MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
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A group called Americans For Tax Fairness posted an announcement
online that:
“The wealth of the four richest Americans hit $1 TRILLION
yesterday.
“It’s the first time in history the net worth of just four men –
Musk, Bezos, Ellison, Zuckerberg – has hit the trillions.
“These four men were worth $74 billion twelve short years ago.
“Tax billionaires.”
A startling increase in wealth for sure. And who could possibly use
so much wealth? Have their lives even changed with this increase of
wealth of two orders of magnitude? Did they even notice? In related news
people are up in arms about one of the 4, Jeff Bezos, putting on a $600
million wedding.
It is true that any of these individuals could take a chunk of that
wealth and ride off into the sunset, never to be heard from again. But
like any one of us, we can only operate within the laws of the world we
were born into. And the laws of capitalism would just fill that slot
with another individual.
We’ll let Engels explain this in more depth:
“The capitalistic mode of production moves in these two forms of the
antagonism immanent to it from its very origin. It is never able to get
out of that”vicious circle” which Fourier had already discovered. What
Fourier could not, indeed, see in his time is that this circle is
gradually narrowing; that the movement becomes more and more a spiral,
and must come to an end, like the movement of the planets, by collision
with the centre. It is the compelling force of anarchy in the production
of society at large that more and more completely turns the great
majority of men into proletarians; and it is the masses of the
proletariat again who will finally put an end to anarchy in production.
It is the compelling force of anarchy in social production that turns
the limitless perfectibility of machinery under modern industry into a
compulsory law by which every individual industrial capitalist must
perfect his machinery more and more, under penalty of ruin. But the
perfecting of machinery is making human labour superfluous. If the
introduction and increase of machinery means the displacement of
millions of manual by a few machine-workers, improvement in machinery
means the displacement of more and more of the machine-workers
themselves. It means, in the last instance, the production of a number
of available wage-workers in excess of the average needs of capital, the
formation of a complete industrial reserve army, as I called it in 1845,
available at the times when industry is working at high pressure, to be
cast out upon the street when the inevitable crash comes, a constant
dead-weight upon the limbs of the working class in its struggle for
existence with capital, a regulator for the keeping of wages down to the
low level that suits the interests of capital. Thus it comes about, to
quote Marx, that machinery becomes the most powerful weapon in the war
of capital against the working class; that the instruments of labour
constantly tear the means of subsistence out of the hands of the
labourer; that the very product of the worker is turned into an
instrument for his subjugation. Thus it comes about that the economising
of the instruments of labour becomes at the same time, from the outset,
the most reckless waste of labour-power, and robbery based upon the
normal conditions under which labour functions; that machinery, the most
powerful instrument for shortening labour-time, becomes the most
unfailing means for placing every moment of the labourer’s time and that
of his family at the disposal of the capitalist for the purpose of
expanding the value of his capital.” - Frederick Engels,
Anti-Duhring
For those four people to keep increasing their wealth, is to fulfill
their destiny in the system of capitalism. It is not a question of
persynal greed, nor of humyn nature, rather it is the natural law of the
current economic structure.
The call to tax billionaires is ultimately a futile act in opposition
to the laws of the capitalist machine. It is possible to do, and could
change the balance of wealth among those living in the most wealthy
country in the world. But the tendency of the laws of capitalism is to
go back to this point, and surpass it, in terms of the concentration of
wealth. This tendency to concentrate wealth, to maintain profitability
by out-competing others, is one of the inherent contradictions in the
capitalist system that require its end.
To live in such a time is exciting. The opportunities increase as
capitalism becomes top-heavy and crisis looms. It’s terrible, but it’s
fine.
Engels also talks about how the inherent contradictions of capitalism
build a “reserve army” of labor, excluding more and more from
participating in the wage system. Even in the richest country of the
world, where there is virtually no proletariat like that described by
Engels above, these laws of capitalism apply and we have a class we call
the First World lumpen. A class that is excluded by capitalism – the
only economic system that has ever had a thing called “unemployment.”
The idea that there is no work for some people to do is unheard of in
most of humyn history, as well as in socialist countries of the past
like the USSR and China.
In 2024, homelessness increased 18%, following a 12% increase in
2023. The official count is over 770,000 people, meaning real numbers
are approaching a million.(1) That is still less than half the people we
have locked in prisons and jails in this country. And both numbers may
continue to surge with proposed plans under the second Trump regime.
However, mass deportations could also contribute to a decline in
homelessness, as migrant raza make up a significant portion of those
without houses.(2)
Most of the people in the United $tates raise their pitchforks at
these billionaires in hopes of raising their taxes to maintain the
standard of living here. These people believe in the system, just think
it needs to change a bit. The First World lumpen are at least torn, in
that they benefit from operating against the rules of the system, while
also receiving some benefits from it. As contradictions spiral up, as
Engels describes, the lumpen will be some of the first to see
opportunity in the destruction of the old and the creation of something
new, in particular the oppressed nation lumpen, who we identify in our
analysis, “Who
is Lumpen in the United $tates?”
The complex issue of dealing with homelessness here in the
imperialist center has led to much debate within our party. In our
current stage, we are engaged in consciousness building and raising
public opinion, while it is our proletarian morality which compels us to
struggle against oppression in all arenas. Homelessness is a crisis more
serious than fentanyl and yet the capitalist state via its “supreme
kourt” has recently determined that codifying homeless “sweeps” of
encampments and criminalizing the homeless for being displaced is their
remedy for the economic depression that capitalism creates. Surely
communists can think of a far more humynizing solution.
At the same time, our responsibility here in the First World is not
to follow the capitalist state around with a rag to wipe up its spills
and a dust pan and broom to pick up its litter. We are not brainstorming
to create reforms that simply make life in the occupied territories more
bearable. We must fight oppression while serving the revolution.
Homeless Have
National Oppression to Blame
The capitalist system is ultimately behind all social ills, and it
was capitalism that first created a “surplus population”, which includes
much of the homeless. However, looking particularly at recent rises in
homelessness in the so-called United $tates, we can see how national
oppression played a significant role in who became homeless.
During the 1960s and 70s, as the national liberation struggles peaked
in the United $nakes, the movement suffered extreme repression from the
U.$. government. Death and prison helped Amerika scale down the rise in
resistance among the lumpen. As the 1980s arrived, so too did the
introduction of crack cocaine to the ghetto streets – and soon followed
mass incarceration. It’s important to note that during the 1960s and 70s
there was not a homeless epidemic and there were no massive homeless
encampments in every large city as is currently seen now. While
statistics are not good, it’s possible that homelessness in the mid
1980s had reached rates that were double what they are today.(1)
Mass incarceration served the state in preventing another wave of
revolutionary resistance. “Tough on crime” laws were enacted to curtail
any efforts from the movement in the U.$. to regroup and reorganize the
lumpen. As a result, the 1980s and 90s saw a mass capture of non-whites
not seen on that level since the time of the middle passage. This mass
incarceration – or mass kidnapping, to be more precise – led to the
disruption and dissolution of the family unit while simultaneously
injecting drugs on the scene. This mass kidnapping then led to mass
displacement as single parents struggled to stay afloat often succumbing
to escapism and criminalization themselves, only to be released to
homelessness. Though the massive prison boom did allow for a shift of a
significant portion of the lumpen from the streets to cages.
And while it is unclear how today’s rates compare to the 1980s, we
are currently seeing a record in homelessness since the HUD started a
more systematic count in 2007. And this has disproportionately hit
oppressed nations again:
“This year’s big jump was driven by people who lost housing for the
first time, which Biden administration officials say reflects the sharp
rise in rent. The largest increase was among families, and the count
also finds a significant rise among Hispanics. Nearly 40% of the
unhoused are Black or African-American [who are only 12% of the general
population -editor], and a quarter are seniors. The annual count does
not include the many people who couch surf with friends or family, and
who may be at high risk of ending up on the street.”(2)
We Don’t Want Peace with
Amerikkka
Homelessness affects all of society in one way or another.
Financially, it costs over 2 billion per year for former prisoners who
are homeless.(3) If we look at it holistically, homelessness affects
everything from mortality rates, healthcare, education, marriages,
parenting, divorce, child welfare, the environment, etc. It’s unknown
how this will affect future generations. What is known is that many of
those in the homeless encampments, like most of those in the prison
kamps, are Brown or Black. This all translates to economic oppression
that the oppressed nations face with mass imprisonment, gentrification
of their historic neighborhoods and of course being squeezed into
homelessness. For those who support the empire, crumbs are flung their
way, but for the lumpen who have no interest or intention to contribute
to the U.$. capitalist system, an I.V. drip of violence, displacement,
threat and trauma is fed to this population. When the United $tates
describes “peace” for Aztlán, it is describing Chican@ capitulation to
Amerikkka. To this, we decline, as we don’t want peace with Amerikkka,
we want to be free. Our efforts to heighten the contradictions to step
closer towards our goal of revolution and independence is what should
guide us as we move toward our national interests.
The Nature of the Homeless
Marxism taught us that the natural laws can be harnessed in the
interests of the masses. Under capitalism, there is a whole sector – the
lumpen-proletariat, or the First World lumpen in the non-proletarian
countries – who are systematically locked out of the production process
and whose very lives are sacrificed in the name of profit and seen as
castaways of society. The First World lumpen make up the vast majority
of the homeless here in these false U.$. borders. Capitalist ideology
here in the U.$. has been shaped by a long chain of oppression that has
squeezed the colonized internal nations into our current state. White
supremacy and slavery helped forge capitalist theory and practice and
helped accelerate class development even surpassing Europe in many ways.
Indeed, even James Bryce in “The American Commonwealth” documented the
early stages of the U.$. petit bourgeois nature of the 1800s when he
made several trips to the U.$. and wrote:
“In Connecticut and Massachusetts the operatives in many a
manufacturing town lead a life far easier, far more brightened by
intellectual culture and by amusements than that of the clerks and
shopkeepers of England or France.”(4)
By the late 1800s, Amerikkka became increasingly bourgeoisified in
many areas. By the early 1900s, U.$. imperialism would begin to exploit
abroad, bringing the blood money back to these false U.$. borders and
distributing it to buy off sectors of workers as investments to its
future survival. But capitalism can never provide full employment and
this means the alienated masses turn to the underground economy to
survive. For many ex-prisoners, the underground economy is the only way
they can survive. And for the homeless – which consists in large part on
Injustice-impacted people – the underground economy is, for some, the
only game in town.
When we examine the homeless population in the United $tates, we find
that it is made up of many ex-prisoners(5). The internal semi-colonies
are the majority percentage-wise.(6) This highlights the class
contradictions within the United $tates as well. The state has imported
European immigrants in their scramble to counter their social reality.
The 2022 U.$. Census data shows that the white population in the U.$.
would have decreased had it not been for 391,000 white people
immigrating to the U.$. from Europe.(7) This approach to maintaining
demographics favorable to the oppressor nation is nothing new, of
course. Sakai points out how in the decades following the Haitian
Revolution of 1791, it became “increasingly obvious that a ‘thin, white
line’ of a few soldiers, administrators and planters could not safely
hold down whole oppressed nations” which was the political impetus
behind several waves of immigration from Europe in the 19th
century.(8)
We can even trace the interconnection and evolution of homelessness
and criminalization in the United $tates from pop culture to the prison
gates. In the 1950s, Hollywood movies depicted the classic train riding
“hobo” while prisons were filled with chain smoking conmen. Both
populations were whiter than meemaw’s tuna casserole. Today, both
populations are mostly Brown and Black, and yet the revolutionary
movement here within the occupied territories have yet to bring us
closer to finding a remedy with teeth. Only a remedy that helps the
oppressed nations while undermining Amerika will be sufficient in this
scenario. While searching for the consideration of homelessness in the
occupied territories let us not lose focus of how national oppression
ties into the equation, despite Amerika flinging crumbs to a myriad of
agencies, case managers, construction companies, advocacy groups and
so-called social services.
On the surface it appears as if the capitalists are using the profits
they accumulate through exploitation to help soothe the very social ills
that they create. Nothing can be further from the truth, as the Maoist
Internationalist Movement’s Prison Ministry put it:
“Under capitalism, the anarchy of production is the general rule.
This is because capitalists only concern themselves with profit, while
production and consumption of humyn needs is at the whim of the economic
laws of capitalism. As a result, people starve, wars are fought and the
environment is degraded in ways that make humyn life more difficult or
even impossible. Another result is that whole groups of people are
excluded from the production system, whereas in pre-class societies, a
group of humyns could produce the basic food and shelter that they
needed to survive. Capitalism is unique in keeping large groups of
people from doing so.”(9)
Indeed, the capitalists lock entire sectors out of the production
process and create social band-aids that do not eradicate this mess.
Imperialism creates a network of petty bourgeois jobs for Amerikans that
feed off this population that we call the lumpen but which most know as
the “Homeless”. The capitalists have devised a way to make the lumpen
useful for keeping others busy and paid, while preventing the lumpen
themselves from being productive for their own humynity.
The Prison Parallel
As mentioned above, another place we find concentrations of lumpen
are the prisons, where they are treated similarly. A recent example of
this is in California where the California Division of Occupational
Safety and Health (known as CAL/OSHA) recently attempted to address
climate change and adapting to a rising heat epidemic. The State of
California recently created heat standards for California workers. This
would include more breaks and cooling and ventilation in all state
buildings that respond to climate change. CAL/OSHA excluded California
prisons and jails from the new regulations.(10)
The jails and prisons are lumpen centers where prisoners are often
subjected to subhuman conditions, torture, medical maltreatment in
HELLth care, not to mention outright murder by the state. The heat is
also used against those prisoners who challenge the state in general and
revolutionary prisoners in particular. Indeed, our Party has heard first
hand accounts from some of our members who have been held in the U.$.
concentration kamps (prisons). Our Chairman himself was held and
tortured for a decade in the state’s Security Housing Units (S.H.U.) in
solitary confinement, so our understanding of the conditions of
prisoners is in depth. Some of the accounts we heard were that in the
most humid prisons where temperatures in the summer rise to 110°F (43°C)
the prison officials will turn on the heaters in the cells, while in the
coldest prisons, even where it snows, the prison officials will crank up
the air conditioning to make the cells like “ice boxes”. One comrade
described how at a particular prison they were at, it was so hot in the
cell that this comrade would pour water on the cement floor and lay on
the floor only in underwear as it was extremely unbearable. Another
comrade described that it was so hot at one Central Valley prison that
it felt as if eir “insides were cooking”.
Science tells us that excessive heat also increases risk of stroke
and other health problems. Those with pre-existing conditions or failing
health will have their conditions exacerbated in extreme heat. The
excuse cited for excluding prisoners from these new climate related
protections was cost. It’s too expensive to humynize the lumpen. This
points to another example of the lumpen simply being useful at this time
to be given the bare minimum to exist another day in dehumynized
conditions.
The lumpen are in a precarious position to say the least, here in the
United Snakes and in any society for that matter. First World lumpen can
have a hand in emancipating humynity here in the imperialist center or
end up succumbing to its demise like the old couple who had been married
half a century and when one dies the other spouse quickly follows. The
lumpen plays a vital role where it can be bought off as foot soldiers
for capitalism in its fascist development or as the lumpen developed in
Maoist China as some of the fiercest fighters for the revolution in the
form of the Red Guards.(11)
Marx hinted at this when he said:
“But capital not only lives upon labor. Like a master, at once
distinguished and barbarous, it drags with it into its grave the corpses
of its slaves, whole hecatombs of workers, who perish in the
crises.”(12)
Today, in the First World, most “workers” are in the labor
aristocracy and not the slaves of capital that Marx describes here. The
lumpen, however, can be seen as “runaway slaves”, those who in many ways
have cast off the tethers of capitalist society.
It is important that we understand that social control determines the
mass influx of planation-like facilities which prisoners in the U.$. are
compelled to endure as well as the lumpenization that comes with it. The
future of the Chican@ Nation relies on us grasping this and responding
in a way that advances Aztlán closer to independence.
Concrete Analysis of
a Concrete Situation
The lumpen who mostly comprise the “homeless” within the U.$. are a
resourceful bunch who organize in unprecedented ways within these false
U.$. borders. In our party’s study, we have interviewed dozens of
homeless people living in various modes of existence. Some homeless
exist as couch surfers living persyn to persyn, some live in cars or
RVs, some in cardboard boxes on sidewalks across the U.$., some live in
mental facilities, jails or prisons and yet some live in abandoned
buildings, parks, creeks and in homeless camps. About 62% of homeless in
the general population are “sheltered”, while only 50% of former
prisoners in the homeless population are “sheltered.”(13)
The encampments are of special concern, as they are the most
organized of the homeless population. In the State of California, recent
numbers show the homeless population at 181,000.(14) These are the
numbers that could be documented, so we suspect the actual count to be
much higher, probably in the range of 200,000, as there are many who
live in the shadows and for many different reasons refuse to be counted
by the state. It should also be noted that it was in San Jose,
California some years back where some have called the largest homeless
camp in the U.$. was found. This camp even had a name that the lumpen
gave it – “The Jungle” and this encampment had up to 10,000 people
living there, 10,000 lumpen, mostly Chican@s who existed for over a
decade as a camp.
It is also interesting that the State of California which is not just
a state within Aztlán but currently includes the heart of what the
capitalists call “silicon valley” also has huge swaths of homeless
people. So much wealth and privilege exists alongside such misery,
poverty and hunger in this place where people’s lives are reduced to
nada if those lives do not build capitalism. This reminds us what we are
fighting.
The homeless camps are comprised of lumpen of all ages, including
babies and the elderly. There are teens who have lived much of their
lives in the camps. Many children are illiterate and relocating from
camp to camp or from camp to “flying homeless” (i.e., living on
sidewalks or in cars).
The larger and more established camps have a main organizer who acts
as a warlord of sorts. These larger camps tend to be organized more on
the model of U.$. youth survival groups, which the capitalists call
“gangs” rather than lumpen organizations. These main camps have rules
and penalties that go with them. The high crimes in these camps are
crimes against children, for which the penalty can be a beating and
banishment or even death depending on the severity of the crime.
The shot-callers within the main camps have hystorically been male,
although the shot-callers tend to be more permanent while the rest of
the community tends to be more fluid, with many relocating regularly or
ending up in jail. In our study, all of the shot-callers have been
imprisoned in some form, whether that be in county jail or prison.
Those who comprise these main camps “surface” to the streets
sporadically for food, showers or to tap into the underground economy by
any means necessary. Camp life tends to revolve around food, water and
drugs. “Communal” living in the main camps is often injected with drugs.
Drug use is rampant in the camps, although not all homeless in the camps
are users. Some are sellers who slang dope in the camps making thousands
in profits off their fellow lumpen’s misery and addiction. The prime
drugs of choice in the camps being meth, heroin and crack. The dealers
on the streets ensure that the main camps stay flooded with dope.
Most of the main camps are located in creeks, industrial areas, or
under freeway bridges and underpasses. Many of the camps have
electricity from stolen generators and power lines. Contrary to what
people believe, many of the homeless do not bathe in the creeks even
when their camps are in the creek. Many use camping showers or seek
showers at community centers or at the homes of friends and family.
The factors contributing to the epidemic known as homelessness have
been formulated elsewhere, we know that the heart of the problem remains
to be capitalism. We understand that factors like hunger afflict the
homeless population and throwing the homeless something to chew on has
continued to be done by both liberals and religious conservatives alike
and to no avail. As communists, we need to take action that translates
to radically different terms and which is more impactful and deep
reaching.
Identifying and heightening the contradictions here in the occupied
territories of Aztlán while aiding the Brown masses and pushing the
national liberation struggle forward on these shores is a key tenet of
our party. Homelessness is one of the major fractures within the empire
in which the development of resistance is likely, the other being the
U.$. prison system. It is our duty to nurture these factors. In order to
properly carry out our duties, we need to understand how the lumpen are
currently responding to these capitalist assaults on their humynity.
Cultural Revolution
“Due to the precarious stratification of the lumpen, and the
imperialists’ refusal to let us fully integrate into Amerika, our
allegiance to the imperialists is more tenuous. As the lumpen experience
oppression first hand here in Amerika, we are in a position to spearhead
the revolutionary vehicle within U.$. borders” (15)
Social practice is the remedy which will deliver the Chican@ masses
to national liberation. A heightened consciousness nurtured by and
forged in the fires of political theory is the vehicle that we have
awaited since colonization. As we struggle to rebuild the resistance
that we need, the capitalist bribes sway our people to the tempo of
their blood stained rhythm, and we listen to Lenin and dig deeper within
the people to find those elements that continue to have nothing to lose
but their chains. Here in the First World, those elements are the
lumpen.
During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR), which took
place from 1966 - 1976 in revolutionary China, revolutionary
intellectuals were sent from the cities to the countryside to take
revolutionary culture to the peasants and politicize them, learn from
them, to engage them so that they can take their rightful place in
contributing to the revolution. To many at the time, the thought of
venturing out to the countryside was not inviting. To those truly
seeking to contribute to the revolution, the sacrifice of having no
running water or indoor plumbing was miniscule. This practice of sending
urban intellectuals and professionals to do practical work in the
countryside was also done in the Soviet Union from the very earliest
days of revolutionary power.
Here in the First World, the lumpen (which includes the homeless
population) are a potential revolutionary force that must be tapped.
Marx taught us that capitalism prevents us from solving the social ills
like homelessness and that only through socialist revolution will we
realize this truth. Mao’s China solved many social ills amongst the
lumpen including drug addition and prostitution, both of which are
activities found amongst the lumpen (homeless) throughout the U.$. and
as we begin this work of politicizing the homeless, or of bringing
revolutionary culture to them, we are in essence preparing the lumpen
for the revolution.
We believe that it is not a question if we should go to the homeless
camps to bring revolutionary culture to the lumpen, we believe that it
must be done. Our party has begun this task. Lenin
describes our task ahead:
“We can (and must) begin to build socialism, not with abstract human
material, or with human material specially prepared by us, but with the
human material bequeathed to us by capitalism. True, it is not an easy
matter, but no other approach to this task is serious enough to warrant
discussion.”(16)
Although we are not “building socialism” now, we are
building the conditions for revolution which will advance us toward
socialism. We must take action, social practice amongst the homeless –
on their turf. Cheerleading for the homeless in front of City Hall or
sliding them a burrito is cute and subjectively fulfilling to an extent,
but it moves the lumpen not one iota towards resistance or revolution.
Comrades, we must do more than the churches and more than a liberal
non-profit. As communists, our role is not to make the lumpen more
comfortable under capitalism, rather we must prepare the lumpen for
insurrection.
It is important that we work towards transforming the homeless camps
into political bases, safe zones with Chican@ cadre in every camp
throughout Aztlán. But we should also take our endeavors in this field
seriously, as the state has captured or killed Chican@ revolutionaries
for lesser ambitions. Amerikkka is deadly serious in its repression, we
should be just as serious in our evasion and resistance and utilize a
strong security culture as we move through the camps. There is much
potential in the lumpen encampments and the enemy knows this.
Marx taught us that the lumpen were indeed the “dangerous class”. We
agree that there is a certain danger in interacting with the lumpen,
just as there is a certain danger of interacting with the capitalist
state, not to mention the white settler nation in general. History has
taught us that to be colonized is dangerous as well, so we have learned
to struggle through generational danger and in many cases to do so armed
and ready to resist.
At this stage, we only seek to bring revolutionary culture to the
lumpen encampments as we see it as complimenting our efforts to raise
public opinion. At the same time, we stand firm that ultimately it will
be through armed struggle that Aztlán will be free and the lumpen will
play a key role in the national liberation struggle here in the internal
semi-colonies. Here we agree with Fanon when describing the lumpen, he
said:
“…that horde of starving men, uprooted from their tribe and from
their clan, constitutes one of the most spontaneous and most radically
revolutionary forces of a colonized people.”(17)
As Fanon suggests, the lumpen moves differently. It is not a class
which succeeds at town hall debates or boycotts. Hit the lumpen up when
it’s time to boogie, when violence explodes in the metropole and the
capitalist state feels the slugs of liberation, for this is the arena in
which the lumpen excels. Forged through oppression, the lumpen will
perform on the stage built by the bourgeoisie and their collaborators.
But the party must perform as well and the movement more broadly must
perform. We must perform agitation and propaganda (agit/prop) and do so
well amongst the lumpen.
In “Combat Liberalism”, Mao discussed how liberalism prevents people
from acting on living up to their obligations as communists. Among other
things, he points to failing to show concern for the masses and not
engaging in agit/prop. There are many reasons why people practice
liberalism. In many ways, some have fallen into liberalism here in the
occupied territories. Many within the movement have opted out of
reaching back into the lumpen encampments to those alienated not only
from labor but from society as well. In this sense, the party seeks to
combat liberalism in this field.
Some have wondered what is to be done with the lumpen encampments,
“what is possible?” some ask. There is much work to be done. We need our
presence felt, we need to become a regular presence in the camps and
begin to inject them with revolutionary culture – with art, literature
and teatro. We need to gain their confidence and to teach and learn –
from the masses, to the masses.
The Chican@ movement of the past never dealt with the homeless in
this way, although the homeless epidemic was not in existence to today’s
levels we must be honest that scant attention was given to the homeless
in general. Today’s Chican@ movement must do more as the next generation
must in turn do more than us and continue to build.
The lumpen encampments are self-governed as the pigs or other state
agencies rarely ever go into the camps. We see that there is potential
in these zones, especially with their concentrated amount of lumpen. We
believe that by focusing our energy on this demographic, it will
complete our overall strategy of winning this struggle for national
liberation. There is much work to do in these camps, but political
education is essential and a stepping stone to developing dual power in
these zones.
Let us be clear that any weakening of resolve about the task ahead
only helps Amerikkka and hurts the struggle for national liberation. At
the same time, our efforts are not to set up re-entry services for the
homeless lumpen, on the contrary, our efforts are to set up and recruit
the lumpen to serve the people. We are not seeking reforms, nor do we
believe in them, rather we agree with the BLA that
“reform of the oppressive system can never benefit its victims: in
the final analysis, the system of oppression was created to insure the
rule of particular racist classes and sanctify their capital. To seek
reform therefore inevitably leads to, or begins with, the recognition of
the laws of our oppressor as being valid.”(18)
Reform is only tactical in getting the boot off our neck long enough
for us to breathe to fight and resist the oppressor nation another day.
Likewise, the oppressors laws and kkkourts mean nothing to us, as they
are illegitimate to the core, we only navigate them in order to plot the
demise of Amerika.
The lumpen encampments, like the prisons, are fertile grounds for
resistance. In the First World, we are forced to dig deeper into the
social forces to find those who are not bribed by the profits stolen
from the Third World pockets. Our efforts today are for the Third
World.
Notes: (1)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Homelessness_in_the_United_States - gives
a homeless rate of 0.09% in 1990, but mentions this was probably an
undercount; it gives 200-500 thousand as the homeless count in 1984,
which doubled by 1987 - at the high end this would put homeless rates at
0.22% and 0.42% respectively; the 2023 rate was 0.19% the highest rate
since HUD began gathering data more accurately in 2007 (2)Jennifer
Ludden, 15 December 2023, Homelessness in the U.S. hit a record high
last year as pandemic aid ran out, All Things Considered. (3)
“The Economic Burden of Incarceration in the U.S.”, from the Institute
for Advancing Justice Research and Innovation”, October 2016, George
Warren Brown School of Social Work. (4) “The American Commonwealth”,
by James Bryce (1888-1959, Vol II, pp.557-58). (5)According Prison Policy
Initiative analysis of HUD data, formerly incarcerated have 2%
homelessness rate compared to 0.21% of the overall population. A Harvard
Business review article says there are about 5 million formerly
incarcerated in U.$.; 2% of 5 million is 100,000; .21% of 350 million is
735,000. Based on these estimates, formerly incarcerated are less than
15% of homeless in U.$. streets. (6) about 61% of homeless are
oppressed nations according to stats in “Defining and Measuring the
Lumpen Class in the United States: A Preliminary Analysis”, by
MIM(Prisons), July 2016. (7) U.S. Census Bureau. (8) “Settlers”,
by J. Sakai (2014, pg. 52). (9) “Defining and Measuring the Lumpen
Class in the United States: A Preliminary Analysis”, by MIM(Prisons),
July 2016. (10) “Prisons are a Cruel Exception to Heat Rules”, by
Nicholas Shapiro and Bharat Jayram Venkat, the Mercury News, July 14,
2024. (11)Wiawimawo,
October 2018, Sakai’s Investigation of the Lumpen in Revolution, ULK
Issue 64. (12) “Wage, Labor and Capital”, by Karl Marx.
(13)Lucius
Couloute, August 2018, Nowhere to Go: Homelessness among formerly
incarcerated people, Prison Policy Initiative. (14) “Newsom
Orders Sweeps of Camps”, by Ethan Varian, The Mercury News, July 26,
2024. (15) “Chican@ Power and the Struggle for Aztlán”, by a
MIM(Prisons) Study Group, 2015, 2021, pg. 14. (16) V.I. Lenin,
“Left-wing communism – an Infantile Disorder”, Collected Works, Vol. 31,
pg. 50. (17) “The Wretched of the Earth”, by Frantz Fanon. (18)
“Collected Works of the Black Liberation Army”, pg. 111.
A Colorado Springs city council will vote to approve a city ordinance
that will fine $2500 to all homeless who are found laying or sitting in
front of a business. Many who support this claim that it provides better
safety for the community and will increase the property values of stores
and restaurants in the area.
A few days prior to this the town of Monument, Colorado successfully
blocked the building of a methadone clinic in the area, arguing that it
would cause a “decrease” in property values and bring a new “wave of
crime.”
For me, I see this in two ways. Number one, as the richest country on
earth, we all still see that basic human needs, such as food, housing
and clothing are privileges and one has to choose to engage in the
so-called free market to attain these things. The very contradiction in
this not withstanding, when one isn’t able to have a job, is homeless,
begs for food and maybe on drugs, the number one solution is to enforce
their way out of it. Place the homeless in jail, that’s smart. Let’s not
develop independent programs that view these homeless as humans that
need healing to be a strong part of society.
The methadone clinic run off is a disgrace. Methadone is to help people
get off heroine, the fact that a higher crime notion can be spoken of
here is a joke. People act like when methadone clinics, or homeless
shelters arrive in their communities that a wave of crime will suddenly
appear. Why is it easier to jail us, rather than to have compassion and
tolerance? Well in a capitalistic based class society, homelessness and
addicts are contradictions in the system. Of course they can say that
we’re lazy, or choose to be this way, but according to economics, we are
not choosing anything.
Lastly, social sicknesses can’t be blamed upon individuals, and using
jails or fines to remove a section of the population will only force
that population to move elsewhere. One day these cities in Colorado will
have to deal with the homeless as humans, with human and civil rights,
until then the class struggle will continue.
MIM(Prisons) adds: This comrade is correct that homelessness and
drug addiction are problems of capitalism. Opium (which heroin is made
from) addiction was a widespread problem in China before the revolution.
The Chinese Communist Party attacked this problem by eliminating the
supply and offering people engaged in distribution alternative
employment. This approach attacked the problem at its root. And by
giving people employment and health care they had both the resources and
the incentive to stop using drugs. This communist approach values all
humans and sees the potential contribution everyone can make to society,
rather than writing off some as the dregs who have no hope for anything
better in life.