “Resident Advisory Family Council” (RAFC) that allows our elected patient council to participate in weekly video meetings with outside support. Our outside support has grown from family members to also include attorneys, therapists, ministers and even a retired legislator. Once a month we meet for an hour with the facility director, clinical director and Ombudsman to present our proposals for policy changes.

Some policy changes we’ve helped bring about include the ability for patients to call toll-free numbers, allowing patients to seek post-secondary educational opportunities, promoting voter registration and the in-person voting process recently signed into law.

The RAFC also worked directly with the Mitchell-Hanline School of Law and provided input on their 1 April 2024 open letter to Governor Tim Walz that was signed by 100 notable individuals and organizations. This scathing report calls for MSOP to be sunset and the $110 million dollar yearly operating expense be reinvested in proven victim advocacy programs.

This year our RAFC also sponsored a very successful “freedom” themed 4th of July Writing Contest that resulted in 45 patients submitting 111 poems, stories and essays.

Realizing that incorrect data in our records was being used against us when applying for transfers to less restrictive alternatives, the RAFC wrote an educational how-to brochure entitled “How To Do a Data Challenge” that we distributed to fellow patients. MSOP retaliated by giving me a disciplinary violation notice for handing this brochure to another patient before group instead of mailing it to him.

But the brochures worked and the Executive Director was overwhelmed with data challenges and started extending the deadline to respond. I finally filed a request for an advisory opinion from the commissioner of administration on this issue, and a 15 July 2024 advisory opinion #24-001 was issued (https://mn.gov/admin/data-practices). This four page report cites the executive director’s violation of the 30-day statutory deadline in responding to data challenges and noted that she didn’t have the authority to change the law.

On 10 September 2024 my first data challenge appeal went to a formal contested case hearing in front of an administrative law judge. During the four hour hearing, a fellow patient and two therapists were called as witnesses and MSOP was represented by the Attorney General’s office. Thankfully my 87-year-old father is still a licensed attorney, so he stepped in and hit a home run. We won the data challenge appeal and on 3 January 2025 my (now former) therapist received the judge’s court order to add a single sentence to my quarterly report. That’s coincidentally the same day the facility decided I should be moved to another treatment team on another living unit… exactly what I had been requesting for the last year!

So it’s a great start to a new year, with lots more victories in store. Remember, the secret is don’t ever, ever give up!

Revolutionary Greetings,

Things here are intense!! There’s a struggle among the prisoners beginning to form. With us being in solitary confinement it’s nearly impossible for us to physically correct the enemy so it’s been decided that guerrilla warfare tactics will be used (sour milk/feces are being thrown on them). Two have been “gassed” within the past week. This may sound like nothing, however komrade you must overstand prior to me arriving here the overall group of prisoners on RHCP here were docile. As soon as I got situated here a couple prisoners sent kites my way expressing how we need to put down a demonstration to get things changed back here. It’s been a slow process, I was recently able to get our list of demands to someone out of all 8 blocks back here. We’re waiting to see if everyone is in unity with the demands:

1. Have maintenance fix the hot water – we’ve had no hot water in the shower or in our cells for over a month now

2. Have maintenance fix the heat – they have the AC blasting in the middle of winter. Komrade it’s so cold that we have to wear three to four layers of clothes when out from under the blankets

3. Give us inside rec – they are using the excuse that it’s too cold to go outside, or they will offer us rec but it’s way too cold to be outside. There are inside rec cages but the unit manager refuses to allow us to use them even though I showed him the policy that supports our grievance.

4. Provide us with adequate food – due to their laziness we are given small styrofoam trays instead of the regular seg trays, so they won’t have to come back and pick the trays up. The styrofoam trays only have three slots for food to go in. Pursuant to policy we’re supposed to get a certain amount of food. We’re only getting half of the required calories.

5. Provide adequate mental and physical healthcare – this is by far the worst medical staff I’ve seen. Sick calls go unanswered, self meds are frequently lost or are given to the wrong prisoners. There are guys back here that obviously need some mental healthcare, but yet they are left to battle their disorders alone.

6. Allow the gay and transgender to be housed together on the same tier and given their own shower – I’m catching flak behind this demand. The hierarchical structure of the lumpen orgs preclude any form of socialization or respect with or towards these groups of prisoners. The L.O.’s forbid their homies from aiding any such person. But like I’ve been telling them how can we say we’re fighting oppression when we’re oppressing!

I will keep you updated.

Some of the problems I have run into organizing are being targeted by administration for conducting a study group. Some times there’s too many people interested for the space available, then when you’ve got 15-20 people huddled up and no violence is occurring, it scared the C.O.’s They are not used to that type of unity and they don’t encourage anything that has to do with building a collective consciousness. I try to do study groups in smaller circles and more discreetly because some dudes are eyes and ears for the oppressor. Repression is not a good thing at all and I must say that before I continue. However, when they do crack down, that’s when I pay close attention because certain responses help me inventory the caliber of men I’m studying with. The ones who know and understand the full magnitude of what the consequences can be for orchestrating a study group but are still willing to carry on are my type of comrades. In other words, the targeting helps me see who’s who.

As far as the question of being surrounded by enemies, we can list the various forces inside prisons similar to classes/nations outside because there are different types of people and not everybody is on the same page. For example, if in the prison I am housed at I did a united front for Palestine solidarity, certain people would not even consider it because that’s not the level of struggle they are interested in. But if I did one for, let’s say, advocating for more quality programming inside the institution, you will see a different crowd. Even in this crowd, you will have some who fully identify with capitalist principles (even fascism) and their oppressor.

Different initiatives will attract different people. I feel like it’s important to dichotomize because not everybody is qualified for revolutionary work. You’ve got some people who are so broken and battered they will utilize this as an opportunity to gain favor with the oppressor. United fronts can be formed that resolve around us understanding our personal experiences within the criminal injustice system and putting it in a larger context of abolishing the prison system and all other oppressive, capitalist-imperial systems. By us connecting this link to the outside world, we will see how these systems overlap and the need for a united front for all the oppressed. The fight continues.

MIM(Prisons) responds: Last issue we asked for feedback on what it was like to build support for Palestine in prisons. As this comrade indicates, it can be a hard sell. Focusing on quality programming can be a better place to start, but it is not inherently going to build the movement. More programming can lead to more state control over what prisoners are doing with their time, more brainwashing. So such a campaign would need to have a component where you were also building programs, or just space for discussion, that serves the movement for it to be a progressive campaign. That is, a campaign that serves the international proletariat rather than something that just helps a small group of people get jobs when they’re released or whatever. Campaigning for Palestine is much more inherently internationalist in its content, and it does not present these challenges – it presents the challenge of being harder to mobilize people around instead as comrades in Texas and Florida have also reported.

I have been a member of USW since 2017. Since then I have contributed zealously, especially the move away from publishing the revisionist ideal of prisoners complaining about prison conditions and their grievances, which served no purpose to the movement other than to teach comrades revisionist methods of resolution to make prisons ideally more comfortable and less punitive.

As I attempt a corrective analysis, I ask is writing grievances and filing lawsuits against prison adminsistrators a revisionist ideal or revolutionary? and if it is revolutionary, how?

I know no revolution that was won through writing grievances or use of the courts! Read Dr. Burton’s book Tip of the Spear and see how that ideal worked for the comrades in the Attica Liberation Faction (ie. BPP, BLA, W.U. and all). It gets minimum results that require the exhaustion of much energy, study of law and money. Tip of the Spear calls for deep analysis of revolution and how it looks when applied in multiple states and facilities.

I am so disappointed I never received ULK 83 so I can analyze comrades’ analysis of Dr. Burton’s book.

Wiawimawo of MIM(Prisons) responds: I don’t know of any USW leaders that don’t write grievances or file lawsuits. Grievances are tactics. So we agree that no revolution has been won by grievances, just as none is won by maintaining a website. But that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t do these things.

To further answer your question i’d point you to Jailhouse Lawyers: Prisoners Defending Prisoners v. the U.S.A. by Mumia Abu-Jamal, or my review of it. In that book Delbert Africa is quoted explaining what happens to people who go deep into fighting their case in the courts:

“They go crazy becuz, Mu, they really believe in the System, and this System always betray those that believe in it! That’s what drive them out they minds, they cain’t handle that.”

As i said, we look at these things as tactics, as opposed to strategy. Though strategically we do believe we are in a stage of legal struggle in this country, we mean that in the broad sense. Legal struggle in the courts is just one form of legal struggle, and not one that we focus on.

So why engage in grievance battles and the grievance campaigns USW has going in various states?

1. To win battles that are more strategic, especially around First Amendment rights to communicate, affiliate and just read. Fighting censorship has always been a struggle we have put effort into because it is a direct threat to our organizing efforts. It’s not just about making conditions more comfortable. The most recently added grievance petition was in Indiana, where it has already been used to help get 6-month-old mail delivered. When we distribute the petitions to prisoners we include a cover letter where we state:

“MIM(Prisons) sees these petitions as a good use of our resources because our ability to fairly have our grievances handled is directly related to preventing arbitrary repression for people who stand up for their rights or attempt to do something positive. We support this petition in light of our anti-censorship work and anti-repression work in general.”

An outside supporter recently expressed concerns echoing Orko’s:

“but if what it ends up being is just MIM(Prisons) helping prisoners get their immediate personal grievances addressed, i don’t see how that differs from the work being done by hundreds of other reformist/bourgeois prison advocacy groups, other than that you also offer them Maoist resources”

It is true that people use the grievance petitions for various issues. And an individual using the petition to get some persynal issue addressed is not contributing to the prison struggle, nor to the anti-imperialist struggle. It is up to the comrades on the ground to use the petitions to build an organizing base. In either case, it is a tiny amount of time and resources that we are putting into getting petitions into peoples’ hands. When we put in the effort to assemble articles and conduct support campaigns, it will be around issues like censorship, solitary confinement and political repression.

2. To mobilize the masses of prisoners. The grievance campaigns have been utilized by many to mobilize those around them for a common cause. Mobilizing the masses to organize against state oppression is a central task to any revolutionary movement. However, both of the critics above pointed out that just filing grievances and petitions is only teaching people to beg the oppressor for resolutions. It is up to USW organizers to ensure that multiple tactics are employed in any campaign, including tactics that contribute to building independent struggle. As we always say, there are no rights only power struggles.

A longer debate between USW leaders over how to do this has already appeared in a series of articles in ULK.(1) As the comrade concluded in that first article, when the masses see the smallest victory as a miracle and are easily pacified by it, leaders are easily isolated by the state, so security precautions are of utmost importance for any sustained effort. The other USW leader in that article argues that without a strong cadre organization to frame such struggles, they will only set the revolutionary struggle back.

There have been many cases where USW comrades report that with a lot of struggle they barely get people to sign a petition or grievance if the leader does all the work to write them up and make copies. In such cases, where the masses must have their hands held to express the slightest bit of discontent, we must conclude that we are not succeeding in mobilizing the masses to take their destinies in their own hands.

3. To appeal to the masses where they are at. In 2022, our Texas campaign pack was one of the top referrals for new subscribers after word of mouth and ULK. The grievance petitions are also a tool for recruiting new comrades from the masses. Some will never be interested in anything beyond getting their local grievances heard, others will see the futility in relying on the system and join USW.

[We are currently out of copies of Jailhouse Lawyers by Mumia but would happily distribute more to prisoners across the country if anyone wants do donate copies to our Free Political Books to Prisoners Program.]

^{Notes: 1. see Orientating USW Organizing Strategy in Light of Texas Victory in ULK 72, and the 4 articles titled An Ongoing Discussion on Organizing Strategy found in ULKs 73, 74, 76 and 77.}

This past summer, we gathered commentary from our readers on the student uprising against the genocide in Gaza, which is now expanding across the region. These articles were used in a pamphlet that many USW comrades received, and were all printed in Under Lock & Key 86.

Comrades on the streets distributed the pamphlet and ULK 86 to students (and non-students) in a number of regions across the country. We attended rallies and speaking events, visited the remnants of encampments and shared publications at conferences.

In general, the response was enthusiastic to the articles written by prisoners, especially regarding solidarity with Palestine. Anti-Imperialist Prisoner Support (AIPS) maintained a presence at Socialism Conference 2024 which took place in Chicago during the end of August. Over 100 copies of ULK were handed out at the conference, while also agitating against prisoner repression.

At a New York hacker conference, audience members eagerly grabbed copies of the Palestine pamphlet at a talk on prison surveillance. The speaker exposed most of the issues we discuss in our Prison Banned Books Week articles. Ey also exposed how Securus has a patent to use the phone numbers of prisoner contacts to track their spending data. And Securus already provides location data to Correctional Officers by phone number! We hope comrades can understand why we’re sticking to snail mail. This also happened to be the only talk at the conference where the speaker shouted “Free Palestine!”

At a southern California Palestine solidarity event comrades were able to give out ULK 86 to a large group of students and noticed that others would grab a copy on their way out. Reactions were mostly positive with one criticism being that it may have been too tough on the students. This was presumably referring to the critique written by an outside comrade involved in the student movement.

Comrades have communicated with a number of student groups to solicit responses or statements for this issue of Under Lock & Key. While at least one group expressed interest, we did not get any reports from students on the ongoing legal struggles and political repression they are facing for this issue. It is clear more work is needed to strengthen a connection between the prison movement and the student movement. But progress is being made.

Decades ago, Under Lock & Key was a section in the newspaper MIM Notes put out by the original Maoist Internationalist Movement and its party in the United $tates. For a time, MIM distributed newspapers on the streets at 20-30 times the amount they sent to prisoners, and their paper came out every 2 weeks. Since MIM(Prisons) launched Under Lock & Key in 2007, it has always been a primarily prisoner newsletter. Though in the past we’ve estimated our online readership to be bigger. A couple years ago we set the goal of distributing as many newspapers on the streets as we do in prisons. While not quite there, ULK 86 was by far the closest we’ve gotten to reaching that goal.

If you want to help expand ULK distribution on the street, send us $55 in cash or postage stamps with a return address and we’ll send you 100 copies of the next ULK we print. ULK currently comes out at the beginning of November, February, May, and August.

Sergeants here are not doing rounds and when they do they’re not signing grievances, so my grievances don’t get signed and they expire. We have to hold the shower or yard down just to get someone down to sign something. Even that doesn’t always work.

The Lieutenants and Captains feel they’re too high in rank to sign grievances, and they don’t make their Sergeants do anything. My question to you is what do I do? I’ve wrote it up and all they do is deny my allegation and find it without merit. I have a paper trail on the same issue though.

Also, our due process is being violated at Disciplinary Court. 1) The Serving Officer is refusing our court appearances because she doesn’t like us or is trying to get done early; 2) The Disciplinary Hearing Officers are not even trying to see if the prisoner is not guilty. You can’t use the camera as a witness but they can to find you guilty. They’re putting “staff eyewitness is accepted” but policy states they cannot just put that, they have to list all “evidence relied upon.” Finally, policy states you have to sign a waiver if you refuse court, but they’re getting away without that.

We can’t get a notary here, no problem solver, so most guys end up “bucking” and ultimately they lose. I know Arkansas is a little better than other prisons, but it’s not all green down here. We’re one of the few states that still do “hoe squad” for free, prisoners don’t get paid to work in Arkansas. I’m here to fight and spread the word!

MIM(Prisons) responds: It sounds like the people held at Tucker Max Unit have tried a number of different tactics to get grievances heard and have begun to assess which ones work when and how they might be improved. In that sense, you are in a better situation to answer your question of “what do I do?” than we are.

We can offer some advice for how to approach this problem. All of the tactics you mention above should be on the table. Tactics are things that we must choose day-to-day based on specific situations, and there will not always be a “right” answer. Strategy however, is our overall approach, and this can decide whether we succeed or fail. Strategically, we must rely on the masses to win. In other words, your real strength comes from collective struggle, whether that’s holding down the yard or filing 100s of simultaneous grievance petitions to state officials.

As this comrade recognized in their letter to us, there are often no quick solutions. The grievance petitions that prisoners have developed and that we distribute cannot solve the problem of oppression in prisons. They can be a tool in getting state officials to support your ongoing collective struggle.

As we recently reiterated, freedom from oppression can’t be won through the courts. The law is a tool of the oppressor. Keeping paper trails is part of the struggle to hold them to their word, which can sometimes be done, and should be done to advance the struggle of the oppressed.

Please continue to send us updates on the struggle there. We will print them on our website and maybe in ULK. This is one more tactic to expose what is going on and to share lessons with others struggling in similar situations.

[We print this on September 9th, the anniversary of the Attica rebellion and the Day of Peace and Solidarity for members of the United Front for Peace in Prisons across the United $tates.]

Last year myself and various comrades within the anti-prison movement came under heightened political repression during Black August and Bloody September well into October. The Palestinian National Liberation after Operation Al-Aqsa Flood seemed to keep the war games intact against us prisoners/revolutionaries.

The Stop Cop City activists and myself have been branded as domestic terrorists by the U.$. empire and are facing the new type of political persecution greenlit after September 11, 2001. I quote Obama: “We do not use drone strikes to punish people but to eliminate those who pose a continuing and imminent threat to the American people.” It was said in a cleverly written and well executed speech, and also layered very carefully.

The Supreme Court says the only question to ask to a case like this is whether the speech “transcends the bounds of freedom of speech which the constitution protects.”

How far can the phrase “imminent threat” be stretched? We are the domestic guinea pigs. Security Threat Group (STG) units all over the empire have war plans that move into operation mode in Bloody September, prison activists and deemed leaders will be hid inside the various control units that pockmark the penal landscape. Get ready.

This is that season again. There is no need for Congress or state legislature approval. The authorization for use of military force is a unilateral decision by executive power. Beware the drone strike for rebels and those in their reach. Beware the raid for rebels and those in their reach. Beware the heightened political prosecution/assassination of the Republic of New Afrika. This is a defense of the state’s right to wage war against New Afrika.

The student movement for a free Palestine must correct the following errors: capitulation, the First World obsession with “mutual aid”, refusal to learn from history, blind fumbling in the interest of “doing something”, hastiness to condemn (rather than critique) the struggle here and abroad, surface level third-worldism as a justification for inaction, and the fetish for determining who’s making “real communist revolution” in place of a dialectical-materialist analysis of history.

1: The Liberal Trend, The Capitulationists, The Refusal to Stand IN OPPOSITION to Empire

The first trend I will critique consists of centering one’s own pro-Palestine political action around things that in fact stop short of anything that aids the fight for a free Palestine and an end to i$rael. People following this trend do not fight for things such as divestment from (or destruction of) weapons manufacturers or rejecting politicians who support i$rael in words, policy, or money. Rather, these people and groups focus on things such as organizing donations for individual Palestinian families, securing scholarships for Palestinian refugees and diaspora, or, in a more specific and truly condemnable example, the schools who capitulated and abandoned their encampment for paltry promises such as a house for Arab and Muslim students.

People rush to defend these forms of “resistance” with “we’re centering Palestinian voices”, while not recognizing that none of the things they’re fighting for (NGO-style refugee aid, more Palestinian-diaspora petty-bourgeois in elite ideological institutions of the amerikkkan state) are in any way actually opposed to the amerikkkan empire or contribute in any way to a future in which Palestine and its people are free from i$raeli and amerikkkan aggression. We saw the protests in 2020 end in symbolic gains that were not in any way contradictory to the U.$. empire, nor did they bring true freedom from the brutality of kkkops in the ghetto. Today, this trend threatens an unpleasant end for the currently-still-radical Palestinian liberation movement – a ceasefire on i$rael’s terms, maybe two states, more scholarships for the Palestinians who survived and were wealthy enough to get to the United $tates, and everyone who was uncomfortable chanting anything besides “ceasefire now” (the big brother of “defund the police”) gets to feel good about “playing their part”.

In the past, people have been harsh on MIM(Prisons) for refusing to capitulate to accepting any concessions for the First World that come at the expense of the Third World, or even concessions that don’t necessarily come at the expense of the Third World but serve to pacify the First World. Most notably, this is expressed in how angry people get about the analysis proving that prisoners, while no doubt an oppressed class and a hotbed for potential for organizing, are not exploited, so MIM(Prisons) doesn’t generally promote the fight for better wages for prisoners. To self-criticize, even I myself originally was upset about MIM(Prisons)’s stated intentions not to fight for healthcare for transgender prisoners, interpreting this as latent transmisogyny rather than a recognition that healthcare for trans prisoners (as important a battle as I believe it to be) is not a struggle in the interest of the global proletariat. Incidents like the capitulation of student encampments at Northwestern University, Vassar College, and other elite universities display clearly how radical a line that really is.

Going forward, two things are going to have to happen in order for further protests for Palestine of this form to yield meaningful results: first, protesters are going to have to recognize that everything they do in protest should be in the actual, direct interest of the oppressed people of Palestine, not in the interest of “anti-racism” or “solidarity” or any bullshit half-measures. Second, protesters will have to prepare to be faced with violence and with the full force of state repression. Here’s a little logic-puzzle version of what happens when you say “we’re staying here, we’re causing trouble, and we’re not moving until you (divest/get rid of your dual degree program/get this politician out of our town/whatever)”: there are three options. Option one: you give in, you leave there, you stop causing trouble, you get your House or your scholarships or your vote-in-six-months. Option two: they give in, they accept your demands and nothing less. Option three: they break out the tear gas, the riot batons, the robot dogs, the big-ass battering-ram pigmobiles. And here’s the truth of it all: if you let it be option one, you’re worthless, you’ve sold out the people of Palestine. If you don’t let it be option one, if you make The Man choose between option two and option three. Well, if he doesn’t have a really good goddamn reason to choose option two, it’s gonna be option three. That’s the unfortunate truth, so you better be ready, and start doing wrist and shoulder stretches, because plastic flexicuffs hurt worse than the metal ones, what’s up with that.

2. The Dogmatic Trend and its Flaws

What I just laid out describes the main current that I see “on the ground” in so-called pro-Palestine “activism” that does nothing at all for Palestine itself. I doubt I’m telling you guys anything new here, besides confirming that such things are happening and making the particulars clear. On the flip side of activism-theater, refusal to study history, and “wins” for the First World, I also have noticed that there is a trend to be unbelievably reductive and flippant when it comes to what one’s orientation towards Third World liberation groups engaged in armed struggle should be, what course of action should be taken in the First World, and a refusal to engage in good-faith conversation about either of those subjects without dogmatism.

I am speaking in particular about people who will say (correctly) “fundraising and mutual aid and liberal-left protests don’t do anything for Palestine”, but then follow that statement up with “the ONLY thing that will ACTUALLY free Palestine is communist revolution”. Though the last month has only strengthened my convictions that communism (in the form laid out by Marx, Lenin, and Mao, and practiced in the USSR and China) is correct, and true, and the only pathway to the permanent liberation of all the oppressed peoples of the world, it seems disgustingly chauvinistic to imply that the thing that a First-Worlder can do that has the most material impact on the people of Palestine is to focus on one’s home country, on some idea of “making revolution”.

Notably, other than MIM(Prisons) and another group I am working with who I shall not name, I have noticed that people who say such things don’t ever enjoy discussing what “making revolution” looks like, in this day, in this country, beyond platitudes. I see this trend frequently among communists who I know offline, but also among certain prominent users of popular “anti-revisionist” communist online discussion boards (I say this not to gossip or shit-talk, but rather because I believe it behooves one to recognize that even spaces that portray themselves as “anti-chauvinist” or “anti-revisionist” do not by default take Third World liberation and the contradictions that it would entail seriously. Judging by former discussions I’ve seen on the Maoist forums, this warping of the idea of “revisionism” to defend inaction isn’t a new trend per se).

This correct rejection of mutual aid and petit-bourgeois identity politics, followed by the proclamation of the vulgar line of “nothing you do has an impact for the people of Palestine if you aren’t making communist revolution in your home country”, seems to me to be a disguised version of the same sentiment that leads to disgusting and chauvinistic lines such as “well, we should critically support Hamas, but they aren’t communist, so the most important thing is to be critical of them”. Did Torkil Lauesen believe that the most important thing that a First-Worlder could do was “make revolution”, and that in the absence of a clear path forward, one should sit on their heels and wait for one to appear? did Ulrike Meinhoff? Would any of the people who say, whether behind their screens or out on the streets or in the encampment, “the only thing you can do for the people of Palestine is make communist revolution”, genuinely try and claim that they’re doing more for Palestinian liberation than Hamas, Lauesen, or Meinhoff? Of course I don’t intend to advocate adventurism, I don’t believe that we in the First World should be taking up the gun or robbing banks, but I do believe that a refusal to engage with the question of what a liberated Palestine (and, if Cuba and South Africa, for example, are any precedent, not necessarily a communist Palestine) would look like beyond First World radical academics’ ideas of “building revolution” is just a flipside of the chauvinism displayed in the “well, at least we’re doing SOMETHING” rhetoric of mutual aid and peaceful protest.

No matter whether they distort Marxism, Maoism, or third-worldism, they inevitably find their way to the same conclusion: none of the groups currently debating and fighting and sacrificing for the Palestinian cause are worthy of my time; they’re all revisionist, bourgeois, labor-aristocrats; students are all postmodernist bourgeois-wannabes risking their educations and sometimes their lives for the bit; protesters are all shills for the DNC; thank goodness I don’t have to feel bad about my inaction. The dogmatists, the “do-nothing”-ists, imply, in essence, the same thing that the first type of chauvinists implicitly believe. The job of a First-Worlder is to fundraise, or to go to art builds, or to read and daydream about the day a revolution free of contradictions springs from the soil, while the job of a Third-Worlder is to die.

3. Both Are Worse

As I’ve already said, my central point is thus: both trends, more than anything else, serve as a justification for the ostensibly class-conscious First-Worlder to not do anything that would compromise their comfortable lives, a veritable “class-suicide hotline.”

“no, First Worlder, don’t go beyond liberalism and bourgeois legality, don’t commit your valuable free time to reading and study, don’t risk getting expelled – parade-type protests, symbolic encampments, and mutual aid funds are totally sufficient and just as important! You have so much to chant for, you have so many tech jobs to land!”

“no, First-Worlder, don’t get involved, don’t join any groups, don’t talk to the lower and deeper masses, don’t learn from resistance movements of the past – you haven’t fought with enough other First Worlders online or in your book clubs, god forbid you accidentally make a mistake and learn from practice!”

These are the two trends that we must combat in the struggle for a free Palestine here in the belly of the beast, where all the funding and weapons for the ongoing genocide continue to flow from.