MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
I am reaching out to you all out of sheer respect. There is not enough
of this in our (Black folk) community. Secondly, shout out to the entire
USW, MIM, the conscious Blood, Crip, Gangsta Disciple Black Guerrillas,
Chicano and global prison movements for y’all efforts to advocate and
assist in the struggle. You all, I view as brethren, you who are not
amongst the delusional.
Our (Damu, Cuz, Gangsta Disciple, Black Guerrillas, etc.) war shouldn’t
be amongst or against each other because none of us, the above factions,
didn’t arrive out of happenstance. Poverty, disfunctional homes, no
fathers, Willie Lynch syndrome, ignorance, oppression, the need for
camaraderie and illegal/legal servitude created the machines we operate.
Our mission is to teach the youth and uneducated people around us the
real cause of the revolution. Whether it be just transforming itself. We
have to educate our brothers; not just with codes, hand language (gang
signs), and crime; but knowledge, wisdom and understanding, to actually
fight for a purpose.
The upper class black folk has lost their fire and direction. Since the
oppressor’s foot has been raised from their necks to their backs, they
no longer “care” to fight or contribute to our cause. Dissension is the
beast that no longer bothers them. It is going to take for us all to
inspire, infuse and move the masses. And it starts with those of us
within these quasi asylum institutions and concentration camps our
oppressors hold us captive in. I am not talking about making an
alliance, I simply mean coming together in solidarity. Jessup
Correctional Institution and other prisons around the world are the way
they are because we all, who have the power to control ourselves and
inspire others, won’t take a stand and we continue to accept being in
separation.
I can’t say all the things I really want to because the administration
might place on me the Mumia Gag Act like they have Mumia Abu Jamal.
Snitches, rats, informants, toms and division dictates the quarters we
are all confined to. Divide and conquer has ruled over us far too long.
We know the problem, enemy and war waged against us, so now we have to
help solving it.
I work to inspire all brothers to act in the revolution. No matter your
banner, you all have many soldiers who look up to you and men who will
follow you, the leaders of the lumpen organizations, to the fiery depths
of hell. Why not compel education upon them? Self destruction has ruined
us for years, and in turn we become enforcers of the government when we
continue to let the men and youth we all call our so-called homies, cuz,
and comrades rep with a destructive state of mind. Take much time to
ponder what I said. Remember, blood makes us related but loyalty makes
us family. I leave as I came, in struggle.
MIM(Prisons) adds: This writer’s call for unity amongst lumpen
organizations fits well with the United Front for Peace in Prisons.
There is tremendous potential power in this unity, as is demonstrated in
the California
Agreement to
End Hostilities and series of hunger strikes to fight long term
isolation and group punishments. We hope others in Maryland will step
forward to build unity with this comrade and the various groups behind
bars.
Class is in, I’ll tell you what’s a fuckin sin Niggers don’t know
nothing about their history Ancestors who sacrificed everything is a
mystery If you need education, here comes true emancipation
Lincoln’s a liar, he did not set you free Toussaint scared these
cowards with that move in Haiti Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth
Ida B. Wells ministering to the youth Found nowhere in his-story
lesson I’m Rap Educated, class in session Turn my mic up so I
can inform my brothers + sisters onh onh Gang niggers beefing with
gang niggers While these white folks continue to hang niggers
Merck slang 40 tons of cocaine niggers Only ones on the chain gang
niggers My neighbor my brother, the oppressor the enemy I ain’t
falling for the lies of the frienemy I’m equip with the trigger,
know when to pull it Acquire the target, release the bullet Down
the puppetmaster goes He looked surprised, didn’t know I knows
Revolutionary rapper, I’m a Garveyite Don’t fuck with Columbus or
his knights All niggers on this correction bus They use some of
you to fuck over the rest of us Oppressorman, I’m on to your
flimflam No longer can you get me to kill my brother man But I
will slay an entire nation of you Cut down your family tree, your
boys in blue They be your army, assigned to try to harm me I
know about your puppets in black robes and dark suits The courthouse
your slave auction stage where you collect the loot I’m a show these
true soldiers how to salute Grab your gat, put on your boots
There’s a war, you’re the troops Knock Willie Lynch head for a
loop Gather their info, let me help you stack dough Let my
people go, or face the wrong end of this 4-4 Harm one of yours, we
downing ten of yours Including our homies behind your prison
doors We are not your grandfather’s slave Can’t brainwash me
into my own grave Kill off our men so you can conquer our women
Your bible teaches rape the children On the hunt for your Y
chromosomes, extinction of the oppressor it’s on You a Goon, run up
in their home Home invaaassiiinnn, hit ’em in the chest make it cave
in Hunt for the oppressor’s Y chromosomes, exterminate until it’s
all gone Exterminate until it’s all gone. Exterminate until it’s all
gone!
by ULK Writers Study Group January 2016 permalinkMIM(Prisons) upholds nation as the principal contradiction in the United
$tates at this time. In that contradiction we see the oppressed nations
as the primary motive force for change. And within the oppressed nations
in the United $tates we see the lumpen class as the greatest vehicle for
revolution. In exploring this last point, we are interested in studying
class contradictions and especially the class make-up and loyalties of
the oppressed internal semi-colonies. In addition, in our prisoner
support work we come across lumpen organizations that do not fall within
a certain national alignment, leaving class as the common demoninator of
those organizations.
This essay was written for the book on the lumpen class that
MIM(Prisons) has been working on for a few years. We took a break to
focus on putting out Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán,
and now that that book is published and distributed we are refocusing on
our analysis of the lumpen class in the United $tates. We have already
completed a draft of a chapter of the book, based on our economic
research about the size and composition of the lumpen class. We are
distributing this draft chapter as a pamphlet for feedback.
While analyzing economic statistics is a vital part of understanding the
lumpen class, the next step is understanding how to influence the class,
and hence the class consciousness.
We are publishing this essay in Under Lock & Key to spark
discussion and ask for feedback. We want to know how you’ve seen
individuals and groups develop lumpen class consciousness. We are
especially interested in how lumpen organizations (parasitic or
proletarian-minded) develop class consciousness amongst their
membership. How does that class consciousness overlap, interact or even
conflict with national consciousness? Please send your reports to
Under Lock & Key so we can all learn and grow from your
practice!
What is class consciousness?
Simply stated, consciousness is being aware and knowing what it is you
are observing. When you eat you may be conscious of the chewing and
swallowing. Many people eat without being aware of the act of eating –
this is parallel to most people acting in a class’s interests without
being conscious of doing so; they just do what is good for them at the
time. Consciousness of chewing does not automatically come with eating,
and neither does consciousness of class position automatically come with
belonging to a particular class.
The Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist Movement (RAIM) defines class
consciousness as “The understanding by members of particular classes
that they represent a certain class, that their class interests may
intersect or oppose those of other classes, and of their agency when
collectively organized for class struggle. Typically, class
consciousness is used to describe the most broad, clearest perspective
of either the proletariat, the bourgeoisie or their sub-classes.”
Why do we study class consciousness among the lumpen?
We study class consciousness in an effort to shape the lumpen into an
alliance with the international proletariat. Without class
consciousness, the lumpen act in ways which strengthen the position of
the bourgeoisie: by upholding bourgeois cultural propaganda (e.g. radio
rap), participating in self-destruction of oppressed nations (e.g. by
selling drugs or fomenting gang divisions), allying with Amerikkkans
against the international proletariat for “patriotic” reasons, and the
list goes on.
National oppression already leaves a persisting impression upon the
consciousness of the lumpen of oppressed nations. All of the features of
lumpen existence in the United $tates – police brutality, urban decay,
limited job and education opportunities, mass incarceration, etc. – are
features of national oppression. The elements of national oppression
that lead the lumpen to the prison doors in the first place are then
exaggerated once behind the razor wire. We would be in error to not
appreciate that the lumpen has some intuitive grasp of their place in
U.$. society. On some level people of the lumpen class realize they are
disadvantaged.
Karl Marx said in 1847:
“Economic conditions had first transformed the mass of the people of the
country into workers. The combination of capital has created for this
mass a common situation, common interests. This mass is thus already a
class as against capital, but not yet for itself. In the struggle, of
which we have noted only a few phases, this mass becomes united, and
constitutes itself as a class for itself. The interests it defends
become class interests. But the struggle of class against class is a
political struggle.”(1)
In order for a lasting development to be realized in the lumpen, we need
to do as Marx said and become a class “for itself” rather than a class
blindly working for the bourgeoisie. Our work presently is in studying
the contradictions today in our neighborhoods and cellblocks, and
employing dialectical materialism to create short-range programs in
order to push the people in the prisons, barrios, hoods and reservations
forward to reach our long-term goals. We need cadre organizations,
liberation schools, youth brigades and our own press. We need to develop
alternative forms of power which rely on the people’s independence
outside of imperialism’s sphere of influence. Time has proven that
imperialism and the basic exploitative character of capitalism cannot be
reformed nor can it be made to serve the interests of the people. It can
only continue to engender war, poverty and untold strife at the expense
of those neatly tucked away in the periphery.
In search of a better way, and in rejection of the comforts of
imperialism and its blood money, we must choose which side of the
struggle we are truly on. At any particular time lumpen, like all
people, are either acting in the interests of the international
proletariat or in the interests of imperialism. Most lumpen have no
apparent probability of status advancement, so allying with the
international proletariat is in the lumpen’s class interests. But if
socioeconomic factors were to change and the lumpen now see opportunity
for status advancement, then being allied with the international
proletariat becomes class suicide.
One socioeconomic factor to take into account is the national question,
which is directly related to national oppression and not necessarily
economic status. For instance, there are New Afrikan and Chican@ labor
aristocrats whose economic interests are with imperialism. And white
lumpen are generally allied with imperialism and the Amerikkkan nation,
even though they are imprisoned or their communities are poisoned by
mining refuse due to capitalism. Thus, one may be an oppressed New
Afrikan labor aristocrat and while aligning with the international
proletariat may be viewed in an economic sense as class
suicide, in a social sense this alliance would actually improve the
probability of status advancement overall and not necessarily be class
suicide.
Lumpen unity and class consciousness in the U.$.
Speaking on the proletariat of his day, Marx pointed out that a common
situation existed for the proletarians to unite under common interests.
The same could be said about the Brown Berets and Black Panther Party
during the 1960s and 70s. There existed a sharp level of oppression and
police brutality within Chican@ communities, which inspired the Brown
Berets to serve as protectors of their communities as well as reach out
to those from other barrios, mainly lumpen, to join ranks with them by
being productive forces for their people rather than common “gangsters.”
The Black Panther Party (BPP) did a remarkable job building and
developing class consciousness among the masses of the New Afrikan
nation. The BPP was able to tie much-needed community programs to the
stark material reality of New Afrika. Not only were the Panthers feeding
the youth through the Free Breakfast Program, they educated the masses
on their class position through this altruistic act. In one stroke they
were able to secure the trust and gratitude of the people and illustrate
the failures of the semi-colonial relationship in which the New Afrikan
nation is ensnared.
There are glimmers of class consciousness in prison at times, but these
episodes ebb and flow due to the bourgeois mindset of much of the prison
population. Being raised in a First World country, we are influenced by
its culture although it is not our own. As Mao said in eir essay “On
Practice,” “in class society everyone is a member of a particular class,
and every kind of thinking, without exception, is stamped with a brand
of class.” The assumption of inevitable imprisonment or death; the
glorification of drug and pimp culture; hustling for individual gain
while harming our kin; and nihilism are examples of lumpen culture under
the influence of the bourgeoisie.
At times we may see prison uprisings, strikes, or other prison
organizing across national lines, but these events don’t usually remain
intact for very long. This is because class consciousness does not
develop spontaneously, rather it must be cultivated and spread through
education and agitation. Only through the help of an educated cadre –
both inside and outside prison walls – can class consciousness develop.
Present-day examples of class consciousness development in prison
In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels said of class
struggle for the workers, “The real fruit of their battles lies, not in
the immediate result, but in the ever-expanding union of the
workers.”(2) Marx and Engels understood that class struggle would
continue so long as classes exist. They saw the union of the proletariat
as the prize, not what concessions were gained from the ruling class per
se.
Something similar was experienced with the California prison hunger/work
strikes in recent years. The words of Marx and Engels were seen
manifested, not in a “union of the workers” but in a union of the
imprisoned lumpen. This union of lumpen produced the Agreement to End
Hostilities. The real victory is in getting lumpen to see and experience
that it is really us versus the pigs, and that a concrete force exists
which oppresses ALL lumpen prisoners in some way. These are acts which
cultivate an environment where class consciousness can grow; it creates
a fertile ground for this process.
Within the environment of prison, lumpen organizations (LOs) are by far
more structured and disciplined than they are on the streets. Despite
the negative activity and values of parasitic LOs, there is reason to
believe that they can operate to achieve revolutionary ends. Pick up any
Under Lock & Key newsletter and one will find evidence of LOs
working in prison to contribute to the anti-imperialist movement. So it
isn’t a far-fetched idea to use LOs as revolutionary vehicles in
building consciousness among imprisoned lumpen.
Lumpen organizations already bring out a form of consciousness within
their membership, meaning they instill pride within their own people.
LOs in prison are often organized by “ethnicity,” and in that sense they
develop their national pride, identity and culture. Their consciousness
as a subgroup is raised. This is not class consciousness, and most times
not even national consciousness, but it’s a start, and more it’s a
platform which can be used and highlighted. Most LOs already have an
ideological indoctrination process in place for new recruits; adding
class consciousness to this structured education shouldn’t be much of a
stretch.
Class consciousness will only develop so much within a LO just like a
crocodile will only grow so much when confined to a small fish tank. If
the LO is engaged in anti-people activities, it is prevented from
advancing politically. The parasitic nature of a profit-driven LO will
never allow true unbridled class consciousness to develop because to do
so would change the fundamental purpose of that LO. This is why
Growth is one of the 5 principles of the United Front for Peace
in Prisons. Comrades must not be discouraged from growing from a
parasitic lumpen actor to a class-conscious revolutionary lumpen actor.
Lumpen organizations and other subgroups can come together to become a
whole and thus unite as a class, as did the proletariat in Marx and
Engels’s day, as did the Russian proletariat unite with the peasantry
(uniting two classes) and how Mao Zedong united the peasantry in China
upon common interests with the proletariat. When conditions in prison
reach an intolerable level of suppression that affects all prisoners as
a whole, we will begin to see each other as sharing the same interests
of ending oppression behind the walls. Unfortunately this will not
automatically make all prisoners come together in unity. Prison
conditions alone aren’t a sufficient factor to promote class
consciousness amongst imprisoned lumpen.
Practical experience shows that the more repressive the situation people
find themselves in, the more likely they are to challenge the situation
and find ways to combat it. In some facilities, a wide range of reading
material is permitted to be possessed by prisoners, and the pigs aren’t
readily looking for politically conscious leaders to repress and harass.
At first glance it seems the freedom of movement and association would
be a good environment to run political study groups and organize with
each other. However, the flip side of having little repression is that
many choose to spend more time chasing and idolizing bourgeois
lifestyles; instead of picking up some political lit to read, they
choose to discuss Nikki Minaj’s ass on the VMAs.
How to organize
Class-conscious lumpen must lead
The job of class conscious prisoners is to not just understand that
change and development is good and inevitable, but we need to find ways
to translate this understanding to the broader lumpen masses, and as
quickly and efficiently as possible. It is on the lumpen to look beyond
the interests of our own to achieve a higher level of political
consciousness, and it is on politically conscious prisoners to point out
the cause of our problems as well as what’s stopping all from uniting.
Organize around local experiences/conditions
There is not a one-size-fits-all solution to awakening the imprisoned
lumpen class. There are many different types of individuals and
different backgrounds/histories and beliefs. And we organizers all have
different strengths and operate in varying conditions. But in general,
open lines of communication, dialogue, re-education, and finding
common-ground causes to fight for helps the process.
What should be stressed as a development to higher consciousness is the
injustices experienced in common. With this sense of having a common
injustice done against us, we will be more susceptible to change. If
there isn’t a lot of immediate suffering to organize around, we can call
on our common experiences prior to imprisonment. Even in relatively
comfortable prison conditions, we can start by exploring how we came to
imprisonment in the first place. The poor quality of teachers in our
schools and mis-education given to us by the imperialists is by design.
We can then use these direct experiences to organize with others on
practical projects – campaigns to improve our collective conditions of
confinement, collective legal actions, appeals, literacy, etc. – and
work to add to the preconditions of class consciousness in prisons.
Attempts to integrate politics with a prison struggle will bring a
higher level of class consciousness only if we can explain to others how
it’s not just an isolated struggle within prison we’re all confronted
with, but the infrastructure behind the prison industry itself, its
society, the socio-economic relations, its effects on our interpersynal
relationships and culture, and the world. When imprisoned lumpen begin
to unite for common interests, then politically conscious prisoners
should advocate for continued struggle. Once any concessions are
granted, many tend to think “well, that’s all we’re going to get”, or
they see a tiny concession as a huge victory, and step back from
organizing. This is a sign of a lack of class consciousness, and a lack
of internationalism, that must be addressed by the prison movement
leaders head on.
Build study groups
We can lead study groups on deeper topics, or open debates on anything
as simple as a news report. Although this may be harder in isolation, it
is usually still possible to share material with others in your pod or
initiate discussions on the tier. Sharing your views and hearing others’
can bring many together if a common objective is trying to be reached.
It helps to build public opinion in opposition to the bourgeois media
outlets. When there are one or two lumpen within every group agitating
in this way, along with strong communication in other circles, sharing
reading material and legal work, it all works to push their studying
into actual work, and go from being spectators to actors in the process
of transforming these dungeons and the imperialist system generally.
There are many topics to study to give a thorough understanding of our
class position, including the works of Marx, Mao, Lenin, Engels and
other communist revolutionaries before us. Political economy unlocks the
mysteries of the origins and results of class struggle. The bourgeoisie
(the owners of the means of production) and the proletariat (those who
had nothing so must sell labor power) make up the principal
contradiction in the realm of political economy. Understanding these
classes, and all their sub-classes, requires one to perform a class
analysis so that one understands where people stand on the economic
totem pole, and determine where the social forces stand. Part of class
consciousness is understanding who’s on our side and who’s trying to
imprison, kill, and dismantle us.
If we were to utilize the tables out on the yards for
educational-neutral grounds instead of real estate or casinos, a lot
more will be susceptible to change their patterns. One table could be
strictly legal work (grievances, lawsuits, etc.); one for help with
reading, college and GED; one for addressing the daily issues so that
nothing arises to blindside folks; one for political education, etc.
These tables would be neutral ground for all nations, LOs, etc. to gain
knowledge and put it to use. They would function simultaneously as Serve
the People programs and political education meetings, building unity and
transforming the lumpen into a class “for itself.”
I request that you stop writing or sending me any of your publications.
I am not involved in promoting, recruiting, security threat groups of
Latin Kings, promoting hunger strikes, or any other disruption of the
institution. I received a notice of rejection or impoundment of
publication on 1/7/16. Also on 1/7/16 I was placed in confinement under
investigation that I believe your publication caused. Therefore, I wish
not to have any involvement with this publication or MIM Distributors.
MIM(Prisons) responds: We have removed this writer from our
subscription list but we print this letter to show people just how far
the prisons will go to try to intimidate people and stop them from
learning from anti-imperialist literature. Unfortunately this persyn
never even saw a copy of ULK and so does not know just how far
off the claims are. There are no prison policies or laws that
legitimately allow for the isolation of a prisoner due to receipt of
educational material, nor can literature like ULK identify a
prisoner as a security threat. However, we know that the prisons see
revolutionary education as a threat to security because of the
consciousness this brings. A conscious prisoner is more likely to fight
for eir legal rights, and to advocate for the rights of others. A
conscious prisoner is more likely to educate others and organize them to
fight for their rights. And so, the prisons consider this a “threat to
security.” What we really threaten is the security of their system of
social control. We respect that there are some who are not ready to
suffer for this struggle, but for all those who stand strong and
maintain their right to receive ULK, in spite of reprisals, we
know that sometimes even this is a revolutionary act.
I write to inform the internation community of comrades that select
comrades and myself currently held kkkaptive within Georgia’s prison
system have finally amassed enough mutual support amongst ourselves to
come to the position of forming what we call the Red Confederation
(“red” as in anti-imperialist, anti-police state), comprising a body of
politically conscious prisoners affiliated with various lumpen
organizations, i.e. prisoner/street organizations.
Individually we’ve come to realize that regardless of our organizational
affiliations/differences, we all stand on common ground as to our
repressive confinement conditions, our degraded and demeaning treatment
by the pigs, and, ultimately, who our oppressors – the real enemies –
are. Thus, we recognize collectively the need to build unity,
solidarity, organization, and informed resistance amongst ourselves
statewide against the ever-increasing repressive tactics being employed
by the Georgia Department of Corruption in their efforts (“efforts”
being synonymous with “subtle war”) to suppress lumpen organizations and
all politicall conscious/active prisoners in general.
Accordingly, we are not unmindful of the State’s underlying impetus for
their actions – their compulsory need to oppose the ascension of lumpen
organizations of the oppressed in an attempt to maintain the current
social order of their oppressive regime. We recognize that the State is
in reality acting out of fear and self-preservation, as they foresee the
end of their control of us – the diminishing of their power – within our
unity.
All that is to say that, by virtue of this letter, we consciously join
the United Struggle from Within, and, in so doing, we incorporate into
our “Protocols of Consideration” the five principles of the United
Front. We are of the opinion that upholding them is essential to begin
organizing for effective, efficient resitance by building bridges along
common interests of the oppressed both nationally and around the world.
We adopt the fundamental political line of MIM(Prisons) as the official
guiding philosophy of our own organization. And as we continue to
struggle together internally so as to disclose ways in which we could
more accurately serve the interests of the movement particular to the
objective reality of our current confinement conditions, we will strive
to develop a more comprehensive peace treaty amongst ourselves with the
intent of sending it in for others to study and possibly use or modify,
as may be needed given a group’s unique objective conditions.
Moreover, in light of the multifarious (many and diverse) human rights
violations being perpetuated – and actually propagated by the State – in
its recently implemented statewide Tier II long-term isolation program
we, as an organization, have taken it upon ourselves to revive the
campaign to end solitary confinement in Georgia. For we are of the
opinion that the plaintiffs in the Ashker v. Brown case “sold
out” and ultimately betrayed the entire prison movement by “settling”
the way they did.
Our class action (Nolley, et al. v. Bryson, et al.;
5:15-cv-00096-LGW) was commenced on or about December 1st, 2015.
We’ve since then forwarded letters to both the ACLU of Georgia as well
as the Southern Center for Human Rights, seeking the representation of
their respective organizations. And i am currently drafting a similar
letter with intentions of forwarding it to the Center for Constitutional
Rights, which, in my understanding, was the lead attorney organization
in the Ashker v. Broen case. We will keep you updated.
Finally, we ask that you send us any and all material you have in your
possession concerning California prisoners’ Agreement to End Hostilities
that may be useful in providing us with somewhat of a guide to kick
start the Agreement to End Hostilities amongst Georgia prisoners.
Within the global imperialist camp, particularly here in the United
States, there’s a reactionary line being propagated and pursued that the
U.S. working class in its entirety is proletarian. Not only is this
scientifically incorrect, it’s essentially anti-Marxist no matter how
well-intentioned its proponents may or may not be.
With an exceptionally small number of predominately oppressed
nationalities, U.S. workers are for the most part beneficiaries of
imperialism, and as a social class constitute a “labor aristocracy”,
i.e. a class of privileged workers who receive a portion of the profits
that the bourgeoisie extracts from the Third World in the form of high
wages, numerous benefits, material goods and services. And this includes
the goods, services, and profits, extracted, as well as the billions of
dollars that are contributed annually to social security by undocumented
proletarians, here in the United States.
Some years ago when monopoly imperialism was still in its infancy, Lenin
spoke of this stage of capitalism and correctly observed that
imperialism gives the bourgeoisie enough super-profits “to devote a part
to bribe their own workers, to create something like an alliance between
the workers of a given nation and their capitalists…”
The majority of the working class here in the United States have been
bought off and bribed, and are clearly by no means a vehicle for
revolution at this time. The labor aristocracy has a concrete material
basis, that is, a class interest in the preservation of the existing
status quo. This is not a case of having to “wake them up” so to speak.
They are very conscious of their privileged position in society and the
world as a whole. Their material conditions, i.e. their privileged
lifestyle, is translated in their minds through their five senses,
giving shape to and molding their reactionary ideas and ways of thinking
– all of which is further reinforced and solidified through a
corresponding culture and bourgeois-owned media, news, entertainment and
advertising industry. And as a class of privileged workers, many are not
only willing to join U.S. mercenary forces and die to protect and
further their privileges, i.e. their piece of the pie, they also commit
mass murder on an unprecedented scale of Third World Latinos, Blacks,
and other oppressed peoples, including those oppressed within the U.S.
empire itself.
To reach into the ranks of the labor aristocracy and proclaim them
proletarian in an attempt to develop revolutionary consciousness, and
struggle for their so-called worker rights, is to commit a reactionary
and strategic error which in reality only serves to further prop up and
legitimize imperialism.
To further grasp the material basis that the labor aristocracy is
erected upon and which shapes and molds its corresponding consciousness,
a brief glimpse into the capitalist production process is necessary,
specifically that aspect pertaining to the creation of surplus value.
It is necessary to understand that, as a species, in order to continue
living we must first and foremost engage in production, i.e. through the
expenditure of human labor we must transform our environment in order to
procreate, feed, clothe, and shelter ourselves before any other aspect
of society can be pursued, such as the pursuance of science, education,
religion, arts, culture, politics, philosophy, laws, etc. Production is
the basis and foundation of all societies, and in fact, all these other
aspects of social activities not only grow out of, but are a reflection
of, and correspond to a society’s particular mode of production.
Moreover, it is only through social intercourse and cooperation with one
another, in various forms, that these necessities can be realized –
hence the source of our social essence.
Today in the current stage of economic development
(capitalism-imperialism), the vast majority of the world’s people have
been separated from their means of production (land, natural resources,
intellectual property, technology, factories, communications, etc.) by
property rights which the capitalist classes of the world, who
predominately reside within First World borders, have laid claim to. And
yet this doesn’t change the essential needs of the human species. We
must still have access to the world’s resources and materials so that we
may reproduce ourselves in order to survive.
Under these circumstances, the world’s masses, who own very little if
anything at all, are forced into a situation where they must sell to the
capitalist class, i.e. the bourgeoisie, the only thing they do own, so
that they may in turn purchase back from the capitalists the necessities
of life. And what they are forced to sell to the bourgeoisie is their
labor power. In a capitalist economy, production is driven by profits,
not the needs of the entire society. Under this mode of production the
role of the bourgeoisie is like that of a parasite – an unnecessary
appendage that has been allowed to remain inserted within the production
process and whose existence relies wholly on the unpaid labor of others.
With the exception of the majority of imperialist country workers, the
bourgeoisie purchases the labor power from the majority of the world’s
masses below its value which is the source of all surplus-value (capital
and profit). Capitalist production not only creates racial and social
inequalities while perpetuating those inequalities which were already in
existence, it is also the source of the same prison system we are now
confined to.
To elaborate further, surplus-value is that value which is created
through unpaid labor power. For example, if the bourgeois owners of a
maquiladora invests $1000 a day for the production of shirts - $200 of
which pays for the cost of human labor power (variable capital) and $800
which pays for the cost of electricity, oil, cloth, thread, technology,
etc. (constant capital), and if it takes, lets say, 5 hours to produce
$1000 worth of shirts – the original amount invested, this 5 hours of
expended labor power is the true value of the worker’s labor power.
That which is invested in “constant capital” remains constant, that is,
it creates no new value but only transfers the value of the electricity,
oil, cloth, thread, technology, etc, to the shirts being produced. It is
the “variable capital,” i.e. the expenditure of human labor power, that
transforms these various materials into shirts (or any goods) that
augments new value.
Even if the maquiladora workers produce $1000 worth of shirts in 5
hours, being that their labor power has been purchased and therefore is
now owned and controlled by the bourgeoisie, the workers are still
required to expend their labor power for the remainder of the working
day, whether that be 10, 12, 14, or however many hours the capitalists
can get away with. And, in fact, it is in search of this cheap source of
labor power and natural resources, i.e. profits and cheap goods, that
the imperialists and their bribed mercenary armies launch their global
crusades, all under the guise of spreading democracy, or combating
terrorism. It is where the people are most desperate, that they can be
most thoroughly exploited along with their natural resources, that is at
the root of capitalism’s so-called “economic success.”
Lets say 12 hours constitutes a full working day for the maquiladora
workers, and if it takes 5 hours to produce $1000 worth of shirts, the
workers are still required to expend their labor power for an additional
7 hours, the remainder of the working day. This 7 hours over and beyond
the 5 hours is “surplus labor,” 7 hours of unpaid labor power that the
bourgeoisie is stealing from the workers.
Being that workers are paid in either hourly wages, piecemeal, or by the
day, etc., these various forms of payment only serve to camouflage and
disguise the unpaid surplus labor, thus creating a false appearance that
the workers are being paid for all of their labor power when in essence
they are not.
In a nutshell the bourgeoisie pays the workers below the value of their
labor power and pockets the difference in the form of profits and
capital (surplus value) upon sale of the goods produced or grown by the
workers. What does this have to do with us as a prison population? This
mode of profit production inevitably creates social inequalities. It
also provides a corresponding ideology and culture which not only has a
fixation and obsession with the over-consumption of consumer goods, but
is a culture where a person’s social status is judged and determined
according to their material possessions. These two elements, the poverty
and social inequalities which create the fertile ground, accompanied
with its corresponding culture and individualist ideology, crime
flourishes and a vast prison system inevitably takes root as a means of
social control.
Prior to the emergence of U.S. imperialism, the ruling classes
thoroughly exploited a large section of the population within its own
artificial borders. But eventually as a result of capitalism’s internal
contradictions, i.e., the inherent necessity to expand and the
bourgeoisie’s greedy frenzy to suck as much profit out of people as it
possibly can, the already existing social inequalities and domestic
rebellions intensified and began to undergo a qualitative transformation
which further threatened the existence of the bourgeoisie and its loyal
beneficiaries.
Although through imperialist expansion, the U.S. bourgeoisie has for the
time being accomplished two significant goals prolonging its existence.
Rather than having to rely on the exploitation of slaves, the indigenous
population, and the most newly arrived European immigrants to create its
wealth while continuing to run the risk of being overthrown by its own
population, the bourgeoisie was able to pacify its own workers by making
further concessions beginning on a large scale in the late 19th century
with the first of many continuing campaigns of imperialist expansions.
And through imperialist expansion it has not only been able to transfer
the vast majority of its domestic exploitation abroad, it has been able
to extract far more super-profits from Third World exploitation and
natural resources than it was ever able to extract from within its own
artificial borders. And with these massive amounts of super-profits and
cheap goods, it has created a passive and loyal population out of the
majority of its own workers, with a privileged material lifestyle, thus
transforming them into a flag waving patriotic labor aristocracy,
i.e. beneficiaries and accomplices of imperialism.
By way of imperialist expansion and the transferring of exploitation
abroad, this has insured the continuation of the bourgeoisie’s super
profits while simultaneously enabling them to pay the majority of U.S.
workers above the value of their labor power. The lifestyle of
the majority of U.S. workers is not only sustained by Third World
exploitation and natural resources for its privileged existence as a
social class, but as a social class of privileged workers, it also
creates practically no surplus value. A close examination of the Gross
National Product (GNP) and federal labor statistics of any given year
will demonstrate that nearly all of the monetary value of goods and
services sold in this country is created outside of its borders, and
that extremely small amount of surplus value that is created within the
U.S. empire itself is created predominately by oppressed nationalities,
primarily by undocumented Latinos and a small portion of imprisoned
Blacks. It is a fact that never in the history of this country’s
parasitic existence has it ever fully supported itself from its own
labor. Even the very first settlers on these shores used the indigenous
peoples as slaves.
Being that the majority of workers in this country form a labor
aristocracy, they are therefore by no means proletarian or a material
base in which to struggle for in an attempt to develop revolutionary
consciousness. To struggle for so-called worker rights of the labor
aristocracy amounts to supporting imperialism, i.e. the exploitation and
deaths of thousands world wide on a daily basis from preventable
diseases, hunger, medical neglect, wars, etc. Struggling for these
so-called rights of the labor aristocracy amounts to nothing less than
seeking a larger portion of what’s already pillaged and plundered from
Third World exploitation, and therefore it is anti-Marxist in essence
despite the various forms that it comes packaged in.
In reference to the labor aristocracy Lenin said “… no preparation of
the proletariat for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie is possible, even
in the preliminary sense, unless and immediate, systematic, extensive,
and open struggle is waged against this stratum…”
The gist of Lenin’s contention is significant here, and that is, the
labor aristocracy as a social class is not a vehicle for evolution but a
reactionary road block that must be struggled against, not only
theoretically but in practice. This does not imply that some portions of
the labor aristocracy wouldn’t be won over under given objective
conditions, but currently in their entirety as a social class, as a
result of their concrete material conditions, they are reactionary in
consciousness and deed and therefore must be combated – not catered to.
Also of significance, to get to the soul, the motor and driving force of
a true people’s revolution, i.e. a socialist revolution, we must, to use
Lenin’s words, “go down lower and deeper, to the real masses … to the
suffering, miseries, and revolutionary sentiments of the ruined and
impoverished masses … particularly those who are least organized and
educated, who are most oppressed …” And these masses that Lenin speaks
of reside predominately within the Third World and include those sectors
of oppressed nationalities and poor who live at the bottom rungs of
imperialist society itself and within the prison systems.
Despite reactionary nationalist and patriotic rhetoric, the concrete
material reality is, our struggle is not “us” as a unified country
pitted against other countries, as we have been taught and programmed to
believe. It is a class struggle that transcends all national borders.
Even the existence of this prison system is just one interconnected
aspect of this larger class struggle of irreconcilable opposites. We as
a prison population must deepen our knowledge and raise our political
consciousness. We must transform our incorrect narrow nationalistic
views into a scientifically correct internationalist outlook and
recognize the concrete material reality that we as a prison population
are just one of the numerous side effects of an outdated and
insufficient economic system that results in the social inequalities
where a prison system becomes necessary to protect the stolen riches and
privileges of the bourgeoisie and its bought off supporters – the same
imperialist economic system that oppresses and exploits Third World
people around the globe. Our interests do not lie in siding with our own
domestic ruling classes in the imprisoning of over 2 million of our own
people, or in the exploitation of billions of Third World people around
the globe. Our interests lie with our own impoverished and Third World
people, not only against our own bourgeoisie and its beneficiaries, but
against all capitalist ruling classes of the world regardless of
national borders.
So long as we live in a society that is divided into social classes,
poverty vs. rich and everything in between, the preservation and
continued existence of the prison system is guaranteed. And any
improvements made, internally or externally, in regards to the prison
system, as welcomed as they are, will be purely reformist,
i.e. temporary and for show. To be as effective as possible and maintain
continuity in struggle, our ultimate goal must be the creation of a
classless society.
I would like to share a struggle that many Kansas captives are dealing
with currently. In the past few years, the synthetic marijuana drug
known as K2 has flooded the prison system. Its use is easily hidden from
detection because urine analysis tests don’t regularly detect for it.
One way it’s detected is from red eyes. The KDOC is saying “red eyes” is
a determining factor in writing a class one Disciplinary Report (DR) for
substance abuse.
I recently had a seizure (my medical history includes epilepsy) and was
rushed to the clinic. I came to with red eyes from having the seizure
and the nurse said to me “you have no history of seizures, did you smoke
some K2?” With this comment, I was not treated for my seizures, I was
taken straight to segregation, and while still in handcuffs had another
seizure in the cell. From hitting my face, I was bruised and bleeding.
The nurse came down and said “It’s just the drugs coming out of him,
keep him in seg. We’ve already seen him.” I was scared I was going to
die!!! I hadn’t used any drugs, I was having seizures and medical was
refusing me care. It was later found in the computer that I had been
treated for seizures, had been on anti-seizure medication, and had been
hospitalized for seizures. Because of the DR I was placed in segregation
for 21 days and had my visits suspended for one year. I filed appeals
and even contacted the Kansas Medical Review Board. They concluded
“because of this inmate’s history of seizures, we believe the DR may
need to be re-evaluated.”
No one in the Department of Corrections was willing to correct this DR.
The nurse that made the comment “this might be from K2” told me word for
word “you should be able to beat this on appeal” after she was made
aware of my past history of seizures. In her medical report (that was
used to find me guilty) she stated “inmate has no history of seizures.”
That was clearly medical malpractice, my history was in her computer,
and I told her I had a history of seizures and she called me a liar.
I have now paid $195 and filed a 60-1501 [habeas corpus petition]
downtown. There is no way that simply having red eyes after having a
seizure shows proof of K2 drug use. I know of several others who have
had red eyes from allergies and have been convicted for this same
bullshit writeup. I’m encouraging everyone who gets a substance abuse DR
solely on “red eyes” to challenge this write up on the way to the
courts. It needs to be done and change needs to be made. This is based
on a pure assumption and no solid facts.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This medical neglect in Kansas underscores
the prison’s use of unscientific criteria to classify people into
segregation. Just as so-called gang members are identified based on
false evidence, now the Kansas DOC is identifying illicit drug users
based on criteria so common they can use it to label anyone they like.
Red eyes can come from a summer allergy, lack of sleep, or any number of
other causes. Prisoners have to be careful they don’t get soap in their
eyes when washing their faces, if the prisoncrats are looking for an
excuse to punish them. We echo this writer’s call to everyone affected
to challenge these writeups. And we urge this comrade, or others in
Kansas, to draft a grievance that can be used by everyone for this
challenge. This would make a good state-wide campaign because it ties
together the issues of medical neglect and control units in a battle
against a practice that will no doubt target politically active and
conscious prisoners for isolation. We should work to build a united
front to fight this policy in Kansas.
I just wanted to take advantage of this lull in the recent pain I’ve
been struggling with, as much psychologically as physically. It should
get better, relatively speaking, and pass. It usually does. The only
thing that’s truly effective is the pain medication I’m on, but I’m not
in any position to request an increase. I’ve got a good doctor right now
and he does what he can, of course within the restrictions imposed upon
him that limit his abilities. It’s really just so damn frustrating, not
being able to identify the root of the pain. I can’t help but genuinely
wonder if I’d be subjected to this if I were not incarcerated and had
good insurance and doctors?
You see, my doctor can only do so much here behind these walls for a
number of reasons. Resources are practically non-existent and anything
he wants to do, it’s first scrutinized and questioned. And if it’s
okayed then he has to outsource it to an outside specialist and
hospital. And quite often the specialists will either “shoot it down” or
use it as an opportunity to run up a bill and bill it to the state. That
is, they’ll admit me for several days, or a week, run a load of
expensive but pointless tests that they’ve run before. So I’m shackled
to a bed and they always either discontinue, or significantly reduce my
pain management to ineffective dosage.
So my doctor here is very limited in what he can do without ultimately
risking his own employment. You push too hard to provide adequate health
care to us animals and it won’t be long before you’re seeking employment
elsewhere.
Philosophically, it’s really an interesting dilemma. Especially for a
Marxist, or one well acquainted with “the unification of opposites.” As
we know, the prison system as an appendage of the “state apparatus”, is
in its very essence, that is, by its “nature,” an oppressive
institution.
All doctors take a Hippocratic oath and although the oath is
subjectively interpreted, the practice of medicine is objective, and the
practice of medicine in its “essence” (nature) is irreconcilably opposed
to the essence of the prison system and its very existence.
So any doctor employed by the state (prison) is in direct opposition to
the very essence of its employers. This is an objective phenomenon that
exists whether one is conscious of this inter-connection of opposing
tendencies, or not.
Ultimately the doctor will either submit and capitulate to the
interests, i.e. trajectory, of the state through a slow process of
indoctrination that occurs both subtlety and conspicuously, consciously
and subconsciously, as well as from their own experience that they will
have with those prisoners around them. And this is the greatest
influence on them. I have to admit that I have a tremendous amount of
respect for those doctors that do last as long as some of them do when I
see how some (most) of these “inmates” act. (notice my distinction of
inmate vs. convict).
Anyway, my doctor is in a no-win position. He does what he can without
jeopardizing his job security. And although you and I would without a
second thought, push and fight until we were unemployed, in these
circumstances we are in the minority.
MIM(Prisons) adds: This is just another example of how the
oppressed struggle for day-to-day survival under capitalism, despite
some principles like the Hippocratic oath. In every issue of ULK
we print a statement discussing a better form of justice that will be
implemented under the dictatorship of the proletariat. We often talk
about Chinese prisons during the socialist period of 1949- 1976. The
most in-depth reports we have of those conditions come from the former
emperor and collaborator with the Japanese occupiers who slaughtered
hundreds of thousands of Chinese people, and two Amerikan students
imprisoned for spying for their country.(1) Both stress the fair
treatment they received, and being fed adequate food in times when food
was not always in adequate supply for the whole population. Meanwhile,
in the heart of excess, in the United $tates, we have prisoners
suffering from lack of basic needs.
It is obvious that this system has no interest in serving the oppressed.
But what might not be so obvious is how prisons can and have been used
in states that are of and by the oppressed. While a socialist state will
use force to repress those who attempt to restore exploitation and
oppression, the goal is to build communism. Therefore everyone is to be
included in the benefits of society, and even the former class enemies
will be won over by fair and humane treatment while being struggled with
politically. That is what it looks like to engage in a project to
abolish class differences. The key difference is the class in charge. It
is only when the proletariat seizes the state from bourgeois rule that
we will see systems that truly serve all people. Until then such claims
are just political sloganeering.
On 18 October 2015, an early twenty-something Eritrean migrant by the
name of Habton Zerhum, was unjustly shot by an Israeli security guard
and then beaten by a mob of racist Israeli vigilantes in the town of
Beersheba. He later died from his wounds. Zerhom’s murder was the result
of an earlier event where an Arab-Israeli citizen with a gun and knife
allegedly killed an Israeli soldier, stole his weapon and opened fire on
a crowd, injuring nine. In the mayhem that followed, a video shows
Zerhom crawling for cover when a security guard walks up and shoot him
at close proximity. As Zerhom lay in a pool of his own blood, he is
cursed, kicked and hit with a rack of chairs by a racist mob of Israeli
Jews. It was later reported that the security guard mistook Zerhom for
an attacker.
According to other news reports Zerhom worked in a plant nursery and was
in Beersheba to renew his work visa. Zerhom, who migrated to Israel to
seek a better way of life, “was a modest man, quiet, and he tried to do
his job as best as he could” said his employer, Sagi Malachi.
Immediately following the incident, Yaakov Amidror, former national
security adviser to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated, “It is a
disgrace to Israeli society, and those that carried out this lynching
need to be found and brought to justice.” What is interesting is that
Amidror used the word lynching to describe the brutal murder of Zerhom
but not the murders of thousands of Palestinian people since 1947.
The settler “state” of Israel has been rocked by knife-wielding
Arab-Israeli protestors reacting to rumors that the Israeli government
was planning to ban Palestinians from accessing Jerusalem’s Temple Mount
which is home to Islam’s third most holiest site - the Al-aqsa Mosque.
Israel has occupied this site since 1967. But the current Arab-Israeli
conflict is rooted far beyond Israeli occupation of the Temple Mount. It
is rooted in historical land-theft, genocide and colonization of the
Palestinian people by the imperialist Israeli settler state. Israel’s
rise to power and dominance in Palestine began in the late 1800’s when
European Jews formed a movement called zionism which sought to establish
a Jewish state in Palestine. Jews began arriving en masse in Palestine
in the early 1900s, angering the Arab population who had been the
majority in the region since AD 600. In 1947, to quell a potential
uprising by Arab Palestinians, the United Nations proposed dividing the
region into an Arab state and a Jewish state, which the Palestinians
rejected of course. Not to be deterred from inhabiting a land which it
felt it was entitled based upon Biblical prophecy, the settler state of
Israel forcibly came into being on 14 May 14 1948.
The Palestinian intifadas (uprisings) are a natural reaction to almost
seven decades of brutal Israeli occupation of their homeland.
Palestinian revolutionary nationalism developed as a response to Zionism
and its frequent land-thefts and unauthorized settlement expansions into
Palestinian territories. But Israel’s bullying, colonization and
subjugation of the Palestinian people wouldn’t be possible without the
nearly $3 billion Israel receives annually in U.S. military aid. This
aid guarantees the United States a strategic military ally in the Middle
East. Clearly the U.S. government is an accomplice to the crime of
genocide committed by Israel against defenseless Palestinian men, women
and children.
Don’t think it’s genocide? According to the “Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide” adopted by the
United Nations General Assembly in 1948, genocide means “any of the
following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a
national, ethnic, racial or religious group, such as: killing members of
the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the
group; deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; and
forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.” Taking
the United Nations’s definition of the crime of genocide into
consideration, it doesn’t take a rocket scientist to see that the
settler state of Israel is committing mass genocide against the
Palestinian people via outright murder, bombing campaigns, embargoes,
land thefts, forced migrations, unlawful arrests and detentions, etc. A
Jewish people who once suffered genocide at the hands of Hitler and his
Nazi regime have themselves assumed the role of neo-Nazis by committing
genocide upon the Palestinians because of their ethnic-Arab background
and Muslim and Christian beliefs.
The Israeli colonialism/imperialism that the Palestinian people are
confronted with on a daily basis is equal in its intensity and brutality
to the English, French, Spanish, Dutch, Portuguese and american variety
which nearly wiped out entire populations of Indigenous natives in
Central and South America beginning in 1492; the abduction of Africans
from their homeland in the 15th century; the lynchings and mass slavery
and incarceration of Blacks beginning in 1619; and the colonial
oppression which the Haitian people successful resisted during the
Haitian revolution from 1790-1802, leading to their independence and the
establishment of the first Black Republic in the world in 1804.
Those of us who embrace and practice revolutionary internationalism must
stand in solidarity with the Palestinians and oppressed people all over
the world who are engaged in national liberation struggles for their
right to self-determination. All power to the Palestinian people!
Last week I received a visit from Deputy Superintendent Ondrejka, who is
the head of the security department of this institution. He told me that
he received word that I’m having some “undesirable contacts” sent to me
in education materials. He stated that the mailroom supervisor is a
Christian and that she feels offended when she sees communist materials
in the mail when she searches it. Ondrejka said that he is aware that a
lot of my communist mail is burned by the mail lady, even though it is
illegal to do so.
When I asked Ondrejka if he is going to stop it from happening again, he
said “Why should I? Stop getting things like that sent in and you won’t
have to worry about your mail being burnt.” I stated to Ondrejka that I
find it funny that the mail lady, who claims to be a Christian, gets
offended at political study material, but lets all types of pornography
in to inmates via the same channels. Ondrejka said that he could care
less about the smut, he is concerned about the communist literature that
gets sent into his prison. He told me that the administration is about
to start cracking down on anarchist and communist materials, and start
labeling those who possess them as Security Threat Group (STG). He said
that any further MIM literature will be stopped and deemed contraband.
This being said, I can see for myself just how critical political study
really is. If the slavemasters are threatened by it, then it must have
incredible worth. I am a firm believer that knowledge is the ultimate
power, the greatest weapon there is. The pigs try to stop real education
in the gulags, because they know that when we have a true education and
know the truth about the way things really are, they are defeated.
I call all my fellow prisoners to arm yourselves: not with knives or
guns, but with educational resources - knowledge. With these weapons we
can defeat the powers of imperialism and capitalism! I salute all of my
fellow comrades who are fighting the pigs on a consistent basis. I am
right here on the battlefield with you. The pigs censored my first study
assignment from MIM(Prisons), but I will not give up! My motto is and
always will be resist, resist, resist! I want to thank MIM(Prisons) for
giving me ground to stand on in this political battle we are fighting. I
look forward to receiving more from MIM(Prisons).
MIM(Prisons) responds: We agree with this comrade that knowledge
is a very powerful weapon in our advance toward communism, and it is
essential to a successful movement against all oppression. However
knowledge alone is not going to enable us to defeat the powers of
imperialism and capitalism. When we are strong enough and the conditions
are right, we will be forced to pick up knives and guns in order to
assert power over the oppressors – they won’t have it any other way.
We distribute a
Censorship Pack,
which has basic information on how to fight censorship of political
materials. The mailroom staff in this anecdote is acting in complete
violation of established caselaw on the issue of censorship in prisons.
Below is an excerpt from the Censorship Pack, citing relevant caselaw.
“The decision to censor or withhold delivery of a particular letter
must be accompanied by minimum procedural safeguards against
arbitrariness or error.” Procunier v. Martinez, 416 U.S.396. 94 S.Ct
1800
“Wardens may not reject a publication ‘solely because its content is
religious, philosophical, political, social[,] sexual, or . . .
unpopular or repugnant,’ or establish an excluded list of publications,
but must review each issue of a subscription separately.” Thornburgh v.
Abbott, 490 U.S. 401
“When a prison regulation restricts a prisoner’s First Amendment right
to free speech, it is valid only if it is reasonably related to
legitimate penological interests.” Lindell v. Frank, 377 F.3d 655, 657
(7th Cir. 2004), citing Turner v. Safely, 482 U.S. 78, 89 (1987).
We are looking forward to continuing to study and struggle with this
comrade, in whatever way is possible. It might mean fighting off this
illegal censorship first, and our Censorship Pack is a good place to
start that battle.