MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
The Soldiers of Bondage (S.O.B.) is a revolutionary communist
organization with its members consisting of political prisoners within
the Illinois Department of Corrections. The party was founded on 2 July
2011 in Pontiac Correctional Center Segregation. Current membership is
very small, but, with the publishing of this study guide, it is hoped
that the party will grow nationally in both numbers and resources. A
Manifesto of S.O.B. will be completed soon and it will hopefully be made
available to prisoners across Amerika.
The “Communist Manifesto” is the most important piece of political
literature to the communist. However, due to the many oppressive
conditions that plague the lumpen proletariat within the United $tates,
many prisoners have problems with comprehending the “Communist
Manifesto.” For this reason S.O.B. felt it necessary to create a study
guide that would assist prisoners in obtaining as much information as
possible from the “Communist Manifesto.” This study guide contains 184
questions as well as answers from the text.
After creating the study guide the next question to be answered was how
to make the study guide easily available to prisoners. After some debate
it was decided that the only real option was to go through MIM(Prisons).
We are not sure if MIM(Prisons) will just send this out to prisoners who
request it or if they will make it one of their official study group
programs. Either way it will assist prisoners in the development of
their political consciousness.
Remember that the only way to combat the oppressive conditions we are
subjugated to is to become aware of the cause and solution of our
oppression. It is the hope of S.O.B. that this study guide will help
many become aware of these elements. As Karl Marx and Frederick Engels
articulated within the “Communist Manifesto,” the proletariat must
emancipate itself. Amerika does not have a proletariat. However, Marx
and Engels’s edict is just as true for the lumpen proletariat: the
lumpen proletariat must emancipate itself. You must liberate yourself
from the oppression you suffer. Begin your journey to become the New Man
by educating yourself. Education is power. Resist! Rebel! Defy!
In strength and solidarity, Cadre (on behalf of S.O.B.)
MIM(Prisons) responds: First we want to commend this group for
their hard work focusing on communist education amongst the lumpen. The
extensive study guide they created took a lot of work. And their
decision to undertake a project that is focused on bringing up the level
of theoretical understanding of the lumpen suggests that we have a lot
of unity around our principal tasks at this time. MIM(Prisons) knows
little about the S.O.B. organization so we cannot comment on our
relative level of theoretical unity, and until they publish a manifesto
we can only say that the “Communist Manifesto” questions suggest we
agree on the bought-off nature of the vast majority of the
imperialist-country workers who now constitute a petty-bourgeoisie. This
is particularly important as we read a book like the “Communist
Manifesto,” which was written so many years ago when the labor
aristocracy was just a very small segment of the working class, and the
workers in First World countries were still a part of the proletariat.
We look forward to work and political discussion with S.O.B. We hope
these comrades in Illinois serve as an example for other USW study
groups across the country. If you want this study pack, write in to
MIM(Prisons). Tell us if you already have the “Communist Manifesto” or
if you need a copy
From this end of the bend the only subject relevant to prisoners in
regards to the early Black Panther Party (BPP) is the party as a Maoist
organization and how prisoners should apply the teachings of the early
Panthers to free themselves - resisting the foolishness of the late
personality cliques capitalizing off of the party’s reputation. What is
most important is getting to the truth between the legacy of the BPP and
what it was that the founders were really getting at. What role, if any,
do later groups play in keeping the vision alive? And how is it that
prisoners should use these lessons in these later years of
anti-imperialist prison organizing efforts?
Many New Afrikan lumpen organizations inside prison take their plays
directly from the playbook of early BPP members while never truly
crediting the party for its works. This in turn creates further
confusions between the Lumpen Organization’s (LO’s) followers and former
members of the authentic movement. Others within U.$. prisons are
charismatic individuals working hand over hand with the bourgeois
nationalist organizations, spreading misinformation about the BPP.
Recently PBS ran a piece on a program called Independent Lens
that
documented
the history of the Black Panther Party. As expected it was as
watered down as the bourgeois press and media felt it could get away
with.(1) Several of the prisoners housed on this facility burst at their
seems with inspiration of the works of the Black Panther Party. It was
information that they felt they should have known, being they are
Afrikans.
Other BPP images being portrayed on this 50th anniversary year include
one specific article written by a charismatic imprisoned individual that
went on and on about Huey P. Newton, a co-founder of the Black Panther
Party, and not on how prisoners should learn from the early lessons of
Newton, applying their lessons of political education in the struggles
of today.(2) And probably the most noticed recent portrayal of the
Panthers came in the form of sexual media, with
Beyonce
and eir Super Bowl 50 performance. Capitalizing off of the history
of the Black power era, Beyonce adorned eirself and eir backup dancers
with black leathers, black boots and black berets. Prisoners should
question the significance of Black Panther costume jewelry and make-up
versus scientific relevance inside U.$. prisons.(3)
Very few prisoners appreciate the political significance of the
difference between the early BPP and the late BPP. This is the reason so
many prisoners crowd towards movements that appear authentic and
genuinely interested in liberation struggles. The masses are presented
with ideas of Black, Brown, red, yellow and white power by superstar
groups like #BlackLivesMatter, but prisoners have very few tools of
independence to combat the misinformation spewed by these bourgeois
nationalist organizations and their personalities. Movements built on
single issue organizing, swabbing the support of the populations using
identity politics, do a disservice to the oppressed, depriving them of
the truth.
The Black Panther Party held the correct line in its early stages, and
because of this it was rewarded with the support of the internal
semi-colonies of the United $tates, the majority being lumpen youth. In
its early years the BPP was truly independent, concentrating on its
services to Blacks, at a time when the term Black was just as
independent as the party. So the organization was able to operate in a
loose way within the First World. The early party took its science from
a variety of teachings, from the Pan-Afrikan movement to the Chinese
communist movement, Lenin’s Russia, Stalin’s theory of nation, and Mao’s
People’s War. Mao influenced much of the Black Panther Party’s position
as a structured organization. The early members had a very real practice
of materialist solutions provided to those in the same environment
suffering under conditions of class indifferences, national isolation
and gender extinction. They did not believe in struggling against a
system while at the same time becoming liberated by the very same system
they struggled against.
The prison personality contest conflicts become prominent, with prison
identity politics valued above the peace that independence-building
projects bring to a self-reliant and self-determined people’s
anti-imperialist prison movement. Too many prisoners and prison LOs see
the end of their individual suffering at the expense of exploiting
entire prison populations. MIM(Prisons) and United Struggle from Within
(USW) see it differently as we define in the United Front for Peace in
Prisons (UFPP) principle of independence. Independence is
building our own institutions and programs independent of the united
states government and all its branches, right down to the local police,
because this system does not serve us. By developing independent power
through these institutions we do not need to compromise our goals.
The Black Panther Party prioritized the momentum of the people in its
early years because of the line and position it had on Maoism. The BPP
transitioned for some time to a level above many of the revisionist and
liberal bourgeois nationalist organizations of the late sixties and was
able to attract some of the most progressive members of the lower class,
that many now refer to as the First World lumpen. The Panthers at this
time studied history from the perspective of dialectical materialism, in
contrast to the methods of metaphysics and idealism, and had a clear
program that was being adopted by various sectors of the masses across
the United $tates. They applied practices that included designing
programs that required members to perform services for the community at
large, from education to self defense. The services of the Black Panther
Party reflected its line in such a way that it was mandatory that
members knew the rules of the BPP, the 8 points of attention and the 3
main rules of discipline, off the top of their head. The early Panthers
were really on point.
It is in the later stages of the party’s existence that things began to
take a turn as a result of the organization shifting from its earlier
positions on independence, self-determination and liberation in the
interest of the oppressed. This shift occurred in 1970-71, and was
marked by the development of the theory of “intercommunalism” by Huey P.
Newton. With the added pressures of government-launched campaigns to
destroy the Black Panther Party, the party became split on every level
one possibly could imagine.
Walking in the Panther Legacy Today
Since the demise of the BPP, though the movement never actually died, a
wide gap has grown between the generation of Huey, George, Bunchy, Fred,
Kathleen and Geronimo and the generation of Freddie Gray, Mike Brown and
Sandra Bland. Since the Panthers, many organizations became infected
with a type of Pantherism/inter-communalism fervor. These organizations
hold that they themselves keep the work of the Black Panther Party
alive, all the while erasing the Maoist politics of the BPP. See our
article on the
Black
Riders Liberation Party for a discussion of another group confusing
this legacy today.(4)
United Struggle from Within (USW) is a mass organization led by the
Maoist Internationalist Ministry of Prisons for prisoners and former
prisoners in the United $tates. USW is made up of various political
prison activists struggling against their oppressive conditions. We are
part of an ongoing struggle against the imperialist state to liberate
ALL peoples, not only the select few who have made themselves
popular at the expense of the people. While USW seeks immediate goals to
improve prison conditions, it does not lose sight of the ultimate goal
of national liberation and ending imperialism.
“There are two kinds of nationalism, revolutionary nationalism and
reactionary nationalism. Revolutionary nationalism is first dependent
upon a peoples revolution with the end goal being the people in power.
Therefore to be revolutionary nationalist you would by necessity have to
be a socialist. If you are a reactionary nationalist you are not a
socialist and your end goal is the oppression of the people.”(5)
Like their parent organization, many comrades of USW see the Black
Panther Party developed by Huey P. Newton as the Maoist vanguard of the
United States in the late 1960s. The Black Panther Party grew so rapidly
at that time that many of the new recruits and larger memberships had
very little opportunity to establish a deep understanding of the
political objectives of the party. A lack of political education allows
political movements to be co-opted, infiltrated, and run into the ground
by enemy line.(6)
USW learns from the Black Panther Party, its good, bad and ugly.
Parallel to the method practiced by our parent organization
MIM(Prisons), USW comrades apply righteous actions by righteous studies
of logic and these are some lessons we take:
No investigation, no right to speak. USW will not misrepresent or
misinform the masses.
Correctness of ideas assessed independent of who says them. USW does not
engage in the persynality contest so popular in the United $tates and
its prisons.
We do not give out information that the pigs could use to assess or
destroy our movement. Fishing is a favored method amongst the agent
provocateurs and their drones inside the belly of the beast. USW
comrades have a clear definition of what a snitch, a rat and a pig is.
We don’t use the terms loosely and never false jacket individuals, as
our pledge to the United Front for Peace in Prison principle of
unity requires.
Anonymity isn’t just about security, it’s also about teaching prisoners
to think scientifically rather than follow the person with specific skin
tone or hair style. USW must struggle against identity politics and the
way it shall go about confronting it as its membership crosses paths
with the prison lumpen organization leaders, with their cult-like
followings, is in the most peaceful way possible, Under Lock &
Key. This issue of ULK is a further advancement into serious
dialogues between politically conscious prisoners and the masses.
Prisoners as a whole must take from this history, from a Maoist point of
view and decide what side they are on. The side of half truths,or the
always evolving side of deep study and materialist dialectics.
As Sukant Chandan of Sons of Malcom put it, identity politics is doing
the imperialist divide and rule for the enemy, by “focusing purely on
individualistic frameworks and issues of oppression which overshadow or
totally obliterate understanding, learning and support for Resistance of
peoples against imperialism.”(7) So just as the Panthers were not about
costume jewelry and black berets, they were not about petty beefing and
slights towards small groups of people.
So why are there so many groups inside prisons who claim to identify
with the Black Panther Party but do not uphold Maoism? Their class
loyalty is to the bourgeoisie and they refuse to accept the most
scientifically designed methods of discovering concrete practices that
elevate the peoples. Study Maoism, study proletarian internationalism,
study the actual words of the Black Panther Party from the late 1960s.
There are two important tasks which imprisoned revolutionaries need to
carry out. The first is to build public opinion for revolution. The
second is to survive their imprisonment long enough so as to ensure a
lasting impact on the revolutionary movement long after their release.
For those not getting out, it’s important not to give up, as your
contributions to oppressed peoples’ movements are still very meaningful.
It is from these concrete classrooms that some of the most dedicated
revolutionaries emerge, returning to their communities after years in
prison. Therefore the need for political instructors to train these
students is dire. As such, survival pending revolution should be an
important part of any comrade’s focus while imprisoned.
Survival pending revolution can mean figuring out how to navigate
everyday prison politics in a manner acceptable to the prison masses. At
its most basic this can mean doing no harm in the masses’ eyes.
Ultimately, the prison movement is a mass movement. How can we lead a
mass movement if the prison masses cannot trust us because we are
actively working against their own righteous interests? How can we claim
to stand for liberation if we are responsible for oppressing others? In
our interactions with the prison masses we must be like fish swimming in
the sea, not only blending in with our environment, but becoming one
with our environment.
The anti-imperialist prison movement is a mass movement, but if we don’t
have the support of the masses then we don’t have anything. This is an
important point that real revolutionary organizations have understood
from very early on. The Chinese Communist Party understood this and so
they created an eight point program which helped to address the needs of
both cadre and masses within the wider scope of revolutionary practice.
Decades later the Black Panther Party would incorporate this same
program into its organization, re-working the points to the BPP’s
specific conditions:
Speak politely.
Pay fairly for what you buy.
Return everything you borrow.
Pay for anything you damage.
Do not hit or swear at people.
Do not damage property or crops of the poor, oppressed masses.
Do not take liberties with women.
If we ever have to take captives do not ill-treat them.
Because prison can be such a violent place and communists are supposed
to stand against oppression, comrades associated with the prison
movement should make it a point to be best known as peacemakers rather
than agitators, unless of course they are dealing with injustice at the
hand of the oppressors. As such, the likelihood of injury is
significantly higher amongst prisoners when compared to people on the
streets, with one report citing that more than a quarter of state and
federal prisoners report being injured since admission to prison.(1)
These figures however do not account for prisoners who do not report
injuries, so the real number is definitely higher.
Another common cause of injury in prison, which is often overlooked and
under-reported, is the violence associated with prison sexual assault.
According to Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) reporting, more than 1
million people have been sexually assaulted in prison over the past 20
years.(1) That’s an astonishing 50,000 people a year every year for the
last 20 years! Again this estimation by PREA is likely under-reported.
Prison rape is important to prevent, not only for the obvious reasons
but because with sexual assault in prison comes “an increase in other
types of violence, including murder, involving inmates and staff, and
long lasting trauma which makes it even more difficult for people to
succeed in the community after release.”(1, 2)
When it comes to substance abuse virtually all prisoners are addicted to
something. Statistics show that 80% of prisoners abuse drugs or alcohol
and that nearly 50% of jail and prison inmates are clinically
addicted.(3) “Four of every five children and teen arrestees in state
and juvenile prisons are under the influence of alcohol and drugs while
committing their crimes, test positive for drugs, are arrested for
committing an alcohol or drug offense, admit having substance abuse and
addiction problems or show some combination of these
characteristics.”(3) This last point is very relevant to the lumpen in
prison and lumpen youth because most prisoners started doing drugs and
alcohol at very early ages, generally around the same time they start
breaking bourgeois laws and getting into trouble. A hundred and fifty
years ago social scientists like Marx and Engels started theorizing that
breaking bourgeois laws was just another way for oppressed people to
rebel against their oppressive conditions. Needless to say that this
form of rebellion was not very effective, but it is as Frederick Engels
termed “revolution in embryo.”
It is interesting that much of adolescence is spent in almost continuous
rebellion, as this is generally the stage in humyn development when
people begin to become conscious of the world around them in ways not
experienced before. The fact that lumpen youth engage in criminal
behavior at such an early age says a lot about the ways certain groups
in society begin to exhibit early signs of what can only be described as
an early group, or class, consciousness. This is important to note
because it shows that the lumpen realize where their place in society
under capitalist rule is, and they actively begin to figure out how to
fit in it.
The real take away here, however, is that many people who currently find
themselves in prison first learned to survive and fit into their
oppressive social environment by both developing and adapting many
negative behaviors as a way of seeking positive reinforcement within
negative situations. Unfortunately for the oppressed this positive
reinforcement came at the expense of reinforcing negative behaviors
which has of course landed them in prison. Learning to combat such
negative behaviors means having to unlearn many of the traits that were
previously thought socially acceptable and necessary. In essence, this
means learning to undo and working against the lumpen lifestyle. A
lifestyle that is not only characterized by violence, alcohol and drug
abuse, but by anti-people activity in general. As dialectical
materialists however we are confident that the oppressed nation lumpen
can learn to combat such negative character traits using the methods of
unity-struggle-transformation.(4) The hope of the oppressed internal
nations depends on it.
by Alfredo Mirandé University of Notre Dame Press, 1987, 261
pages
This book analyzes Chican@s under the U.S. criminal injustice system and
exposes how the U.S. has used the kourts in order to solidify our
national oppression.
This national oppression is traced from the 1800s and shows how the
kourts have always been a major part of this oppression. Mirandé
correctly notes how the difference between the “Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo” (which was supposed to codify Chican@s’ rights to homes and
lands which many held for hundreds of years) and treaties between tribal
nations and Amerika is that Chican@s never acquired sovereignty as a
nation.
Mirandé notes how in the 1800s when Chican@s resisted oppression they
were called “bandits” whereas when the oppressor nation resisted they
were called “heroes.” I would add that today when Chican@s resist we are
called “gang member”, “prison gang member” or “street terrorist” rather
than the correct word: “revolutionary.”
I did learn some things, for example the Chican@ revolutionary Juan
“Cheno” Cortina who rose up in Texas and occupied Brownsville actually
proclaimed it the “Republic of the Rio Grande.” The fact that even in
the 1800s Chican@s saw the reality of a Chican@ nation is a beautiful
thing.
Mirandé talks about the barrioization and how “through isolation
Chicanos became almost invisible.”(p. 29) Oddly even today some groups
like RCP-USA continue this tradition where Chican@s are “invisible.”
Just take a look at their newspaper, where in the last ten years the
word “Chicano” has graced their pages around two times!
Entire chapters discuss the mistreatment of Chican@s by law enforcement,
and although Chican@s are targeted by the pigs, solidifying our
oppression, this will not be educational nor enlightening to Chican@s
who experience it first hand. Perhaps non-Chican@s will get more from
reading about it, or maybe Chican@s who have not yet connected this
oppression to our existence under a colonizing force will be helped to
connect the dots.
There is mention of “Chicano gangs” out in the street and in U.S.
prisons which I found interesting, but the best part of this book was on
the Chican@ nation as an internal colony. Starting on page 219 Mirandé
lists 8 tenets of internal colony theory. I thinktenet 6 is most felt by
prisoners. It is as follows: “The subordination of internally colonized
groups is not only economic and political but cultural as well. The
dominant group seeks to render their culture dependent and to eradicate
their language, thereby facilitating control of the colonized group.”
The fact that in California prisons we can be validated as “prison gang
members” for speaking certain Spanish words shows that prisons are a
major tool in the internal colonization process.
Mirandé addresses Marxism, which relies on all the working class or “all
workers against the capitalist class.” Ey states that Marxists oppose
the “internal-colony” thesis. While this is certainly true for
pseudo-Marxists and revisionists, Maoists today in the belly of the
beast see national liberation as a necessary component in liberating
today’s Chican@ nation. And even back in 1987, the most advanced Maoists
already understood that the vast majority of workers within U.S. borders
are not revolutionary. Perhaps Mirandé should check out contemporary
Maoists within U.S. borders and see how it’s not just possible to uphold
national liberation struggles and be communist but it’s necessary for
today’s internal semi-colonies.
Those just learning about Chican@ national oppression will learn from
this book and it will be enjoyable to others in making that link of
oppression between the kourts and our nation.
I received the information on the study group/cells which I go over
several times a night, then engage my neighbor here in Ad-Seg/SHU in
good conversation. At times others quit talking, and conversation don’t
resume until directly after I am forced to sit down after standing on
cold hard concrete a few hours. I have severe nerve damage from diabetes
as well as this cement box environment. But I do hit the door at least 4
times a day to continue or expand the topics I read in past issues of
ULK I have, or the more recent materials you have sent like “The
Tyranny of Structurelessness” and “Commitment is the Key.” I have got
two young men reading many of my past issues of ULK that I have
received from you and inherited from others over the years.
Forming an actual study cell on this 14-man section of the pod is hit
and miss. The Security Threat Group Office has a very broad but vague
description of who and what constitutes an STG member/group. And this
being a highly militarized zone in central texa$ with Ft. Hood and an
Air Force base nearby; many who discharged or were drummed out come to
work here, with severe cases of hate toward prisoners in general. A few
target anyone deemed anti-american or anti-capitalist.
What I see are quite a few who support the xenophobic racist Trump, even
a few people one would not expect such as several black and mexican
officers! I do not capitalize their race/color or call them New Afrikans
or Chican@ because they are not to me, supporting a vile individual like
Trump. I have attempted to find out why they support him. It’s the
rhetoric he spews that they believe in. More jobs, make america great,
stronger military presence overseas, etc. Because of my reaction and
comments I have lost meal trays come slop time, or been “forgotten” for
medical lay in, rec or even shower time. Even my mail gets misplaced for
days or given to the wrong person on another section!
Oh, an update on medical co-payment in texa$ and University of Texas
Medical Board (UTMB) Healthcare. As of 1 February 2016 TDC prisoners are
not charged medical copay for the dentist UNLESS it is for teeth
cleaning. So texas comrades let it be known on your facilities. This
came directly out of the mouth of UTMB Dentist of the Year for 2016
quoting the director of texas healthcare in TDC and the director of TDC
dentistry.
As of April 2016, I am currently battling a new TDC move on medical
copay. If you do win your initial grievance Step 1 or Step 2, they now
go back on your records previous 24 months and look for things to charge
for that were overlooked the first time. I have a grievance filed
specifically countering that. When I hear a response I will inform all
my comrades at MIM(Prisons).
MIM(Prisons) responds: We appreciate this comrade updating us on
the medical copay campaign, and we are not surprised that TDCJ is going
back thru medical records to see what they can charge for. It’s just
another example of the eternal dead end of reformism. As
revolutionaries, we work on reforms presently so we can lay the
groundwork for our more broad political organizing. We recognize the
need for a complete change in the system that capitalizes off of humyn
suffering, and we are always striving toward this goal.
Subscribers should keep sending us updates on the several campaigns we
are supporting all across the United $nakes.
Peace from the Gods! We salute the world with universal greetings of
peace. We recognize the need for unity-criticism-unity. We only want to
build upon the “actual facts”
Wiawimawo
built upon concerning Islam and New Afrikans. We have found that
concerning so-called revolutionaries scientific approach towards New
Afrikans and Islam one must first define, then science out the
rest for the sake of peace and the absence of confusion. A New Afrikan
is a young, poorly educated, superstitious, disillusioned Black person
fed up with the slow legal process, who takes up a militant stance
against the lack of equality of opportunity and treatment in the United
States according to E. David Cronon, a Marcus Garvey biographer who
wrote Black Moses. Islam is and always will be peace. There is no
“I” in Arabic, so Islam is As-Slaam, root word slm, which is
peace. A deaf dumb and blind would use the so-called translation of
submission to the will of Allah as the defining of Islam. These are the
Facts! Peace is one of the reasons we salute Under Lock &
Key.
Wiawimawo has taken a few fragments of information and stretched them to
fit a particular line. In the article when he [sic] uses citation 10
from Knight’s book, he leaves out the part that states “in turn
some[emphasis ours - Legion] Five Percenters replace
‘understand’ with York’s ‘overstand’ (itself grafted from Rastafari) in
regular conversation…” We feel as if to make a point the comrade can’t
defend a poorly constructed argument, so a blanket statement is made.
That’s like us saying the Maoist let the Black Panther Party get
massacred and laid it down during the COINTELPRO stings.
In citation 11 about the Gods, Black Muslims and Rastafarians in cahoots
to kill suspected dope dealers was a cover-up the NYPD manifested to
cover up the fact they had ten unsolved murders on the books along with
the assassinations of various so-called Black messiahs. On pages 248-252
of In the Name of Allah Vol. 1 you’ll find the full history of
the situation. The NYCPD, NYPD and FBI tried to cause yet another “civil
war” between the Gods and Black Muslims. The NOI was cleared and NYC
Mayor Lindsay put Barry Gottehrer to the task of clearing up the
confusion.
Five Percenters are doing what no other LO or nation has the ability to
do with regard to citation 13, and have been since before 1970. [“In the
later 1970s the Five Percenters recruited whole street gangs into their
fold whose members accounted for a significant portion of the arrests in
Brooklyn during those years.(13)” - Wiawimawo] We are nation builders.
It’s what we do.
This line about civic duty and spirituality is another stretch. The Five
Percenters main brain function is pulling people out of the mud with
proper knowledge of self. Spirit as defined in Funk and Wagnalls
dictionary is the part of the human being characterized by intelligence,
personality, self-consciousness, and will; the mind. We live on actual
facts every day in every way. No spook in the sky is ever going to feed
us or you. It’s in the lessons.
We must point out that Allah (the Father) was never close friends with
Malcolm X. The Father stayed away from the beef between X and Elijah.
The people come first. The strength of a nation before money is the
youth. Malcolm X let the lime light get himself killed. We respect the
intent, but the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
People also seem to forget Malcolm X was a UNIA Mason before Elijah,
before his brother told him about Islam. So his ability to do for self
was in his political make up anyways.
The difference between allegory and myth are exponential. A myth is used
to explain a natural phenomenon, while allegory is used to represent
characters and events as ideals and princples. To discount the Yacub
theory is to discredit any and all efforts made by Maoists, whom use
dialectical materialism to present solutions to problems faced by the
masses. We are tasked with learning the science of everything in life.
So we tend to look listen and observe through an independent lense. If
one is a scientist then you are a religionist. If you are not then you
really aren’t living the life of a scientist (i.e. devoted).
Wiawimawo of MIM(Prisons) responds: Thanks to Legion for eir
feedback and corrections. Legion pointed me in the right direction for
research on this topic, but is much more knowledgeable on the history
than i. There is an interesting problem that we face as we attempt to
lay out the history of most LOs when there is little documentation, and
primary sources are mostly stories and the (subjective) memories of
certain individuals. Much of the research in Knight’s book is admittedly
unverified and presented in a very loose form.
My citation 10, on Rastafari’s influence on the NGE was flimsy on it’s
own. But i do believe the influence is greater than the use of one word,
for example in terms of diet and dress (of some Five Percenters, not
all). And the bigger point i was making still stands, that the NGE is a
uniquely New Afrikan organization that reflects the history of the
nation via movements including Rastafari, UNIA, MSTA, NOI, hip hop and
lumpen street organizations.
We agree with Legion that the allegory of the white man as the devil is
useful. However, it seems clear that it was taught as historical
scripture by many. As a white researcher of the history of these
organizations, perhaps Michael Knight gave it special attention. But it
is at least one of the major issues that caused Malcolm X and Wallace
Muhammad to split with Elijah Muhammad. So its unscientific aspect has
made it divisive among New Afrikans at times, and the story of Yacub has
never been the mythology of the majority of the nation.
As discussed in the original article, idealist philosophies usually
differentiate between the material world and the spiritual one. Such
philosophies are “dualist.” Communists are monists, as we do not believe
there is a mind or spirit that is separate from our material bodies. By
working to transform society we address both the material and the
so-called spiritual needs of the people. Above Legion seems to see the
NGE similarly. Even the NOI has in its founding ideology a “do-for-self
in this world” line, yet the NOI philosophy is clearly religious. As i
argue in the original article, the NGE represents a move towards
materialism (and therefore monism), but certainly in its founding ideas
there are many parallels to the NOI. Finally, we do not agree that a
scientist is a practitioner of religion; as we define in my original
article, religion “is idealism with organized rituals.” Legion’s
insistence on merging science and religion seem to demonstrate that
there is still some level of disagreement between us there.
by a California prisoner March 2016 permalink[In January 2016, MIM(Prisons) received a report from a comrade in Kern
Valley State Prison stating that the Agreement to End Hostilities (AEH)
had been broken there. The incident included an attack by one group, and
retaliation by another group against others not necessarily involved in
the original attack. The original attackers reportedly ran to the state
for protection. The prospects for peaceful resolution were not great. In
response to this report, a comrade now working as part of the Free
Speech Society sent us this update on efforts to reconcile the conflict
in line with the AEH.]
All power to the people who do not fear
real freedom!!!
Mission Statement:
In the aftermath of two small-scale race-based “isolated” incidents that
occurred on B-facility in January of 2016 at Kern Valley State Prison,
the Free Speech Society was able to successfully initiate a conflict
resolution committee as a part of the inmate advisory council (IAC) that
has been established at this prison.
The conflict resolution committee ensures the de-escalation of potential
conflicts between various groups/formations on B-facility. As it
constitutes a body of like-minded individuals that is both
representative of the totality of the various groups/formations on
B-facility, but also capable of resolving potential or actual conflicts
in a responsible, positive, and expeditious fashion. In the past, Kern
Valley State Prison (KVSP) administrators, which is inclusive of
California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitations (CDCR)
headquarters in Sacramento, California have made errors in one form or
another, by failing to ensure the engagement of the primary stakeholders
that are representative of those groups/formations actually engaged in a
conflict, nor has there been a body of “like-minded” individuals
specifically tasked with resolving potential conflicts before they
mature into actual hostile-based conflicts, whereby unnecessary
disturbances become manifest, which jeopardize the safety and security
of both prisoners and staff.
Per Departmental Operations Manual (DOM) 53120.5.3 (viz. “Special
Concern Sub-Committee”) the KVSP B-facility
Men’s
Advisory Council will enact the Conflict Resolution Committee (CRC).
The CRC is convened for the sole purpose of resolving potential and
actual conflicts on B-facility whenever and wherever they occur, and
effectively articulating these resolutions to the entire prisoner
population, with special attention given to the groups/formations in
conjunction with the Agreement to End Hostilities (AEH).
Because appropriate representation is essential to the resolution of
conflicts in an effective and responsible manner, the composition of the
CRC will reflect prisoner representation from each specific
group/formation who will in turn be responsible for engaging and
positively resolving any subdivisions in these groups.
A basic outline of the CRC representative body will consist of a
representative from each of the following groups/formations:
BGF
Surenos
Whites
Others
Crips
Bloods
Mexican nationals
Bay area Blacks
Hoovers
Muslims
415
Because of the sensitive nature of this special concern sub-committee,
the CRC must have access to the units on B-facility, per approval of the
facility captain. The daily activities of the CRC are designed to
increase dialogue across cultural lines of every formation/group to
promote a stronger foundation upon which issues can be put forward and
resolved in a constructive manner. Communication and timing are
essential components to preventing conflicts before they mature into
hostile-based conflict. Therefore, CRC members must be able to talk to
who they need to, when they need to. Our objective is to be proactive in
resolving potential and/or actual conflicts within the general
population. All prisoners are encouraged to relay any and all potential
conflicts to the CRC so they can be resolved in an expeditious manner.
The function and activities of this committee shall be to ensure equal
and effective representation of the entire general population in the
resolution of potential and actual conflicts on B-facility. The entire
CRC body will abide by the by-laws of the Inmate Advisory Council (IAC).
Our Struggle Continues!!! For more information about the Free
Speech Society go to:
www.freespeechsociety.org
MIM(Prisons) responds: What started as a report on the breaking
of the AEH at one of the largest California state prisons, has been
turned around to a testament of the practical work of the AEH. The
release of comrades from SHU is at play here in ensuring that the AEH is
upheld by the prison masses in a way that addresses the needs of the
masses.
In short order, comrades at KVSP have put to work the tools at hand to
address the contradictions among the people there in a practical way.
This is an example that should be followed and repeated throughout the
state and the country. All that said, in the long run we must caution
against depending on institutions of the state to meet the needs of the
oppressed. Conflict is not the natural state of the oppressed, it is
created. And the history of CDCR is one of utilizing, encouraging and
even creating divisions among the prison masses for its own interests.
When the Short Corridor Collective asked the CDCR to distribute the
statement calling for an Agreement to End Hostilities (AEH), that was a
correct tactical approach to working with the state. When the CDCR
refused, it still strengthened the cause of peace and unity among the
oppressed. In a recent essay a USW comrade lays out the history and
current reality of the MAC/IACs in California prisons.(1) While their
formation was based in the strength of the prison movement, they have
since been used to undermine the movement, as the comrade argues, as a
sort of neo-colonial force akin to U.$. foreign policy abroad.
Meanwhile, another comrade in
Pelican
Bay who has been struggling to build peace reports that attempts to
work within the MAC and within an approved Inmate Leisure Time Activity
Group have both resulted in increased harrassment by staff who see unity
as a threat.
Again, we commend the comrades at KVSP who have utilized the tools
available to them to address a very dangerous situation, and we offer
our support in those continued efforts. But we recommend that all those
attempting to build peace in prisons study the
5 principles
of the United Front for Peace in Prisons. Independence is one of
those principles, because without independence the masses do not have
the ability to make decisions for themselves and provide real solutions.
An incarcerated mind is a waste If all you do is watch TV and take
up space Open your mind that the real rat race Is believing in
something wrong If society can’t seem to get along With those
of us who choose to stand strong? Take pride if you don’t fit in
Now you are ready so let’s begin Allow me to introduce you to this
struggle This campaign against capitalism One can’t do it
alone We must come together And build the corner stone Of
this new order Complete with revolutionary tones We must become
equal The conflict between our people Is a mistake This
separation is what “they” count on to keep us oppressed The
continuation of our suffering only persists If we don’t resist
So I ask the reader to take a stand And see things for what they
truly are And not this fantasy land We can have our own weapon
so stop being complacent Seek and find The potential of a
unified people What we can create from these ruins of a slave nation
Unlock, break the binds Of an incarcerated mind
The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution by Stanley Nelson
2015
This film screened in major U.$. cities in the fall of 2015. I was
planning to use my notes in an article for our 50th issue on the 50th
anniversary of the Black Panther Party. However, in February 2016 the
film was shown on PBS with much publicity. Knowing that our readers have
now seen the film we wanted to put some commentary out sooner rather
than later. But do make sure to check out Under Lock & Key Issue
50 for a more in-depth counter-narrative to this pop culture film.
The Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution is an eclectic
collection of video and photography, along with contemporary commentary
from some who played important roles in the Party. The producer clearly
had no deep ideological understanding of the Black Panther Party, as
critics on the left and the right have already noted. What ey was good
at was picking out some good sound bites and emotionally moving clips.
Yet, even still, as someone with extensive knowledge of Panther history,
i often found the film boring. Most of the audience seemed to enjoy it
based on the loud cheering at the end.
I have not watched Stanley Nelson’s other films, but it seems that a
film on the Panthers is within the realm of previous documentaries ey
has produced (Jonestown, The Black Press, Freedom
Riders and Freedom Summer). It is curious that ey takes on
these topics, and then does such a shallow portrayal of the Panthers.
Nelson says ey was 15 when the Panthers formed and was always fascinated
with them, but was not a participant in the movement emself.(1)
In line with the lack of ideological understanding, the treatment of
Panther leaders was dismissive. The most in-depth discussion of Huey P.
Newton was related to eir downward spiral into drugs and crime after the
Panthers had been well on their way to dissolving. Nelson features sound
bites from interviews calling Newton a “maniac” and Eldridge Cleaver
“insane.” Eldridge Cleaver was cast as a misleader from the beginning in
this film. While both story lines are based in reality, the story that
is missed is the great leadership role that Huey played, both
ideologically and in practice, in building the greatest anti-imperialist
organization this country has seen. At that time Eldridge too played an
important role ideologically and organizationally, even if he was less
consistent than Huey. Fred Hampton was given a more favorable portrayal
by the film, but he died a martyr just as he was getting started. (And
despite the attention given to Hampton’s assassination there is no
mention of him being drugged beforehand, presumably by an FBI spy.)
There is a pattern of character assassination in the film that does
nothing to deepen our understanding of what the Panthers were, why they
succeeded, and why they failed. It will turn some people off to the
Panthers and push people towards an individualist or anarchist approach
to struggle.
To get an accurate portrayal of the Panthers one is better off watching
archival footage, as today you can find ex-Panthers of all stripes, and
very very few who uphold the Maoist ideology of the Panthers at their
height. Former chairman, Bobby Seale, who long ago stopped putting
politics in command, was barely mentioned in the film, perhaps because
he refused to be interviewed.(1) Elaine Brown, who took over the
chairpersyn position after the party had already moved away from a
Maoist political line, does appear but has written a scathing
denunciation of the film and asked to be removed from it.(2)
As other critics have pointed out there is a lack of mention of national
liberation, socialism, communism, and the international situation
overall at the time. It is ironic for a film titled “Vanguard of the
Revolution” to ignore the key ideological foundations of the vanguard.
This reflects a clear effort to build a certain image of what the
Panthers were that ignores the basis of their very existence. As such,
this film contributes to the long effort to revise the history of the
BPP, similar to the efforts to revise the history of other influential
revolutionary communist movements in history. This only stresses the
importance of building independent institutions of the oppressed to
counter the institutions of the bourgeoisie in all aspects of life and
culture.
In 1987, the Guajardo v. Estelle case, modifying the
correspondence regulations in the Texas prison system, was finalized.
One of the results of Guajardo was prisoners with less than $5.00
in their trust fund accounts were considered indigent, and thereby
entitled to five one-ounce First Class correspondences per week, and
unlimited legal and privileged correspondences.
Circa 1998, Jason Powers, attorney at law, with the firm Vinson &
Elkins, contacted me informing me the state had filed a motion to vacate
Guajardo pursuant to the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA).
Powers solicited my assistance in defending plaintiffs’ objection to
State’s motion. Obviously, the plaintiffs failed to prevail.
My concern regarding recent constrictions in indigent correspondence
procedures is: Since vacating of Guajardo, indigent prisoner
correspondence has been reduced from the 5 personal letters a week and
unlimited legal correspondence, to 5 personal and 5 legal correspondence
per month. This, when the indigent requirement has remained less than
$5.00 since 1978, never being adjusted per the inflated dollar.
As such, I intend to commence a petition campaign directed at State
Senator John Whitmire, State Committee on Criminal Justice, demanding
not only that the 5x5 weekly indigent correspondence regulations be
reimplemented, but that the standard of indigence required be adjusted
to reflect a realistic inflated dollar. So fly this by your grievance
writers and gauge their thoughts on the matter.
MIM(Prisons) responds: The reduction in indigent prisoner
correspondence envelopes has a direct impact on prisoners’ ability to
stay in contact with family, fight legal battles, and engage in
political education and organizing. The criminal injustice system wants
to curtail these activities as a part of the goal of social control. As
revolutionaries we support campaigns to expand access to correspondence,
as we know this is critical to our ability to reach our comrades behind
bars. We look forward to input from other grievance campaign
participants about this new tactic in Texas.
Another campaign that is active in Texas is the right to access to a law
library. We also recently learned that the Jailhouse Lawyers
Handbook has been banned across the Texas Department of Criminal
Injustice as of October 29, 2015. Texas is continuing a long history of
assault on oppressed peoples in that state, and the only way we’re going
to be able to overcome the new (and old) tactics developed (and
re-instituted) daily is to overthrow the state apparatus that makes it
possible. Obviously Amerikkka’s government system has got to go.