MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
We received some criticism for our
response
to a discussion of George Jackson printed in ULK 65. In this
article we described how some of Jackson’s writings are anti-wimmin and
anti-gay. While we stand by that line, we take a lesson from our
critics. Printing this in isolation, without commenting on all the
positive contributions Jackson made to the revolutionary movement, was a
mistake. George Jackson overall played an important positive role as a
revolutionary. While we need to analyze our historical revolutionary
movements and leaders and learn from their mistakes, we should not
dismiss great leaders who made mistakes or had some political line
wrong. George Jackson’s mistakes did not outweigh eir positive
contributions.
On 7 January 2019 the Supreme Court refused to take up a First Amendment
case challenging the statewide ban of Prison Legal News (PLN) in
the Florida Department of Corrections. The ban has been in place since
2009. This appeal was the final attempt to challenge the 11th U.S.
Circuit Court of Appeals which sided with the Florida DOC.(1) Each year
thousands of cert petitions are filed with the Supreme Court and most
are not heard. As is typical, no reasons were given for the PLN
case denial.
The Florida DOC maintains that they are censoring PLN for safety
and security reasons. The appellate court found this censorship
justified related to certain advertisements in PLN including ads
for pen pal services, businesses that purchase postage stamps, and
third-party phone services.
We know there is no real safety and security justification for censoring
PLN. It’s an educational publication that helps many prisoners
gain legal knowledge and fight back against injustices. PLN is,
however, a threat to the institution of prisons in the United $tates.
Prison Legal News fights for prisoners’ rights and exposes injustices
around the country. This is counter to the interests of a system that is
focused on social control.
A number of groups stepped up to file or sign briefs in support of
PLN. Of particular interest is one from a group of former
Correctional Officers, including some from Florida. They argue, very
rationally, that the complete censorship of PLN is an exaggerated
response to security concerns and a constitutional violation.(2) Of
course these former C.O.s, and many others who support allowing
PLN into the Florida DOC, made very narrow arguments that still
protected the DOC’s “right” to censor anything they deem dangerous.
These supporters are just opposing censorship for something so obviously
not dangerous as it exposes the falsehood that prisons are censoring
mail in the interests of safety and security.
This PLN lawsuit sets a very bad precedent for others fighting
censorship as the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals decision stands.
Fortunately it should not directly impact ULK as we don’t run
these third-party ads. Though Florida did censor ULK 62 for
“stamp program advertisement.” While we do accept stamps as donations,
we run no stamp programs. This goes to show that when there is no
justification for censorship, the prisons will just make up things not
even in the publication.
Any ruling upholding censorship in prisons is a bad one. This ruling
further exposes the reality that there are no rights, only power
struggles. The First Amendment only protects speech for those privileged
enough to buy that protection.
On 13 January 2019, MIM(Prisons) sent 230 signatures on the petition to
shut down Africom to the Black Alliance for Peace (BAP) who will be
presenting them to the Black Congressional Congress after the Martin
Luther King Jr. holiday. This petition calls for the disbanding of
Africom (a U.$. imperialist tool to control African militaries), the
removal of all U.$. military bases on African soil and the end to U.$.
invasions, bombings and other military operations on the continent.
So far we have received petitions from United Struggle from Within (USW)
comrades in California, Texas, Louisiana and Georgia. BAP is accepting
signatures until April 4 – the anniversary of the assassination of
Martin Luther King, Jr. We encourage people to write to us for petitions
ASAP and get your signatures in to us by April 1. And we encourage
comrades to continue to spread information on this topic to build public
opinion against U.$. imperialism in Africa.
USW comrades faced resistance in carrying out this campaign from staff
and some prisoners. One USW cell lost 2 sheets of signatures in an
altercation with a racist prisoner who opposed its work. Elsewhere in
California, prison staff were ordered to target anti-Africom fliers for
removal, and USW comrades were targeted for their leadership which
forced signature gathering to end early. We have seen increased mail
tampering and censorship with California comrades since this campaign
began. If it weren’t for repression, we would have had twice the number
of signatures to submit before the deadline.
While our numbers weren’t as high as the goal set by USW, comrades did a
good job of turning this around on relatively short notice. Our slow
lines of communication limit our ability to organize swiftly. So this
was good experience for us in improving in that realm. One thing we need
to do better next time is to have a larger list of USW members to
forward campaign materials to. If you are a member of USW and did not
get the Africom campaign packet, let us know and keep us updated on your
organizing work so that you stay on our list of active USW members.
Below are some reports we received back with the completed petitions.
A USW cell in California: Here are 54 signatures we gathered. I
hoped there’d be more but all our volunteers backed out on us at the
last minute. At least one volunteer was reluctant to participate due to
fear of repression. Besides that however it was a good campaign overall.
The fliers with the timeline really came in handy. They helped us
explain to people what the petition was about. In many instances me and
another volunteer spoke at length to people about the nature of the
campaign making it clear that our focus here was the oppressed &
exploited people of Africa. In some situations, however, we found
ourselves agitating for this campaign by talking about the fact that
even Amerikan troops’ lives were being needlessly sacrificed so that the
U.$. government could secure the free flow of natural resources out of
Africa. We did this keeping in mind how the Vietnamese National
Liberation Front established relations with just about every and any
Amerikan organization that was critical of U.$. involvement in Vietnam.
The Vietnamese were smart in the respect that they were able to
masterfully exploit every crack and division in the domestic U.$.
anti-war movement.
A great many signatories were Mexican nationals and nationals from
different Central American countries who didn’t have to listen to more
than the basics of our line before they signed. When agitating amongst
this Spanish-speaking population we also found ourselves linking the
plight of the Central American caravan to that of African refugees
stranded at sea being denied entry into Europe.
Only three people refused to give us their signatures. Two of these
people were skeptical from the gate and requested more information on
Africom, which we happily handed over, whereas one refused to believe us
and called us liars. All three were “brown proud patriots.”
In closing, we’d like to thank the Black Alliance for Peace for letting
us be a part of this campaign. While gathering signatures we found that
prisoners were empathetic to the plight of Africans at the hands of U.$.
imperialism in this new scramble for Africa. Surely the great African
masses will successfully resist U.$. oppression, exploitation and
domination, eject the colonizers and have a principal role in defeating
U.$. imperialism once and for all. We hope we’ve made a difference. In
Struggle!
Earlier these comrades had reported: We made copies of existing
fliers and put them up in different buildings beforehand in an effort to
build public opinion for the campaign. Unfortunately, we just received
word a couple days ago that all the fliers we put up were taken down by
officers on the orders of their superiors. When officers were asked why
the fliers were removed they said they didn’t know, they just received a
call explaining to them what to look for and to remove them. This is
highly suspect since our fliers were up along with a variety of other
fliers on an informational board with over 30 fliers including religious
propaganda. Yet the Africom campaign fliers were singled out and
removed. All this follows an odd run-in with security squad about a
month ago. We’ve since put the fliers back up.
A report from another USW cell in California: I have enclosed 1
sheet [30 signatures] for the petition to dissolve the Africom military
command. There are two pages of missing signatures that we worked very
hard to acquire here. The problems last week started over a rude racist
comment about “nigger politics,” which was dealt with promptly on the
spot. [Two comrades from this USW cell ended up in the hole as a result
of this conflict.]
MIM(Prisons) adds: One comrade who did not participate in the
petition drive challenged the campaign to shut down Africom, and in
particular questioned Ajamu Baraka as a former Vice Presidential
candidate with the Green Party. While MIM(Prisons) did not endorse
Baraka’s electoral campaign, we whole-heartedly support this campaign to
get U.$. imperialism out of Africa, and stand with Baraka on
revolutionary nationalist positions such as the one ey took in a recent
article responding to the Prosper Africa plan:
“Africans in the U.S. must make a choice. Malcolm said you cannot sit at
the table and not have any food in front of you and call yourself a
diner. Africans in the U.S. have been sitting at the table of U.S.
citizenship and calling themselves ‘Americans’ while our people are
murdered, confined to cages in prisons, die giving birth to our
children, die disproportionately before the age of five, live in
poverty, are disrespected and dehumanized. A choice must be made, do you
throw in with this dying system or do you align with the working class
and oppressed peoples of the world.”(1)
Thanks to our comrade inside who made this crossword puzzle! Answers
below.
Down
In the language of many northeastern Indigenous Nations, this name
is used to refer to both the western hemisphere as a whole, as well as
more specifically to refer to the northern land mass of the continent.
We generally use the term to mean all of the Americas, which remain
dominated by U.$. imperialism today. (2 words)
One must put theories into use to test them. One can only compare
practices with?
When we gain information from observation and interaction with the
world around us we call that ___ knowledge.
Those whose political views claim to be Marxist yet reverse Marx’s
work fundamentally by failing to apply the scientific method of
dialectical materialism are called?
The abolition of power of people over people.
The mode of production or economic system in which the bourgeoisie
owns the means of production.
Across
The exploiter class most characteristic of the capitalist system.
Their wealth is obtained from the labor of others, in particular the
proletariat.
The group of people who have nothing to sell but their labor power
for their subsistence.
A division put on a society based solely on economic status. These
groups of people share a common relation to the means of production. (2
words)
The transition stage in between capitalism and communism where the
dictatorship of the proletariat will be in power.
The doctrine which guided the first successful third world peasant
revolution that liberated China in 1949.
The scientific process of learning from practice and using those
lessons to improve your practice. (2 words)
The theory that all things originate from the idea and that matter
is only a reflection of what exists in the mind, as one perceives it.
The philosophy that is the opposite of idealism. Philosophy which
sees mater as the basis of reality and material circumstances shaping
individual and social consciousness.
Answers
Down 1. Revisionists 2. Materialism 3. Socialism 4.
Practices 5. Proletariat 6. Turtle Island
Across 1. Bourgeoise 2. Perceptual 3. Idealism 4.
Dialectical Materialism 5. Maoism 6. Social Class 7.
Capitalism 8. Communism
U.$. imperialist leaders and their labor aristocracy supporters like to
criticize other countries for their tight control of the media and other
avenues of speech. For instance, many have heard the myths about
communist China forcing everyone to think and speak alike. In reality,
these stories are a form of censorship of the truth in the United
$tates. In China under Mao the government encouraged people to put up
posters debating every aspect of life, to criticize their leaders, and
to engage in debate at work and at home. This was an important part of
the Cultural Revolution in China. There are a number of books that give
a truthful account, but far more money is put into anti-communist
propaganda. Here, free speech is reserved for those with money and
power.
In prisons in particular there is so much censorship, especially
targeting those who are politically conscious and fighting for their
rights. MIM(Prisons) and many of our subscribers spend a lot of time and
money fighting for our First Amendment right to free speech. For us this
is perhaps the most fundamental of requirements for our organizing work.
Some prisoners are denied all mail from MIM(Prisons). This means we
can’t send in our newsletter, or study materials, or even a guide to
fighting censorship. Many prisons regularly censor ULK claiming
that the news and information printed within is a “threat to security.”
For them, printing the truth about what goes on behind bars is
dangerous. But if we had the resources to take these cases to court we
believe we could win in many instances.
Denying prisoners mail is condemning them to no contact with the outside
world. To highlight this, and the ridiculous and illegal reasons that
prisons use to justify this censorship, we will periodically print a
summary of some recent censorship incidents in ULK.
We hope that lawyers, paralegals, and those with some legal knowledge
will be inspired to get involved and help with these censorship battles,
both behind bars and on the streets. For the full list of censorship
incidents, along with copies of appeals and letters from the prison,
check out our
censorship reporting
webpage www.prisoncensorship.info/data
Michigan
ULK 63 was censored to two prisoners in Michigan because:
“throughout the publication COs/police are referred to as ‘pigs.’ This
reference is reasonably likely to promote or cause violence or group
disruption in the facility.”
Michigan - Michigan Reformatory
This censorship notification for ULK provided a new
justification: “1 booklet with sticker not able to search without
destroying.”
Florida - New River Work Camp
ULK 62 was impounded because of “PG2: Stamp program
advertisement” claiming this violated the rule that “It contains an
advertisement promoting any of the following where the advertisement is
the focus of, rather than being incidental, to the publication or the
advertising is prominent or prevalent throughout the publication: (3)
The purchase of products or services with postage stamps”
Colorado - Sterling Correctional Facility
We sent a prisoner the book Chican@ Power and the Struggle for
Aztlán in August of 2017. On May 8, 2018, the prison sent us a
notice that the book was censored because: “Safety & Security: Pgs.
multiple pgs. - 5+ pgs talks about the rise and struggles for power of
the Chican@ Nation within the prison system.”
Arizona
In June MIM(Prisons) received a letter from the ADC regarding
Under Lock & Key 62 banning this issue:
“The Arizona Department of Corrections has determined that your
publication described below contains unauthorized content as defined in
Department Order 914.07 and, as a result, may be released in part or
excluded in whole for the specific reason(s) given below.
Detrimental to the Safe, Secure, and Orderly Operation of the Facility
Street Gangs/STG Promotes Superiority of One Group Over
Another, Racism, Degradation Promote Acts of violence”
Regarding ULK 63: “The Arizona Department of Corrections has
determined that your publication described below contains unauthorized
content as defined in Department Order 914.07 and, as a result, may be
released in part or excluded in whole for the specific reason(s) given
below. DO 914.07 - 1.2.3 Incite, Aide, Abet Riots, Work Stoppages, Means
of Resistance.”
Oregon - Two Rivers Correctional Institution - and New Jersey
This report comes from a prisoner now held in Oregon.
While being held captive by this imperialistic government in the
oppressive state of New Jersey, I was a regular subscriber to
ULK. However, once the pigs searched my cell for contraband all
they found were back issues of ULK. As a result of that cell
search, the New Jersey DOC banned any and all published material from
MIM publications.
In November I was transferred to the Oregon DOC, and recently I asked
the comrades at MIM(Prisons) to add me back to the mailing list. On 1
May 2018 I received a mail violation for a ULK issue. Their
imperialistic reasons for rejecting the issue were: “Any other material
that the Department deems to pose a threat or to be detrimental to
legitimate penological objectives.”
However, I am pleased to say that I did receive the May/June 2018 ULK
62 publication, so keep them coming comrades and I’ll continue my
quest for liberation through education, and continue to spread the word
about MIM(Prisons) to all those who remain in their oppressive darkness
mentally!
Pennsylvania
Notification sent to MIM(Prisons) regarding ULK 63: “This is to
notify you that the publication referenced advocates and calls for
solidarity among prisoners on September 9. The decision of the
correctional institution is for this publication to be DENIED, and the
inmates in the PA Department of Corrections will not be permitted to
receive the publication. The correctional institutions will be notified
by the Policy Office of the decision.”
North Carolina
ULK 62 was denied by the NC DOC because page 2 “Has verbiage that
may incite distributive behavior.” This was further clarified for a
prisoner who appealed the rejection. The objectionable section is “Page
2 under What is MIM(Prisons)?” which the prison claims: “Could likely
precipitate violence among races/classes of people.”
Pennsylvania DOC has a new mail policy requiring all prisoner mail be
sent to Florida, care of Smart Communications (SmartCom).(1) This
company scans in all mail and forwards it to PADOC to be printed and
delivered on site. No original mail will actually reach prisoners.
Prisoners receiving greeting cards or photos are being given shrunk,
black and white copies.
Some prisoners in Pennsylvania are circulating a request for legal help
to fight this new practice. They list multiple concerns. These changes
will dramatically impact the mail PA prisoners can receive including
almost certainly denying them access to political books and magazines.
SmartCom will keep scanned mail in a searchable database. This will
likely be used to profile people who send mail to PA prisoners. Under
the pretense of security concerns, this new policy is also about
political control.
Prisons are allowed to restrict prisoners’ First Amendment rights to
free speech, but it is “only valid if it is reasonably related to
ligitimate penological interests.” (Turner v. Safely, 482 U.S.
78, 89 (1987)) In this situation, PADOC is citing incidents of “multiple
staff members being sickened by unknown substances over the past few
weeks.” In September 2018, it says there were eight staff emergency room
trips for drug exposure.(2) It is focusing on mail restrictions because
“[i]t’s speculated that the majority of contraband enters the facilities
through the mail.”
PADOC is building a lot of hype on its website about how drugs come in
thru the mail and with visitors. Yet in its photographic report,
“Examples
of Drug Introduction into Facilities,” not one example is given of
staff bringing drugs in.(3) Anyone familiar with prison culture knows
that prison staff are a likely source for smuggling. It’s lucrative and
relatively easy. PADOC’s presentation of the situation is skewed. And
according to its FAQ on the new procedures for how it’s going to handle
this alleged poisoning problem, no additional screening or testing for
staff seems to be on the radar.
The new mail procedures imply that subscriptions for magazines and
periodicals will continue direct to the prison: “For now, you will
continue to receive issues of current subscriptions. If any issue is
compromised, it will be confiscated and destroyed. No future
subscription orders may be purchased except through the kiosk.” The memo
given to prisoners made it clear that all future subscriptions must be
purchased through PADOC. PADOC will purchase subscriptions in bulk and
have magazines shipped in bulk to the facility to deliver to prisoners.
The DOC will set the cost and select the vendors.
As a part of this change, PA is banning anyone from sending any books in
to prisoners.(4) “Inmates can make a request to purchase any book. The
DOC will provide the inmate with the cost of the book. Once the inmate
submits a cash slip for the book, the DOC will order the book and have
it shipped to the inmate.” No independent orders are allowed: “All
publications must be purchased through DOC.” Books sent any other way
will be returned to sender. While outside folks can deposit money in
prisoners’ accounts so that they can purchase approved books from
approved vendors, they will now have to pay 20% more than the cost of
the book because that is deducted from incoming money to many prisoners’
accounts as costs or restitution.
This is a ridiculous policy change, under the pretense of security.
While an argument is being made that preventing all physical mail from
entering facilities will cut down contraband, it is an unnecessary
obstruction to First Amendment rights of prisoners. The impact on
prisoners, whose contact with the outside world is mainly through the
mail, will be dramatic. Mail delays will likely increase, but more
importantly, many will no longer have access to education. Cutting off
books and magazines, limiting people to only content that is
pre-approved by the prison, means that organizations like MIM(Prisons)
will no longer be able to send literature to prisoners in PA.
This new policy is only serving to impose greater control and isolation
on prisoners in PA. The results of cutting prisoners off from outside
contact, and denying them educational materials, will just increase the
already high recidivism and likely fuel more conflict behind the bars.
This is what the prison wants: keeping prisoners fighting one another
rather than educating themselves, building ties to the community, and
building opposition to the criminal injustice system.
While we frequently discuss gender oppression in the pages of Under
Lock & Key, most readers will notice a primary focus on national
oppression. This is intentional, as we see the resolution of the
national contradiction as the most successful path to ending all
oppression at this stage. But for any of our readers who like our focus
on nationalism, and have not taken the time to read
MIM
Theory 2/3: Gender and Revolutionary Feminism, i recommend you
take a look. It is in MT2/3 that MIM really dissected the
difference between class, nation and gender and justified its focus on
nation. Don’t just focus on nation because it’s more important to you
subjectively, understand why it is the top priority by reading MT
2/3.
All USW comrades should be working their way to the level 2 introductory
study program offered by MIM(Prisons). We start level 1 studying the
basics of scientific thinking. In level 2, we move on to study
Fundamental
Political Line of the Maoist Internationalist Ministry of
Prisons, which gives a good overview of the 3 strands of
oppression: class, nation and gender, and how they interact. This issue
of Under Lock & Key is intended to supplement that
theoretical material with some application to prison organizing and
contemporary current events. (Let us know if you want to sign up for the
study group.)
Academic Individualism vs. Revolutionary Science
Bourgeois individualism looks at race, class and gender as identities,
which are seen as natural categories that exist within each individual.
While proponents of identity politics generally recognize these concepts
have evolved over time, they generally do not explain how or why.
Dialectical materialists understand nation, class and gender as
dualities that evolved as humyn society developed. Under capitalism, the
class structure is defined by bourgeoisie exploiting proletarians. Class
looked different under feudalism or primitive communist societies. One
of the things Marx spent a lot of time doing is explaining how and why
class evolved the way it did. Engels also gave us an analysis of the
evolution of gender in The Origin of the Family, Private Property,
and the State.
One self-described “Marxist-Feminist critique of Intersectionality
Theory” points out that “theories of an ‘interlocking matrix of
oppressions,’ simply create a list of naturalized identities, abstracted
from their material and historical context.”(1) They do not provide a
framework for understanding how to overthrow the systems that are
imposing oppression on people, because they do not explain their causes.
This “Marxist” critic, however, falls into the class reductionist camp
that believes all oppression is rooted in class.
The MIM line is not class reductionist, rather we reduce oppression to
three main strands: nation, gender and class. This is still too limited
for the identity politics crowd. But when we dive into other types of
oppression that might be separate from nation, class and gender, we find
that they always come back to one of those categories. And this clarity
on the main strands of oppression allows us to develop a path to
success, by building on the historical experience of others who have
paved the way for our model.
While MIM is often associated with the class analysis of the First World
labor aristocracy, this was nothing really new. What MIM did that still
sets it apart from others, that we know of, is develop the first
revolutionary theory on sexual privilege. The class-reductionism of the
writer cited above is demonstrated in eir statement, “to be a ‘woman’
means to produce and reproduce a set of social relations through our
labor, or self-activity.”(2) MIM said that is class, but there is still
something separate called gender. While class is how humyns
relate in the production process, gender is how humyns relate in
non-productive/leisure time. And while biological reproductive ability
has historically shaped the divide between oppressor and oppressed in
the realm of gender, we put the material basis today in health
status.(3) This understanding is what allows us to see that things like
age, disability, sexual preference and trans/cis gender status all fall
in the gender strand of oppression.
Using “Feminism” to Bomb Nations
Militarism and imperialist invasion are antithetical to feminism. Yet
the imperialists successfully use propaganda that they wrap in
pseudo-feminism to promote the invasion of Third World countries again
and again. Sorting out the strands of oppression is key to consistent
anti-imperialism.
In MT 2/3, MIM condemned the pseudo-feminists by saying that
“supporting women who go to the courts with rape charges is white
supremacy.”(4) A recent Human Rights Watch report discussing alleged
widespread rape in the Democratic Peoples’ Republic of Korea (DPRK) is
getting lots of traction in the Amerikkkan/Briti$h press.(5) This
campaign to demonize the DPRK is just like the campaign to imprison New
Afrikans, with potentially nuclear consequences. We have two leading
imperialist nations who committed genocide against an oppressed nation
touting information that is effectively pro-war propaganda for another
invasion and mass slaughter of that oppressed nation.
If it is true that rape is as widespread in the DPRK as in the United
$tates and Great Britain, then we also must ask what the situation of
wimmin would have been in the DPRK today if it were not for the
imperialist war and blockade on that country. In the 1950s, Korea was on
a very similar path as China. Socialism in China did more for wimmin’s
liberation than bourgeois feminists ever have. They increased wimmin’s
participation in government, surpassing the United $tates, rapidly
improved infant mortality rates, with Shanghai surpassing the rate of
New York, and eliminated the use of wimmin’s bodies in advertising and
pornography.(6)
An activist who is focused solely on ending rape will not see this. Of
course, a healthy dose of white nationalism helps one ignore the mass
slaughter of men, wimmin and children in the name of wimmin’s
liberation. So the strands do interact.
Distracted Senate Hearings
Recently, Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh went through a hearing
before his appointment to assess accusations of sexual assault from his
past. This was a spectacle, with the sexual content making it
tantalizing to the public, rather than political content. Yes, the
debate is about a lifetime appointment to a very high-powered position,
that will affect the path of U.$. law. But there was no question of U.$.
law favoring an end to war, oppression or the exploitation of the
world’s majority. Those who rallied against Kavanaugh were mostly caught
up in Democratic Party politics, not actual feminism.
A quarter century ago, MIM was also disgusted by the hearings for
Clarence Thomas to be appointed a Supreme Court Justice, that were
dominated by questions about his sexual harassment of Anita Hill. Yet,
this was an event that became quite divisive within MIM and eventually
led to a consolidation of our movement’s materialist gender line.(7) It
was the intersection of nation with this display of gender oppression
that made that case different from the Kavanaugh one, because Thomas and
Hill are both New Afrikan. The minority line in this struggle was deemed
the “pro-paternialism position.”
The minority position was that MIM should stand with Anita Hill
because she was the victim/oppressed. The line that won out was that
Anita Hill was a petty-bourgeois cis-female in the First World, and was
not helpless or at risk of starvation if she did not work for Clarence
Thomas. While all MIM members would quickly jump on revisionists and
pork-chop nationalists, paternalism led those holding the minority
position to accept pseudo-feminism as something communists should stand
by, because they pitied the female who faced situations like this.
Similarly today, with the Kavanaugh appointment, we should not let
our subjective feelings about his treatment of wimmin confuse us into
thinking those rallying against him represent feminism overall.
Bourgeois theories and identity politics
The paternalistic line brings us back to identity politics. A politic
that says right and wrong can be determined by one’s gender, “race” or
other identity. The paternalist line will say things like only wimmin
can be raped or New Afrikans can’t “racially” oppress other people. In
its extreme forms it justifies any action of members of the oppressed
group.
Another form of identity politics is overdeterminism. The
overdeterministic
position is defined in our glossary as, “The idea that social
processes are all connected and that all of the aspects of society cause
each other, with none as the most important.”(8) The overdeterminist
will say “all oppressions are important so just work on your own. A
parallel in anti-racism is that white people should get in touch with
themselves first and work on their own racism.”(9) Again this is all
working from the framework of bourgeois individualism, which disempowers
people from transforming the system.
There is a paralyzing effect of the bourgeois theories that try to
persynalize struggles, and frame them in the question of “what’s in it
for me?” Communists have little concern for self when it comes to
political questions. To be a communist is to give oneself to the people,
and to struggle for that which will bring about a better future for all
people the fastest. While humyn knowledge can never be purely objective,
it is by applying
the
scientific method that we can be most objective and reach our goals
the quickest.(10)
Everything is political. While originally developed around a subculture
with ideas of “free speech”, reddit.com is an Amerikkkan corporation
controlling major segments of online traffic and information. It’s
policy of public anonymity made it a platform that MIM(Prisons) had
actively participated on for the last 5 years. We say public anonymity,
as over time the site has done more and more to track the identities and
patterns of its users privately. But it is unlike Facebook where you
must publicly identify yourself in order to participate.
MIM(Prisons) official Reddit account, /u/mimprisons, has been
suspended by Reddit for “suspicious activity” and is seemingly
unrecoverable. [UPDATE: After some more work on this
issue Reddit has since recovered the /u/mimprisons account. We still
don’t know what the cause was of this temporary suspension. But it has
been resolved.] This came one month after the account began actively
promoting tactics for secure online organizing in the
/r/mao_internationalist subreddit. This comrade will now be posting as
/u/mimonline. We will see how long that is allowed.
When we originally set up our official Reddit account it was partially
an insurance policy in case we became inaccessible via email, as
happened when the FBI shut down our
email
provider, lavabit.com. While Reddit and Facebook are centralized
communication platforms controlled by one entity, email is a federated
system with many central email servers inter-operating with each other.
However, setting up and maintaining an email server is not easy, so the
options are still limited and anonymous email has been challenging at
times.
Decentralized systems of communication are the only model that is truly
censorship resistant. This is why tools like Tox are important and
something our movement is beginning to use and promote more. Tox
provides censorship resistance, encryption and verifiable identities. It
is also available for all major platforms.
Totalitarianism in the United $tates masquerades as freedom by allowing
you to pick your toys in the color of your choice, or even by making
statements that are nominally outside the mainstream as long as they
reinforce systems of oppression (i.e. pornographic denigration of
wimmin). Meanwhile it successfully paints the image of socialist
countries as grey, drab and unsexy in contrast. The internet embodies
this contradiction, by offering an endless stream of content, with
almost all of it controlled by the corporate gatekeepers of Google,
Facebook,
Reddit,
Cloudflare
and others.
MIM has always promoted a free internet, whether under the dictatorship
of the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. This can only be ensured with the
proper technological infrastructure, which is currently being built by
volunteers and fringe organizations. Under socialism these technologies
will receive state sponsorship to ensure the integrity of mass
communication in the digital age. Currently, the vast majority of the
Third World are stuck in closed corporate ecosystems like Facebook and
QZone. We have strategic confidence that the vast majority of the world
has an interest in building communism, and unfettering their
communications will contribute to that project.
Reports from the September 9 Day of Peace and Solidarity are starting to
come in. Comrades in prisons across the country commemorated the
anniversary of the Attica uprising, building the movement and taking a
stand against the criminal injustice system.
This day of action was initiated in 2012 by a prisoner-led organization
working with the United Front for Peace in Prisons (UFPP). The day is
focused on building unity and solidarity. The call for peace between all
groups, sets, organizations and individuals, even for just one day,
frightens the prison administration. We know they don’t want peace. They
benefit when the oppressed fight one another. It keeps the attention off
the real enemy: the criminal injustice system. We see this in the
report
about September 9 organizing from Master K.G. Supreme.
This year’s action coincides with the end of the three week country-wide
prison strike initiated by Jailhouse Lawyers Speak. The demands of this
strike focused on improvement in conditions behind bars and changing
laws and unwritten policies of national oppression that perpetuate the
criminal injustice system. The organizers of the strike recognize that
the battle continues: “Incarcerated organizers never believed that their
demands would be met a negotiating table during the past three weeks; it
has been a huge success of the 2018 prison strike that the 10 points
have been pushed into the national and international consciousness.”(1)
The UFPP principle of Peace states: “WE organize to end the needless
conflicts and violence within the U.$. prison environment. The
oppressors use divide and conquer strategies so that we fight each other
instead of them. We will stand together and defend ourselves from
oppression.” This work doesn’t stop with September 9, we need to work
for peace among the oppressed year round. Below are a few initial
reports from California. We look forward to more reports from the rest
of the country.
California Correctional Institution
For this September 9th Day of Peace and Solidarity, I personally will
fast, exercise, read and hold a study group, which will consist of 8
committed and conscious-minded individuals, who hold fast to the
philosophy of peace and unity amongst prisoners. This day there will be
no strife, conflict nor division amongst the prisoners here. It’s not
conducive to a healthy environment. Nor will it promote growth and
development.
So, the study group’s theme will be peace and unity and how we can best
promote these themes within these prison confines. I will start it off
by giving my interpretation on what peace and unity means to me. And
then i will ask the eight comrades what does peace and unity mean to
them individually.
And this will start the deep discussion about the continued peace and
unity amongst the prisoners here. And at that, we can come together in
solidarity to rid ourselves of the internal oppression that exists
amongst us. And only then can we conquer and vanquish imperialism in all
its forms. This is our object. We’ll make this a successful effort by
all means necessary.
Salinas Valley State Prison
Abolitionists From Within (AFW) is back on the move here at SVSP quad
this Bloody September. This September 9, 2018 we remember the
anniversary of Attica of Sept 9, 1971 and them faceless freedom
revolutionary fighters who fought and died in these prisons uprising
throughout history of our struggle as we continue to fight the
oppression, exploitation, abuse and inhumane treatment of prisoners. A
lot of rights and privileges comrades have today is because of these
soldiers at war with this corrupt system.
Throughout this country, we as New Afrikans must reconstruct our
thoughts and come up with ways and ideas to get control over our minds
behind enemy lines, and work to educate the lumpen. I know our young
comrades think they know everything. Being upright, independent and
fearless against all odds and not fearing the outcome of whatever is
what the young comrades are looking for true leadership.
This Sept 9 day I refrained from all negative conversation. AFW
continues to push to end prisoner-on-prisoner hostilities throughout
this country. I had the chance to meet and become a student of the main
4 reps to end all hostilities between our racial groups, and also a
brother from the representatives body. I spoke with brother X about our
beloved brother W.L. Nolen and GJ and our conditions today as “new man,”
and how GJ struggled to transform the Black criminal mentality into a
Black revolutionary mentality. And solidarity with all you comrades
around the country this Sept 9 day.
Valley State Prison
Greetings from the A-yard of Valley State Prison. In honor of the
anniversary of the Attica uprising, and as an act of solidarity, the
members of our study group abstained form eating for 24 hours. For one
day we did not eat, starting with the Sunday G-slam, lunches (cold) and
the evening meal. Ten copies of the solidarity study pack were passed
out to members of our sg and a few other prisoners who were interested.
A comrade was kind enough to photocopy my solidarity study pack which
MIM(Prisons) provided. Most of the prisoners who attend our group were
not even aware of the events at Attica on 9 September 1971, or the calls
for prison reform which the Attica uprising prompted. A special emphasis
was put on finding ways to promote peace and to educate all prisoners
across the country on principles of the UFPP.
In closing, I want you to know that I may be new to this but I am trying
hard to learn and organize here at VSP and so are others. We, as always
appreciate very much the material support and organizational guidance of
MIM(Prisons). Thank you.
California State Prison - Corcoran
This Black August Resistance was a success. The program was designed to
educate the minds of our youth who I believe have revolutionary
potential. We read and studied Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped
Africa, Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth, and Chancellor William’s
The Rebirth of Afrikan Civilization, along with the Appeals of David
Walker. Exercised, and wrote essays on the days required to do so. Also,
in support of September 9, we will continue our fast from 8/21 until
9/9, we will not be ordering any canteen nor packages for the 4th
quarter. So far we aren’t getting any backlash from the pigs, and other
Lumpen Orgs are participating in the program as well.
The Dangerous Class and Revolutionary Theory J. Sakai
Kersplebedeb Publishing, 2017 Available for $24.95 (USD) +
shipping/handling from: kersplebedeb
CP 63560, CCCP Van Horne Montreal, Quebec Canada H3W 3H8
The bulk of this double book is looking at the limited and contradictory
writings of Marx/Engels and Mao on the subject of the lumpen with
greater historical context. MIM(Prisons) and others have analyzed their
scattered quotes on the subject.(1) But Sakai’s effort here is focused
on background research to understand what Marx, Engels and Mao were
seeing and why they were saying what they were saying. In doing so,
Sakai provides great practical insight into a topic that is central to
our work; the full complexities of which have only begun to unfold.
Size and Significance
In the opening of the “Dangerous Class”, Sakai states that
“lumpen/proletarians are constantly being made in larger and larger
numbers”.(p.3) This follows a discussion of criminalized zones like the
ghetto, rez or favela. This is a curious conclusion, as the ghettos and
barrios of the United $tates are largely being dispersed rather than
expanding. Certainly the rez is not expanding. Sakai does not provide
numbers to substantiate these “larger and larger” lumpen populations
today.
In our paper,
Who
is the Lumpen in the United $tates? we do run some census numbers
that indicate an increase in the U.$. lumpen population from 1.5% of the
total population in 1960 to over 10% in 2010. However, other methods led
us to about 4% of the U.$. population today if you only look at
oppressed nation lumpen, and 6 or 7% if you include whites.(1) This
latter number is interestingly similar to what Marx estimated for
revolutionary France (around 1850)(p.66), what Sakai estimates for
Britain around 1800(p.112), and what Mao estimated for pre-revolutionary
China.(p.119) Is 6% the magic number that indicates capitalism in
crisis? The historical numbers for the United $tates (and elsewhere) are
worthy of further investigation.
In this graph we see the biggest changes being the increase in the
lumpen (from 1.5% in 1960 to 10.6% in 2010) and the decrease in the
housewives category. While this is completely feasible, the direct
relationship between these two groups in the way we did the calculation
leaves us cautious in making any conclusions from this method alone.(1)
1800 London
lumpen (Sakai)
lumpen + destitute semi-proletariat (Colquhoun)
source
6%
16%
(pp.111-112)
1850s France (Marx)
lumpen
lumpen + destitute semi-proletariat
source
6%
13%
(p.66)
2010 United $tates (MIM(Prisons))
First Nations lumpen
New Afrikan lumpen
Raza lumpen
Raza lumpen + semi-proletariat
source
30%
20%
5%
15%
(1)
Alliances and Line
Certainly, at 6% or more, the lumpen is a significant force, but a force
for what? In asking that question, we must frame the discussion with a
Marxist analysis of capitalism as a contradiction between bourgeoisie
and proletariat. There’s really just two sides here. So the question is
which side do the lumpen fall on. The answer is: It depends.
One inspiring thing we learn in this book is that the lumpen made up the
majority of the guerrillas led by Mao’s Chinese Communist Party at
various times before liberation.(p.122) This shows us that the lumpen
are potentially an important revolutionary force. However, that road was
not smooth. On the contrary it was quite bloody, involving temporary
alliances, sabotage and purges.(pp.201-210)
Sakai’s first book spends more time on the French revolution and the
obvious role the lumpen played on the side of repression. Marx’s
writings on these events at times treated the Bonaparte state as a
lumpen state, independent of the capitalist class. This actually echoes
some of Sakai’s writing on fascism and the role of the declassed. But as
Sakai recognizes in this book, there was nothing about the Bonaparte
government that was anti-capitalist, even if it challenged the existing
capitalist class. In other words, the mobilized lumpen, have played a
deciding role in revolutionary times, but that role is either led by
bourgeois or proletarian ideology. And the outcome will be capitalism or
socialism.
Defining the Lumpen, Again
Interestingly, Sakai does not address the First World class structure
and how that impacts the lumpen in those countries. Our paper, Who is
the Lumpen in the United $tates? explicitly addresses this question
of the First World lumpen as distinct from the lumpen-proletariat. While
MIM changed its line from the 1980s when it talked about significant
proletariats within the internal semi-colonies of the United $tates,
this author has not seen Sakai change eir line on this, which might
explain eir discussion of a lumpen-proletariat here. Sakai’s line
becomes most problematic in eir grouping of imperialist-country
mercenaries in the “lumpen”. Ey curiously switches from
“lumpen/proletariat” when discussing China, to “lumpen” when discussing
imperialist-country mercenaries, but never draws a line saying these are
very different things. In discussions with the editor, Sakai says the
stick up kid and the cop aren’t the same kind of lumpen.(p.132) Sure, we
understand the analogy that cops are the biggest gang on the streets.
But state employees making 5 or 6-digit incomes with full bennies do not
fit our definition of lumpen being excluded from the capitalist economy,
forced to find its own ways of skimming resources from that economy. The
contradiction the state faces in funding its cops and soldiers to
repress growing resistance is different from the contradiction it faces
with the lumpen on the street threatening to undermine the state’s
authority.
Sakai dismisses the idea that the line demarking lumpen is the line of
illegal vs. legal. In fact, the more established and lucrative the
illegal operation of a lumpen org is, the more likely it is to be a
partner with the imperialist state. That just makes sense.
The inclusion of cops and mercenaries in the lumpen fits with Sakai’s
approach to the lumpen as a catchall non-class. We do agree that the
lumpen is a much more diverse class, lacking the common life experience
and relationship to the world that the proletariat can unite around. But
what’s the use of talking about a group of people that includes Amerikan
cops and Filipino garbage pickers? Our definitions must guide us towards
models that reflect reality close enough that, when we act on the
understanding the model gives us, things work out as the model predicts
more often than not. Or more often than any other models. This is why,
in our work on the First World lumpen in the United $tates, we excluded
white people from the model by default. We did this despite knowing many
white lumpen individuals who are comrades and don’t fit the model.
How about L.O.s in the U.$.?
The analysis of the First World lumpen in this collection is a reprint
of Sakai’s 1976 essay on the Blackstone Rangers in Chicago. Sakai had
referred to L.O.s becoming fascist organizations in New Afrikan
communities in a previous work, and this seems to be eir basis for this
claim.
While the essay condemns the Blackstone Rangers for being pliant tools
of the Amerikan state, Sakai does differentiate the young foot soldiers
(the majority of the org) from the Main 21 leadership. In fact, the only
difference between the recruiting base for the Rangers and the Black
Panthers seems to have been that the Rangers were focused on men.
Anyway, what Sakai’s case study demonstrates is the ability for the
state to use lumpen gangs for its own ends by buying off the leadership.
There is no reason to believe that if Jeff Fort had seen eye-to-eye with
the Black Panthers politically that the youth who followed him would not
have followed him down that road.
Essentially, what we can take from all this is that the lumpen is a
wavering class. Meaning that we must understand the conditions of a
given time and place to better understand their role. And as Sakai
implies, they have the potential to play a much more devastating and
reactionary role when conditions really start to deteriorate in the
heart of the empire.
Relating this to our practice, Sakai discusses the need for
revolutionaries to move in the realm of the illegal underground. This
doesn’t mean the underground economy is a location for great proletarian
struggle. It can contain some of the most egregious dehumanizing aspects
of the capitalist system. But it also serves as a crack in that very
system.
As comrades pointed out in
our
survey of drug use and trade in U.$. prisons, the presence of drugs
is accompanied by an absence of unity and struggle among the oppressed
masses. Meanwhile effective organizing against drug use is greatly
hampered by threats of violence from the money interests of lumpen
organizations and state employees.(2) The drug trade brings out the
individualist/parasitic tendencies of the lumpen. Our aim is to counter
that with the collective self-interest of the lumpen. It is that
self-interest that pushes oppressed nation youth to “gang up” in the
first place, in a system that is stacked against them.
The revolutionary/anti-imperialist movement must be active and
aggressive in allying with the First World lumpen today. We must be
among the lumpen masses so that as contradictions heighten, oppressed
nation youth have already been exposed to the benefits of collective
organizing for self-determination. The national contradiction in
occupied Turtle Island remains strong, and we are confident that the
lumpen masses will choose a developed revolutionary movement over the
reactionary state. Some of the bourgeois elements among the lumpen
organizations will side with the oppressor, and with their backing can
play a dominant role for some times and places. We must be a counter to
this.
While Mao faced much different conditions than we face in the United
$tates today, the story of alliances and betrayals during the Chinese
revolution that Sakai weaves is probably a useful guide to what we might
expect. Ey spends one chapter analyzing the Futian Incident,
where “over 90 percent of the cadres in the southwestern Jiangxi area
were killed, detained, or stopped work.”(p.205) The whole 20th Army,
which had evolved from the lumpen gang, Three Dots Society, was
liquidated in this incident. It marked a turning point and led to a
shift in the approach to the lumpen in the guerilla areas. While in
earlier years, looting of the wealthy was more accepted within the ranks
of guerrilla units, the focus on changing class attitudes became much
greater.(p.208) This reflected the shift in the balance of forces; the
development of contradictions.
Sakai concludes that the mass inclusion of lumpen forces in the
guerrilla wars by the military leaders Mao Zedong and Chu Teh was a
strategic success. That the lumpen played a decisive role, not just in
battle, but in transforming themselves and society. We might view the
Futian Incident, and other lesser internal struggles resulting
in death penalties meted out, as inevitable growing pains of this
lumpen/peasant guerilla war. Mao liked to quote Prussian general Carl
von Clausewitz, in saying that war is different from all other humyn
activity.
For now we are in a pre-war period in the United $tates, where the
contradictions between the oppressed and oppressors are mostly fought
out in the legal realms of public opinion battles, mass organizing and
building institutions of the oppressed. Through these activities we
demonstrate another way; an alternative to trying to get rich,
disregarding others’ lives, senseless violence, short-term highs and
addiction. We demonstrate the power of the collective and the need for
self-determination of all oppressed peoples. And we look to the First
World lumpen to play a major role in this transformation of ourselves
and society.