MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
I am writing to inform my comrades about a torture “suit” that the state
of New York has mimicked from California’s state penal system. The suit
was designed for sex offenders, NYS DOCS isn’t using it for sex
offenders. They’re using it as a form of oppression, degrading,
exploitation, and violation of prisoner’s 8th amendment.
The “suit” is a jumper with a zipper in the back, no pockets, no front
fly, and a master padlock on the back of the neck. If you don’t wear the
“suit” you’ll be what they call “four-pointed.” This is where they
shackle you to a start-up desk. They put handcuffs on your wrists and
shackles on your ankles for two hours.
It has been proven that New York State DOCS does not have a policy for
this “suit.” Everything about this “suit” says “you’re New York State
Slaves.”
I’ve been very violent due to seeing the pigs illegally place comrades
in this “slave-suit.” I’ve never had to wear the “suit,” but a close
comrade of mine had to wear it for 30 days. He refused to wear the
“suit” and be paraded around like a slave. The only comrades being
forced to wear this “suit” is the Blacks and Latinos.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This is one more way the New York State
prison system perpetuates brutality against their incarcerated
population. Get involved in the struggle to fight this brutality!
I’d like to comment on special needs yards and the lack of
revolutionaries therein. I am on such a unit, except here in Oregon they
call them mental health units. Of course there is also protective
custody but, I’m not addressing PC units in this letter.
I am a former racist skinhead who left the movement decades ago. Since
then I began a movement to get others out of the white supremacist
movement by educating them on issues of white privilege, aspects of
class war and anti-imperialism. I was extremely successful and my
efforts have been recognized at a national level. Someone needed to come
forward to educate these misguided individuals. I did. Now I pay the
price.
As the result of some robberies I was sent to prison. Almost immediately
I was recognized and repeatedly attacked while staff lied and covered up
a conspiracy to keep me on mainline knowing I had received several valid
death threats. Finally I was moved to an institution where I could walk
mainline and placed on a “mental health” unit. I am on such a unit
because I am a revolutionary. Now I am in a system where often the line
between the white power groups and the guards is blurred. In a white
privileged and dominated imperialist nation what more could one expect?
Everyone in the Oregon DOC is too busy fighting one another to join
together to accomplish anything and it is my experience that there are
just as many rats and snitches on mainline units as there are in the
“mental health” units here in Oregon. The mentally dead are everywhere.
You find them not only amongst the ranks of snitches or rats but, also
in those who are brainwashed into believing in the false theory of race
or racial superiority.
It is not until whites of the lumpen can realize the privilege the color
of their skin affords them in the united states and throw away the
doctrine of race or racial superiority that we can join ranks with our
brothers and sisters and truly become revolutionaries in the non-violent
struggle to end oppression in the U.S. and the doctrine of oppressive
imperialism our nation forces upon the innocents of the Third World.
Defying the Tomb: Selected Prison Writings and Art of Kevin “Rashid”
Johnson, Featuring Exchanges with an Outlaw by Kevin “Rashid”
Johnson, Minister of Defense, New Afrikan Black Panther Party- Prison
Chapter December
2010 Kersplebedeb CP
63560, CCCP Van Horne Montreal, Quebec Canada H3W 3H8
also available from: AK Press 674-A 23rd Street Oakland, CA
94612
This book centers around the political dialogue between two
revolutionary New Afrikan prisoners. The content is very familiar to
MIM(Prisons) and will be to our readers. It is well-written, concise and
mostly correct. Therefore it is well worth studying.
Rashid’s book is also worth studying alongside this review to better
distinguish the revisionist line of the New Afrikan Black Panther Party
- Prison Chapter (NABPP-PC) with the MIM line. While claiming to
represent a dialectal materialist assessment of the world we live in,
the camp that includes the NABPP-PC, and Tom Big Warrior’s (TBW) Red
Heart Warrior Society have dogmatically stuck to positions on the
oppression and exploitation of Amerikans that have no basis in reality.
We will take some space to address this question at the end, as it has
not been thoroughly addressed in public to our knowledge.
Coming Up
Both Rashid and Outlaw preface their letters with their own
autobiographies. Rashid’s in particular is an impressive, almost
idealized story of lumpen turned proletarian revolutionary. The simple
principle that guides him through prison life is standing up to the pigs
every time they violate a prisoner. At times he has inspired those
around him to the point that the pigs can’t get away with anything. The
problem, he later points out, is the others are inspired by him as an
individual. So when he was moved, or sent to a control unit, their unity
crumbled.
At first, control units seemed an effective tool to control his
resistance. But it is then that he found revolutionary theory. Rather
than stay focused on combating minor behavior issues of the COs, he
began to learn about societies that didn’t have cops and prisons, and
societies where the people rose up to transform the whole economic
system. It is through ideology that you can build lasting unity that
can’t be destroyed by transfers and censorship.
Both Rashid and Outlaw conclude their autobiographies saying they have
nothing to lose. They are two examples of the extreme repression felt by
the lumpen of the oppressed nations. As a result, state terrorism no
longer works to intimidate them, leaving them free to serve the people.
Democratically Centralized Organizing
In the foreword, Russell “Maroon” Shoats says his reason for not joining
the NABPP-PC was that it claimed to operate under democratic centralism,
which he believes is impossible for prisoners. We agree with his
assessment, which is why we do not invite prisoners to join MIM(Prisons)
even when their work and ideological development would otherwise warrant
it. The benefits of having a tight cadre organization are lost when its
inner workings are wide open to the pigs. Maroon points out that certain
leaders will end up with absolute power (with the pigs determining who
leads, we might add), and much resources are wasted just trying to
maintain the group.
For the most part, there is nothing a comrade could do within prison as
a member of MIM(Prisons) that they can’t do as a member of USW. There is
much work to be done to develop this mass organization, and we need
experienced and ideologically trained comrades to lead it. When the
situation develops to the point of having local cadre level
organizations within a prison, then we would promote the cell structure,
where democratic centralism can occur at a local level, just as we do on
the outside.
In the last essay of the book, Rashid finally answers Maroon by saying
that the NABPP-PC is a pre-party that will become real (along with its
democratic centralism) outside of prisons.
The Original Black Panther Party
The main criticism of the original
Black
Panther Party (BPP) in Rashid’s essay on organizational structure is
their failure to distinguish between the vanguard party and the mass
organization. Connected to this was a failure to practice democratic
centralism. How could they when they were signing up members fresh off
the street? These new recruits shouldn’t have the same say as Huey
Newton, but neither should Huey Newton alone dictate what the party
does. We agree with Rashid that the weakness of the BPP came from these
internal contradictions, which allowed the FBI to destroy it so
quickly.(p. 353)
It’s not clear how this assessment relates to an earlier section where
he implies that an armed mass base and better counterintelligence would
have protected the BPP. Rashid criticizes MIM’s line, as he sees it,
that a Black revolutionary party cannot operate above ground in the
United $tates today.(p. 133) Inexplicably, 15 pages later he seems to
agree with MIM by stating that Farrakhan would have to go underground or
be killed the next day if he opposed capitalism and promoted real New
Afrikan independence.
He also criticizes MIM on armed struggle and their assessment of George
Jackson’s foco theory.
Mao
applied Sun Tzu’s Art of War to the imperialist countries
to say that revolutionaries should not engage in armed struggle until
their governments are truly helpless. Rashid says that he agrees with
MIM’s criticism of the Cuban model that lacked a mass base for
revolution. But he supports George Jackson’s “variant of urban-based
focos, emphasiz[ing] that a principal purpose of revolutionary armed
struggle is to not only destroy the enemy’s forces, but to protect the
political work and workers…”(p.134) He goes on to criticize MIM for a
“let’s wait” line that ends up promoting a bloodless revolution in his
view.
He complains that the U.$. military was already overextended (in 2004)
and MIM was “still just talking.” But Mao defined the point to switch
strategies as when “the bourgeoisie becomes really helpless, [and] the
majority of the proletariat are determined to rise in arms and fight…”
MIM(Prisons) agrees with Mao’s military strategy, and one would have to
be in a dream world to imply that either of these conditions have been
reached, despite the level of U.$. military involvement abroad. Rashid
is saying that we need armed struggle regardless of conditions to defend
our political wing. Despite his successes with using force to defend the
masses in prison, we do not think this translates to conditions in
general society. Guerrilla theory that tells us to only fight battles we
know we can win also says not to take up defensive positions around
targets that we can’t defend.
Another criticism made by Rashid is that the BPP didn’t enforce a policy
of members committing class suicide, and he seems to criticize their
self-identification as a “lumpen” party in 1970 and 1971. Interestingly,
he foresees a “working-class-conscious petty bourgeois” leading the New
Afrikan liberation struggle.(p.232) He comes down left of the current
New
Afrikan Maoist Party (NAMP) line by condemning the call for
independent Black capitalism as unrealistic, and requiring the petty
bourgeoisie to commit class suicide as well.(p.177) Whether the vanguard
is more petty bourgeois or lumpen in origin is a minor point, but we
mention all this to ask why all the class suicide if all Amerikans are
so exploited and oppressed as he claims elsewhere (see below)?
Tom Big Warrior
In contrast to Rashid, except for some superficial mentions of Maoist
terminology, we don’t have much agreement with Tom Big Warrior (TBW) in
his introduction or his afterword to this book. In both, he states that
the principal contradiction in the world is internal to the U.$. empire,
and it is between its need to consolidate hegemony and the chaos it
creates. This implies a theory where imperialism is collapsing
internally, and will be taken down by chaos rather than the conscious
rising of the oppressed nations as MIM(Prisons) believes. He speaks
favorably of intercommunalism, as has Rashid who once wrote that “the
old definitions of nationalism no longer apply.” We see intercommunalism
as an ultra-left line that undermines the approach of national
liberation struggles.
Speaking for the NABPP-PC on page 380, TBW states that they want a
Comintern to direct revolutionaries around the world. We oppose a new
Comintern, following in the footsteps of MIM, Mao and Stalin. In the
past, TBW has taken up other erroneous lines of the rcp=u$a such as
accusing Third World nations of “Muslim fascism.” He also talks out of
both sides of his mouth like Bob Avakian about Amerikan workers
benefiting from imperialism, but also being victims of it. He has openly
attacked the MIM line as being “crazy,” while admitting to have never
studied it. This is the definition of idealism, when one condemns
theories based on what one desires to be the truth.
Wait, Are Whites Revolutionary?
After reading this book, you might ask yourself that question. Comrades
have already asked this question of NABPP-PC and TBW in the past and
received a clear answer of “yes.” This debate is old. The former Maoist
Internationalist Movement (MIM) had it with the so-called “Revolutionary
Communist Party (USA)” (rcp=u$a), among others, for decades before
denouncing them as a CIA front. Interestingly, Rashid and TBW both like
to quote Bob Avakian but fail to provide an assessment or criticism of
the rcp=u$a line in this 386 page volume.
Most of these writings predate the formation of the NABPP-PC, but are
presented in a book with the NABPP-PC’s name on it, so we will take it
as representative of their line. The history of struggle with the MIM
camp dates back to the original writing of much of the material
presented in this book. Comrades in the MIM camp, including United
Struggle from Within, the emerging NAMP, and a comrade who went on to
help found MIM(Prisons) engaged in debates with all of the leading
members of the party, as well as TBW, shortly after their formation.
The point is that not only had at least two of the NABPP-PC’s leaders
studied MIM line prior to forming their own, but they openly opposed
this line following their formation. While not addressed directly, it
seems that the only line dividing the NABPP-PC from joining the rcp=u$a
is its belief in the need for a separate vanguard for the New Afrikan
nation.
Contradictory Class Analyses: Economics
On pages 205-6 Outlaw asks Rashid:
“But from your analysis of these classes who do you consider to be the
most revolutionary, considering the majority of workers in empire are
complacent to some degree or another, due to the international class
relationships of empire to the Third World nations, and the conveniences
proletarians, and even lumpen-proletarians, are afforded as a result of
that international situation and relationship?”
Rashid responds on pages 208-9 by stating that our class analysis is
“mandatory for waging any successful resistance” but
that he is only able to give a general analysis due to his lack of
access to information. He does say:
“[T]he US is neither a majority peasant nor proletarian society. It is
principally petty bourgeoisie. It has an over 80% service-based economy…
So the US proletarian class is small and growing increasingly so, while
the world proletariat is growing and becoming increasingly
multi-ethnic.”
On page 122 he also upholds this line that all non-productive workers
are petty bourgeois, and not exploited proletarians. On page 232 he
expands this analysis to explain the relationship between the
imperialist nations, who are predominantly petty bourgeois, and the
Third World that is mostly exploited. But in a footnote he takes it all
back saying, “modern technological advances have broadened the scope of
the working class” and clearly states, “[t]he predominantly service
sector US working class is in actuality part of the proletarian class.”
He justifies this by saying that the income of these service workers is
no different than the industrial proletariat. Yet he takes an obviously
chauvinist approach of only comparing incomes of Amerikans. The real
industrial proletariat is in the Third World and makes a small fraction
of what Amerikan so-called “workers” do.
We agree that it is dogmatic to say this persyn is proletariat because
she makes the tools and this persyn is not because she cleans the
factory. But this is a minor point. The real issue is that whole
countries, such as the United $tates, are not self-sustainable, but are
living on the labor and resources of other nations. A country that is
made up of mostly service workers cannot continue to pay all its people
without exploiting wealth from somewhere else, since only the productive
labor creates value.
A less disputed line put forth by Rashid and TBW is that U.$. prisoners
are exploited. We have put forth our
thesis
debunking the exploitation myth, and exposing the prison system as an
example of the parasitic “service” economy built on the sweat and blood
of the Third World.(see
ULK 8) More
outrageously, in an article on the 13th Amendment, Rashid says that over
1/2 of Amerikans are currently “enslaved” by capitalism. This article
contains some unrealistic claims, such as that no one could possibly
enjoy working in the imperialist countries, and that these workers do
not have freedom of mobility. Over half of Amerikans own homes. Not only
are these alleged “slaves” landowners, but in the modern imperialist
economy real estate has become more closely related to finance capital
in a way that super-profits are gained by owning
real
estate in the First World. (see
ULK 17)
Both Rashid and Outlaw demonstrate an understanding of the relationship
between imperialist countries and the Third World, with Rashid going so
far to say that reparations to New Afrika outside of a war against
imperialism would mean more exploitation of the proletariat. While
contradictory, Rashid’s economic analysis in the original letters is
more correct than not. In his treatment of history we will see more
confusion, and perhaps some reasons why he ended up finding the
“multi-national working class” to be the necessary vehicle for
revolution in the United $tates despite his focus on single-nation
organizing.
Contradictory Class Analyses: History
While repeatedly recalling the history of poor whites becoming slave
catchers, marking the first consolidation of the white nation, Rashid
lists “join[ing] their struggle up with the Israeli working class” as
one of the strategies that would have led to greater success for
Hamas.(p.50) This schizophrenic approach to the settler nations is
present throughout the book. He echoes J. Sakai on Bacon’s Rebellion,
but then discards the overall lessons of Sakai’s book
Settlers: The
Mythology of the White Proletariat. While Sakai argued that these
poor, former indentured servants had joined the oppressor nation in
1676, Rashid argues that modern-day Israelis and Amerikans, most of whom
are in the top 10% income bracket globally, are exploited proletarians
and allies in the struggle for a communist future.
Later in the book he goes so far as to say that white “right-wing
militias, survivalists and military hobbyists” are “potential allies”
who “have a serious beef with imperialist monopoly capitalism.” This
issue came to the forefront with the “anti-globalization” movement in
the later 1990s. Both
MIM
and J. Sakai(1) led the struggle to criticize the anti-imperialist
anarchists for following the lead of the white nationalist organizations
calling for Amerikan protectionism. These groups are the making of a
fascist movement in the United $tates which is why the distinction
between exploited and exploiter nations is so important.
In the discussion of the Republic of New Afrika (RNA) we gain some
insight into Rashid’s contradictory lines on who our friends and enemies
are. Here he correctly explains that European countries bought off their
domestic populations with wealth from the Third World, to turn those
working classes against the Third World workers and peasants. But his
turn from the MIM line takes place in attempting to address the strategy
of the RNA. He sees a strong danger of neo-colonialism in the RNA
struggle for national liberation, as happened in the numerous liberation
struggles in Africa itself. So he talks about how ultimately we want a
world without nations, so let’s put class first to solve this problem
(and he assumes most white Amerikans are proletariat). This is an
ultraleft error of getting ahead of conditions. He goes on to say that
the imperialists would easily turn the white population against a
minority New Afrikan liberation movement trying to seize the Black Belt
South. Here you have a rightist justification for pragmatism.
This is not to dismiss either of those concerns, which are very real.
But his solution in both cases is based in a faulty class analysis. This
book paraphrases Mao to point out that your class analysis is your
starting point, and that your political line determines your success.
Liquidating a New Afrikan revolutionary movement into a white class
struggle over superprofits will not succeed in achieving his stated
goals of a world without oppression. While the
original
Black Panthers themselves put forth different class analyses of Amerika
at various points, they proved in practice that developing strong
Black nationalism will bring out those sectors of the white population
who are sympathetic. We must not cater to the majority of white people,
but to the world’s majority of people.
Dangers of Revisionism
The danger of revisionism is that it works to lead good potential
recruits away from the revolutionary cause, both setting back the
movement and discouraging others. The fact that Rashid sounds like MIM
half the time in this book makes it more likely he will attract those
with more scientific outlooks. We think those familiar with MIM
Theory, or who have at least read this review could find this book
both useful and interesting. However, the NABPP-PC and TBW are actively
promoting a number of incorrect lines under the Panther banner, to the
very people who need the Panthers’ correct example of Maoism the most.
An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure and it is far beyond
time that we bring these criticisms into the open to advance the
ideological understanding of the whole movement.
I am at DCSO in Tennessee. One of my pod-mates receives your
publication, Under Lock & Key, and it has attracted a lot
of attention. The line to read it has become so long and complex, I
decided to write to you and request my own personal subscription. I’ve
always been interested in subversive politics and your newsletter gives
me a lot to think about. Also I am willing to write articles for future
publications in exchange for a chance to take part in your free book
program.
MIM(Prisons) responds: Don’t get stuck waiting in a long line for
Under Lock & Key. Or worse yet, get moved to a new prison
where you can’t get at ULK at all. Write to us today to get your own
subscription!
Black-on-Black crime, I see it all the time, Why come brothers
hurting each other, instead of loving one another?; _______Every
Black person ain’t Black, _______Black is where the heart is
at. Black-on-Black violence, I see it steadily destroying
us, Why come Black people keep killing each other, instead of
helping and protecting one another?; _______Every Black person ain’t
Black, _______Black is where the heart is at. Black people
betraying themselves and each other, Always disrespecting, lying,
stealing and cheating one another, Why come brothers can’t work it
out? Psychological warfare, mind control and genocide is what I’m
really talking about; _______Every Black person ain’t
Black, _______Black is where the heart is at. Brothers not wanting
peace and reconciliation, Only helping the enemy (racism, capitalism,
and imperialism) to oppress the Black Nation; Black love, Black
reconciliation and Black redemption is what we work for and
need, Brothers and sisters join in and defeat our
enemies. _______Every Black person ain’t Black, _______Black is
where the heart is at. Black people wake up to what’s really going
on, don’t be deceived by the integrationist song; In a white
capitalist democracy, A Black minority will never be accepted or
treated equal by a white majority. _______Every Black person ain’t
Black, _______Black is where the heart is at. Black unity, Black
pride and Black power is what our ancestors loudly proclaimed, Let us
uphold this legacy and proclaim today the same darn thing; This is
what we owe our ancestors, future generations, ourselves and each
other. True commitment to the Black liberation struggle will allow us
to do nothing other; _______Every Black person ain’t
Black, _______Black is where the heart is at. Divided we fall,
together we stand, Black power and Black nationalism is our true call
and demand; And keep world liberation as our primary goal. Let
those present convey the message to those who are
absent, _______Every Black person ain’t Black, _______Black is
where the heart is at.
Forcing humans to work for free - a term better known as slavery - was
abolished in America almost 150 years ago. Most know slavery still
exists in ‘less civilized’ parts of the world, but to consider this
abominable treatment of people to be ongoing in our country is unheard
of. Perhaps it’s because few know. Well down in Texas, the business of
slavery is brisk. When told of this fact, the average American is
certain to express shock and demand to know the details. Upon being
informed that prisoners in Texas work for free, most are happy to let
out a sigh of relief and lose interest in the subject. So, in essence,
forced labor for no pay is tolerated. Because the ones involved are
convicted criminals seems to make this practice okay.
But is this really okay? Shouldn’t prisoners be compensated for their
labor like everyone else is? Prisoners in other states are, so why not
Texas? Shouldn’t they be able to provide for themselves while in prison
and their families on the outside? As a prisoner(or “offender” as we’re
called) in a Texas prison, I well know that if you’re not fortunate
enough to have someone sending you money to purchase items from
commissary, you’re SOL, as the state only provides the bare essentials.
Concerning hygiene, once a week (if you’re lucky), you get one roll of
toilet paper, a disposable razor, tooth powder and soap. Maybe four
times a year toothbrushes are issued. That’s it! Deodorant, toothpaste,
shampoo, t-shirts, shower sandals, writing paper, etc., you gotta buy.
Even a personal cup to drink out of and a bowl and spoon to eat with are
not free. But how can you buy something if you don’t have the money? For
those who pay child support the fees don’t stop when they become
incarcerated. But how do you pay when you work for free? Something to
think about.
In addition to maintaining the prisons themselves, offenders toil long
hours in TDCJ (Texas Department of Criminal Justice) sweatshops under
the guise of TCI (Texas Correctional Industries), which manufactures
everything from furniture to mattresses to cleaning supplies. Many of
these products are sold to outside agencies and the private sector at a
profit, not to mention the t-shirts, shorts, socks, thermals, shampoo
and liquid detergent offenders make, that TDCJ turns around and sells to
us through the prison commissaries. Considering their labor is free,
it’s safe to assume the state’s profit margins are great. What Wal-Mart,
or say, IBM, wouldn’t give to have a complimentary workforce.
TDCJ officials will be quick to say that offenders may not receive
actual money to work, but are paid with good time and work time. Not
entirely true. Those serving sentences for aggravated crimes are not
eligible for good time and work time (even though they work like
everyone else). Nonviolent criminals such as myself do earn these time
credits, but they are often not honored. So what’s the point in even
allowing them to be earned in the first place?
It’s like working for someone who says they’re going to pay you so much
for your labor at the first of every month. You work all month for this
employer and fulfill your end of the agreement. At this time, your boss
says “Oh, I decided not to pay you. But keep working for free, maybe
I’ll pay you next month.” For the most part, that is what’s happening to
prisoners in Texas. What a shame it is. With my earned time credits, I
have five and a half years done on a three year sentence, yet I’m still
in prison. My projected release date was February 1st of last year (when
my total time credits equaled a hundred percent of my sentence), but it
was still denied by the parole board - despite being a model prisoner.
Rumor has it, the parole board often denies prisoners who stay out of
trouble and demonstrate reform. Why? For “manipulating the system.” So I
guess those who act up have a better chance of getting out early.
Perhaps I should start being a troublemaker, might help me make parole
the next time I come up.
Many prisoners in the Lone Star State put in years, and decades even, of
thankless free labor for the state. Upon release from prison they are
rewarded with a bus ticket and one hundred dollars. Some of these
ex-cons have no family and no place to go. How far can one get towards
rebuilding a new life on a C-Note? In this year of 2011 I wouldn’t say
very far. A one night’s stay in a cheap motel, set of thrift store
clothes and a few fast food meals at the most. I suppose us in the big
house can consider ourselves lucky. Those serving state jail time in
such TDCJ facilities, must work for free also, and all serve their
sentences day for day; but when released, they get not a dime. If they
have no one to pick them up, they are dropped off at the nearest
homeless shelter. Broke, unemployed, and with nothing but the clothes on
their back, they’re basically being set up for failure. What are the
odds of them returning to crime? Great I’d say.
There’s the saying, “Texas is like a whole other country.” I agree
completely when it comes to criminal justice. Not only do other states
pay their prisoners to work, good time and work time is guaranteed. Is
there a correlation between the Texas prison mass slavery operation and
its high recidivism rate? Highly likely. This too is something to think
about.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This prisoner points out some important
facts about the labor situation in Texas. As we’ve reported
elsewhere
the labor situation in prisons throughout this country is similar to
what’s described here. But the prison system in this country is not the
same as the economic system of slavery. Prisons are a tool of social
control rather than a way of exploiting labor.
Class hatred’s what i’m spewing, because class hatred’s what
they’re doing “The beginning of all wisdom,” that’s what Lenin
said The beginning of the end, that’s what i say.
Take a look around and realize your role Take a look around and put
the shit on hold Become the vehicle of expression and make your
weight felt Too much practical knowledge to practically ignore.
Fuck a cop in killa Cali! Is that all you saying? Fuck
that! Our histories got much more weight than that!
Power to the People! And all that good shit Fair distribution
& fuck the land sent! From each according to his abilities, to
each according to his needs For a world without oppression, this
is what we should strive for, this is what we need This is what we
should fight for, not against each other.
Putting it down on the underground, above ground United in a
Movement, a United Front.
Black & Brown, and white too, if you’re progressive, for that
matter, Black & Brown if you’re progressive.
Because we can never go nowhere if we don’t get together United in
a front; hence progressive.
Legend of the Guardians: The Owls of Ga’Hoole (2010)
We have to give props to a kids’ movie that can portray an anti-fascist
struggle, while downplaying the glamor of war. Soren is a young owl who
dreams of meeting his heroes, the Guardians of Ga’Hoole, who are
legendary for defending the owls against evil forces. He and his brother
Kludd are kidnapped by the fascist owls, “The Pure Ones”, who recruit a
select few from their species of owls to join their army and enslave all
other species of owls. Soren escapes and flees to find the Guardians for
help while his brother joins the Nazi owls.
Soren’s journey to the Guardians requires him to learn to fly and take a
difficult trip with a few fellow travelers who believe in the mission.
As the Guardians gather information and prepare for battle with the
fascists they learn that one of their leaders is working for the enemy
and has betrayed them. This is a good lesson in the need for vigilance
against spies and turncoats in the anti-fascist struggle.
Kludd’s decision to join the fascists is played as a simplistic need for
recognition after a childhood of struggling to achieve next to his
brother. But this is not so far off. Fascism appeals to people who are
easily convinced that their lack of success can be overcome at the
expense of others. In Amerika we have a large labor aristocracy who are
paid more than the value of their labor with profits brought home from
exploitation of Third World workers; these workers have a material
interest in imperialism. Those who are in the lowest stratum of the
labor aristocracy look around and see that they are not achieving the
same wealth as their peers. This group of people are the most likely to
go for fascist rhetoric that blames their failures on immigrants and
Third World workers with promises of greater wealth for those who
deserve it (i.e. the white nation). There was no labor aristocracy in
The Owls of Ga’Hoole but the oppressed nations were represented by the
different species of owls who, just by nature of birth, were considered
inferior to “The Pure Ones.”
When Soren meets the Guardians he gets to know one who is somewhat crazy
and a bit of an outcast, only to learn that he was the heroic leader in
previous battles. From this owl Soren learns that war is not all glamor
and has real consequences. The decision to fight the fascists was taken
seriously with this in mind.
For a kids’ movie, Legend of the Guardians has a lot to offer, but we’d
rather see the oppressed nations (or species in this case), organize to
rise up and fight for themselves. The movie makes that impossible by
drugging all the slaves and implying that the rest of the owls from
other species were completely in the dark about the fascist plot to take
over the world. This plot twist might have been possible if they had
gone further and The Pure Ones struck out in battle so that other
species realized what was happening.
That a group of heroic owls had to save the world and defeat the
fascists was made somewhat better by their failure due to turncoat
betrayal requiring Soren and his fellow travelers to join the battle and
save the day. At least this reinforced that anyone could be a heroic
part of the anti-fascist struggle, not just the special heroes of
Ga’Hoole.
Stafford Creek Corrections Center in Washington State hires prisoners.
They pay them 42 cents an hour to make wooden chairs and the prison
charges the public $400.00 per chair.
On November 28, WikiLeaks began releasing U.$. diplomatic cables that
have been extremely embarrassing to the U.$. government and its allies.
This resulted in increased persecution of the WikiLeaks site and staff,
and an international debate about the role of websites like WikiLeaks.
This story underscores the failure of mainstream media to do more than
serve as a mouthpiece for the imperialists. But it also reveals the
lengths to which imperialist governments will go to persecute activists
and those causing damage to imperialism.
Humynity benefits from more availability of information about
imperialism. As revolutionaries, we welcome the opportunity to expose
U.$.-backed atrocities and the imperialists’ back room deals. Meanwhile,
the attacks on WikiLeaks and its staff present the opportunity to
further expose the myth that capitalism = democracy. The basic premises
of democracy include transparency of government and freedom of speech.
While the communist government in China under Mao encouraged the people
to criticize their leaders during the Cultural Revolution and went so
far as to provide free paper and space to post big character posters to
propagate free speech, the Amerikan government is doing all it can (in
collaboration with other governments and capitalist corporations) to
shut down the speech of those who are merely exposing facts.
WikiLeaks launched in 2007 to publish documents from anonymous sources
that generally expose the actions of imperialist governments and their
lackeys. WikiLeaks states that “One of our most important activities is
to publish original source material alongside our news stories so
readers and historians alike can see evidence of the truth.” On their
website WikiLeaks summarizes the major stories they have broken; an
impressive list of government and corporate corruption, brutality and
war.(1) It has been particularly valuable in exposing U.$. atrocities in
Afghanistan and Iraq.
As a result of their work exposing governments, corporations, and
churches around the world, Wikileaks has faced significant persecution.
According to their website, “Since formation in 2007, WikiLeaks has been
victorious over every legal (and illegal) attack, including those from
the Pentagon, the Chinese Public Security Bureau, the Former President
of Kenya, the Premier of Bermuda, Scientology, the Catholic & Mormon
Church, the largest Swiss private bank, and Russian companies.“(1)
Julian Assange has taken the role of public spokespersyn and as such has
faced dramatic persynal persecution, particularly after the release of
the U.$. diplomatic cables.
What’s the big deal about the U.$. diplomatic cables?
Before we get into the issues of censorship and political persecution,
let’s take a look at what these diplomatic cables really contain. The
U.$. government employs thousands of foreign service staff posted in
embassies and consulates around the world. According to the U.$
Department of State website, these people work in one of 5 general jobs:
Consular: Consular Officers protect Americans abroad and strengthen U.S.
border security.
Economic: Economic Officers work on economic partnerships and
development, support U.S. businesses abroad, and cover environmental,
science, technology, and health issues.
Management: Management Officers run our embassies and make American
diplomacy work.
Political: Political Officers analyze political events.
Public Diplomacy: Public Diplomacy Officers explain American values and
policies.
In other words, many of these people work in foreign countries
acting as spies. But not spies who are working in secret; they are overt
spies whose job is to meet with people at various levels in other
governments and then write up reports about their meetings and the
situation in those countries. This is how the U.$. government collects a
lot of its information about what’s going on around the world. The
foreign service staff don’t try to hide what they are doing. It’s a
political game which foreign diplomats sometimes use to get messages
through to the U.$. government without having to make public statements.
There is a lot of backroom deal making done this way, without having to
make information public.
So when people say that the diplomatic cables that WikiLeaks released
are embarrassing, what they really mean is that imperialist governments
and their lackeys don’t want the truth to be known publicly. As
WikiLeaks summarizes, “the cables show the extent of US spying on its
allies and the UN; turning a blind eye to corruption and human rights
abuse in ‘client states’; backroom deals with supposedly neutral
countries; lobbying for US corporations; and the measures US diplomats
take to advance those who have access to them.”(1) So the U.$.
government doesn’t want people to know these things. They are probably
not so much worried about the Amerikan public whose response to this
story has been split with many taking the side of their imperialist
government, but rather concerned about what people in other countries
are going to learn, especially those in the Third World being screwed by
the imperialists and the deals they make with their own lackey
governments.
Imperialists and censorship on a global scale
There was a quick and coordinated attack against WikiLeaks by the U.$.
government and their allies in the international and corporate
community. This included a coordinated December 2 attack shutting down
their domain via the New Hampshire-based company EveryDNS, and
Amazon.com cutting off the infrastructure services they were providing
to WikiLeaks. Forced to move to the French internet company OVH,
WikiLeaks then faced attacks by the French government looking for ways
to ban hosting of the site.
The finance capitalists got in on the game quickly too. On December 3
PayPal cut off the account that was collecting donations for WikiLeaks,
claiming that the account violated its “Acceptable Use Policy” by
engaging in “activities that encourage, promote, facilitate or instruct
others to engage in illegal activity.” On December 6 MasterCard
announced its plan to cut off WikiLeaks from accepting MasterCard
payments because “MasterCard rules prohibit customers from directly or
indirectly engaging in or facilitating any action that is illegal.” Visa
took similar action on December 7. On December 8 WikiLeaks released
diplomatic papers that revealed lobbying by the Obama administration on
behalf of MasterCard and Visa.(2) And finally, the Swedish bank
PostFinance froze Julian Assange’s persynal bank account on December 6,
using the flimsy excuse that he provided an incorrect address on his
account.
On December 23 Apple dropped the WikiLeaks app (program for iPhones)
from their app store, just 10 days after it was approved for sale. The
app gave users access to the WikiLeaks Twitter feed and the ability to
access leaked documents. An Apple spokespersyn gave the official excuse:
“Apps must comply with all local laws and may not put an individual or
group in harm’s way.”(3) These examples of corporate censorship help
demonstrate the complicity between the imperialist government and big
corporations. The imperialists make backroom diplomatic deals to give
the capitalists financial advantages, and those same corporations look
out for the government’s interests by denying anti-imperialists access
to resources to exercise their free speech.
While diverting resources from WikiLeaks’ primary mission, these attacks
have also served to expose the imperialists, who only give lip service
to freedom of speech when it serves their interest. And this has
galvanized a counter attack by defenders of WikiLeaks. This counter
offensive includes hackers who have launched denial-of-service attacks
to shut down web sites that have cut off WikiLeaks, targeting EveryDNS,
Amazon, MasterCard and Visa among others.
In the United $tates, the imperialists are running around with their
pants down, unsure how to control the information already released. On
December 3 the White House issued a directive that forbids unauthorized
Federal employees from accessing the classified documents that are now
available on WikiLeaks. Carrying out this order, the Library of Congress
blocked access to WikiLeaks from its computers. Government employees,
military personnel and employees of some private corporations are
prohibited from reading the documents, even from home. Meanwhile,
college students are being threatened that if they post info about
WikiLeaks online they will not be eligible for government jobs after
graduation.(8)
Amerikan public opinion is split between those who think it’s right to
investigate those in power and those who want to see Assange prosecuted.
It might be surprising that so many Amerikans care about freedom of
speech when the imperialists so clearly oppose it. This is promising for
activists looking for ways to win over people who have a material
interest in imperialism, even if only for specific battles against the
imperialists.
Political persecution of activists
Julian Assange and others have complained of surveillance and harassment
in various countries in the past, but after the release of the
diplomatic cables this has stepped up to a level that may lead to death
or permanent imprisonment of those associated with the site. While
throwing around baseless accusations of “terrorism” against Assange,
North Amerikan politicians have openly called for him to be illegally
assassinated - the definition of terrorism.(9)
The U.$. Justice Department has been scouring the books searching for
something to prosecute Assange on, some way to punish him and stop his
work, and they are negotiating with Sweden to get him extradited to the
U.$. Assange was taken into custody in Britain after an arrest warrant
was issued by Sweden to question him on allegations of sex crimes, and
has since been released on bail.
In the United $tates, there has been a strong push to make it illegal to
conduct investigative journalism that is not approved by the State.
Senator Dianne Feinstein, chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee,
argues that Assange’s actions violate the Espionage Act, a World War
I-era law crafted to punish individuals who spy on the country during
wartime. This is despite the fact that WikiLeaks has not released any
Top Secret documents and even offered to work with the U.$. government
to redact any facts that would endanger individuals in the field (which
the U.$. turned down). An initial hearing on WikiLeaks and the Espionage
Act was held on December 16 by the House of Representatives Judiciary
Committee. So far no decisions about prosecution have been made. Senator
Joseph Lieberman goes further and has urged the administration to
consider charges against media outlets that produced news articles based
on the leaked documents. These organizations, according to Lieberman,
have “committed at least an act of bad citizenship, but whether they
have committed a crime - I think that bears a very intense inquiry by
the Justice Department.”(4)
In the 1970s a very similar attack against Daniel Ellsberg was carried
out after he released the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times,
exposing the Amerikan government’s lies about the Vietnam War. The U.$.
government attacked Ellsberg both covertly and overtly in court where
they put him on trial for theft and conspiracy under the Espionage Act.
Ellsberg explains, “The truth is that every attack now made on WikiLeaks
and Julian Assange was made against me and the release of the Pentagon
Papers at the time.”(5)
If the outcome is more chilling this time around, it will be with the
mainstream media cheering for the repression of their own rights to
report on facts. They’d rather talk about sex and persynalities anyway.
We talk about sex to stop talking about sex
Pseudofeminists have lined up on two sides of the Julian Assange “rape”
debate. One recognizes the obvious truth that this is a political ploy
by the imperialists to distract from the facts and attack Wikileaks. The
other side says we need to stand by all wimmin who claim that they are
raped. The latter are a dream come true for the FBI. The former are on
the right track, but falter in their attempts to define “real” rape.
This situation was painfully obvious in a series of debates on
Democracy Now! this week that degenerated into a pornographic
discussion of the details of various sexual encounters.(6) To both
defend Assange and uphold that some sex is not rape, Naomi Wolf ended up
making some embarrassingly incorrect claims.
If we can just admit that all sex is rape, then we can get on with the
original discussion of hundreds of thousands of wimmin (and men of
course) dying at the hands of the U.$. military as exposed by WikiLeaks
documents. The real feminist here is white male Julian Assange who
responded to TV news host Larry King’s inquiry about the sex charges
with: “It is not right to bring in sensational and, in fact, false
claims, a relatively trivial matter compared to the deaths of 109,000
people… CNN should be ashamed of doing that.” Assange was referring to a
death toll released on WikiLeaks that was recorded by the U.$. military
in Iraq who previously claimed to not be tracking Iraqi deaths.
To assure readers that these tactics are nothing new, a parallel story
played out within our own movement just 2 years ago. The decades old MIM
website at etext.org was shut down by people outside of MIM on January
9, 2009. This occurred as the primary editor of the website was
reporting death threats and the circulation of rape charges by multiple
white wimmin. He has referred to this as a “lynching,” as rape charges
have always been a tool of social control of oppressed nation men under
the rule of white power. While MIM(Prisons) and at least one other cell
made efforts to restore the content of the site, the damage was done as
all incoming links were defunct. Traffic to those documents remains at a
fraction of what it used to be.
The editor of the etext.org MIM site later explained that he did not
restore the site immediately as it could just as quickly be taken down
again. WikiLeaks is unique in its resources and high profile status, so
it has largely managed to remain online, with its mission receiving a
net benefit from the press coverage. But when decades of material are
separated from their domain name as happened to MIM, as well as many of
the over 80 hip hop websites shut down by Homeland Security last
month(7), their access to the rest of the world is seriously challenged.
As we have mentioned in the past, independent institutions of the
oppressed online are very fragile. Some combination of technology,
security tactics and alliances with the national bourgeoisie in
anti-imperialist nations will need to provide solutions to this problem
as the imperialists increase their repression on the internet.
The need for anti-imperialist media sources
A University of Maryland study titled “Misinformation and the 2010
Election” found that people who are exposed to mainstream news sources
are quite misinformed about the facts. For instance, 42% of people
surveyed didn’t know that Obama was born in the U.$. The survey looked
at newspapers and news magazines, network TV news broadcasts, public
broadcasting (NPR or PBS), Fox News, MSNBC and CNN. They found “Looking
at the frequency of misinformation among the consumers of various news
sources, one striking feature is that substantial levels of
misinformation were present in the daily consumers of all news sources.
Even the daily consumers of news sources with the lowest levels of
misinformation still included substantial numbers with
misinformation.”(10)
This doesn’t mean we should all stop following the news; people with
higher levels of exposure to news sources had lower levels of
misinformation. This last fact had a few striking exceptions, for
instance, Fox News topped the misinformation list with the viewers with
the most incorrect information and a trend showing that the more a
persyn watches Fox the more misinformed they become. However, consumers
of other mainstream media sources were also very mislead on key facts,
including NPR and PBS consumers and viewers of other daily TV news.(10)
Without a viable daily source of anti-imperialist news, revolutionaries
still need to use mainstream media, but we need to look at it with a
critical eye and use as many international sources as we can get our
hands on.
The clear misinformation being spread by mainstream media, combined with
the constant covering up of even the most mundane of facts by the
imperialist governments and their allies, mean that the value of
alternative media sources can not be overstated. WikiLeaks provides a
clear service to anti-imperialists even without any significant
political analysis on their website. The politics are clear in the
context of the content that comes through WikiLeaks daily exposing
imperialism as a system of corruption, brutality and exploitation. News
sources like this are crucial to revolutionaries and we must defend
their existence.
It is our task to go further and provide context for the facts and help
people make connections between all the terrorist acts committed by the
U.$. and other imperialist countries and the just revolutionary
struggles of the oppressed peoples around the world.