MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
Hello - Saludos y Respeto to all those in the struggle, the struggle
is real. I must weigh in on the events unfolding in Southern Califas.
Namely the two lynchings, the first in Palmdale CA, the second in
Victorville CA. What do they have in common? Answer: the Sheriff’s
Department! Both racist! Both departments have a long history of working
together and as a political prisoner held in CDCR these are the same two
departments that joined forces to try and silence my voice and bring
down the AV Brown Berets.
Both Departments have deputies that are card carrying members of the
racist Minute Men, the new KKK. And having shined the spotlight on this
fact earned me a life sentence for crimes I did NOT commit.
And in both cases there is no doubt in my mind there is Departmental
involvement. And nothing can surprise us coming from these two
historically racist departments.
In both cases these were meant to send a message to the BLM movement
against police brutality going across this nation right now, and to
discourage it! The evil and racist regime in Palmdale has a long history
of using these tactics to silence the voice of the PEOPLE. And if they
can’t kill you, they will bury you behind the wall. And this will not
stop until they are made to understand the world is watching and will
hold them responsible and accountable for their actions. But the racism
and prejudice is systemic NOT only in the Sheriff’s Dept. but
also in City Government in the Antelope Valley and Silver Valley (The
Sinister Valleys) to a mind-blowing degree.
My heart goes out to the families, friends, and loved ones of these
latest victims of these Evil Regimes. I spent years of my life trying to
expose the racist and criminal practices of these two partners-in-crime,
it has come at a great cost. My family, my freedom, not to mention all
my worldly possessions but I will NOT stop until justice has
been done, and the Evil has been exposed; because the needs of the many
outweigh the needs of the ONE. In the end the TRUTH ALWAYS comes out! We
must continue to move forward and not be discouraged!
LA LUCHA SIEGE!!! VIVA LA CAUSA!!!
(Justice for Ro Alvin Harsh)
MIM(Prisons) adds: Six lynchings, 5 of them New
Afrikans and one Latino, have been reported on the heels of the recent
uprisings against police terrorism.
Robert Fuller, a 24-year-old, New Afrikan man hung from a tree in
Palmdale, CA is under investigation
Malcolm Harsch a 38-year-old, New Afrikan man hung from a tree in
Victorville, CA has been declared a suicide by police and the
family
Dominique Alexander, a 27-year-old New Afrikan man hung in a
Manhattan park and was ruled a suicide by the police, who later said an
investigation continues
a 17-year-old New Afrikan boy was hung from a tree in Spring, TX
was ruled a suicide by police
a Latino man hung in Houston, TX was also ruled a suicide after
family stated he was suicidal
Otis ‘Titi’ Gulley, 31, a New Afrikan transgender woman hung in a
park in Portland, Oregon was ruled a suicide by police
by Alfredo Mirandé University of Notre Dame Press, 1987, 261
pages
This book analyzes Chican@s under the U.S. criminal injustice system and
exposes how the U.S. has used the kourts in order to solidify our
national oppression.
This national oppression is traced from the 1800s and shows how the
kourts have always been a major part of this oppression. Mirandé
correctly notes how the difference between the “Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo” (which was supposed to codify Chican@s’ rights to homes and
lands which many held for hundreds of years) and treaties between tribal
nations and Amerika is that Chican@s never acquired sovereignty as a
nation.
Mirandé notes how in the 1800s when Chican@s resisted oppression they
were called “bandits” whereas when the oppressor nation resisted they
were called “heroes.” I would add that today when Chican@s resist we are
called “gang member”, “prison gang member” or “street terrorist” rather
than the correct word: “revolutionary.”
I did learn some things, for example the Chican@ revolutionary Juan
“Cheno” Cortina who rose up in Texas and occupied Brownsville actually
proclaimed it the “Republic of the Rio Grande.” The fact that even in
the 1800s Chican@s saw the reality of a Chican@ nation is a beautiful
thing.
Mirandé talks about the barrioization and how “through isolation
Chicanos became almost invisible.”(p. 29) Oddly even today some groups
like RCP-USA continue this tradition where Chican@s are “invisible.”
Just take a look at their newspaper, where in the last ten years the
word “Chicano” has graced their pages around two times!
Entire chapters discuss the mistreatment of Chican@s by law enforcement,
and although Chican@s are targeted by the pigs, solidifying our
oppression, this will not be educational nor enlightening to Chican@s
who experience it first hand. Perhaps non-Chican@s will get more from
reading about it, or maybe Chican@s who have not yet connected this
oppression to our existence under a colonizing force will be helped to
connect the dots.
There is mention of “Chicano gangs” out in the street and in U.S.
prisons which I found interesting, but the best part of this book was on
the Chican@ nation as an internal colony. Starting on page 219 Mirandé
lists 8 tenets of internal colony theory. I thinktenet 6 is most felt by
prisoners. It is as follows: “The subordination of internally colonized
groups is not only economic and political but cultural as well. The
dominant group seeks to render their culture dependent and to eradicate
their language, thereby facilitating control of the colonized group.”
The fact that in California prisons we can be validated as “prison gang
members” for speaking certain Spanish words shows that prisons are a
major tool in the internal colonization process.
Mirandé addresses Marxism, which relies on all the working class or “all
workers against the capitalist class.” Ey states that Marxists oppose
the “internal-colony” thesis. While this is certainly true for
pseudo-Marxists and revisionists, Maoists today in the belly of the
beast see national liberation as a necessary component in liberating
today’s Chican@ nation. And even back in 1987, the most advanced Maoists
already understood that the vast majority of workers within U.S. borders
are not revolutionary. Perhaps Mirandé should check out contemporary
Maoists within U.S. borders and see how it’s not just possible to uphold
national liberation struggles and be communist but it’s necessary for
today’s internal semi-colonies.
Those just learning about Chican@ national oppression will learn from
this book and it will be enjoyable to others in making that link of
oppression between the kourts and our nation.
The Essential Stalin: Major Theoretical Writings, 1905-52 Edited with
an introduction by Bruce Franklin Anchorbooks 1972 511 pages
I finally got to read this priceless gem and it lived up to all my
expectations. One of the theoretical weapons in a revolutionary’s
arsenal should always be this book. Many of us have heard the slanderous
claims from many in the “Amerikan left” that attempt to smut up comrade
Stalin’s legacy, and it’s easy to sit back and find fault in someone and
snatch rumors out of thin air while confusing many who don’t know any
better or do not take the time to investigate for oneself what Stalin
brought to the international communist movement. This book that displays
Stalin’s theoretical contributions, from which many new generations of
revolutionaries out in society as well as within prisons can continue to
glean its political nutrients and replenish the movement today and
tomorrow. It is these precious documents which we read from Stalin’s own
hand and in this way we learn where Stalin stood on the major issues.
In his piece “Marxism and the National Question” we learn of some of the
challenges in Stalin’s day with nationalism. At the same time he makes
clear that Marxists of all stripes must support the self-determination
of nations and this includes the right to secede. It is in this piece
where Stalin defines what a nation is. Here in United $tates borders we
have not only the dominant nation of Amerikkka, but also Aztlán, New
Afrika, Boriqua, and several First Nations. Amerikkka, the oppressor
nation, does not recognize the above stated oppressed nations on these
shores and even deals with those of us who raise the banner of our
respective nations by imprisoning us, murdering us and even resorting to
torture in prisons to repress our growing resistance. As Stalin points
out in his piece “Marxism and the National Question”, repressing one’s
language is a form of national oppression and even after we are
imprisoned in Amerika – which in itself is national oppression in
today’s capitalist society – our languages are repressed, many Spanish
words, Mexican indigenous languages like Nahuatl, African Swahilli and
other native languages are considered “gang activity” if spoken in many
Amerikkkan prisons. Thus our national oppression in Amerika follows us
to our grave as even in the most repressive dungeons or torture
facilities our national oppression continues!
Stalin’s piece “The Foundations of Leninism” defines Leninism but also
exposes Trotskyism’s shortcomings. As Stalin states in this piece
Leninism is the “tactics and strategies of the proletarian revolution”
and “the tactics and strategies of the dictatorship of the proletariat”
and this is so because Lenin took Marxism and applied Marxist theory to
the material world. Marx was unable to see his theories come to fruition
so Lenin applied Marxism to Russia and developed more tactics that
remain weapons in the arsenal of the people today. Stalin’s piece
highlights Lenin’s contributions to the international communist movement
(ICM).
The dictatorship of the proletariat is explained as the bourgeoisie
being on the receiving end of suppression while the formerly exploited
are now doing the suppression. The Soviets (councils) are explained as
well where, like United Struggle from Within (USW), these mass
organizations worked to unite different peoples in a forward motion to
the path of revolution. “The Foundations of Leninism” has a great depth
to it that includes many principles of Leninism among which was Lenin’s
stance on the national question, particularly Lenin’s position on
self-determination of the oppressed nations. Stalin gets to the heart of
this point when he states:
“Formerly, the principle of self-determination of nations was
usually misinterpreted, and not infrequently it was narrowed down to the
idea of the right of nations to autonomy. Certain leaders of the second
international even went so far as to turn the right to
self-determination into the right to cultural autonomy, i.e., the right
of oppressed nations to have their own cultural institutions, leaving
all political power in the hands of the ruling nation. As a consequence,
the idea of self-determination stood in danger of being transformed from
an instrument for combating annexations into an instrument for
justifying them.”(p. 146)
This is powerful and validates what many comrades here have discovered
about many “parties” in Amerikkka, who use the idea of
self-determination as an instrument for promoting oppression. Groups
like the crypto-Trotskyist Revolutionary Communist Party, USA (RCP=U$A)
have in fact used self-determination in this exact way. Indeed, if you
look at RCP=U$A line, they disagree with the Chican@ nation having a
right to self-determination and instead they line up with the Second
International and promote the idea of Aztlán being reduced to an
“autonomous” region within North America. This, as Stalin reveals, is
only a slimy way of RCP-U$A attempting to use the idea of
self-determination as an instrument for justifying annexation and
oppression.(1)
In “Dialectical and Historical Materialism” comrade Stalin introduces us
to Marx and Engels’s thought on dialectics and how historical
materialism is the application of dialectical materialism in order to
study and thus transform society. Dialectical materialism is the process
of identifying and then using contradictions to transform our concrete
conditions, for example the United $tates government has us locked in
these dungeons, in solitary confinement, in slave conditions in order to
stifle our advancement mentally, to smother our resistance. When we are
locked in these chambers it is to neutralize our ability to rebel, to
think, and learn from others while teaching, and to feel the sacred bond
of unity! When we turn these torture chambers into revolutionary
institutes, where we study the science of revolution, and use prisons as
re-education camps, where we learn real history and begin to understand
our oppression, this is dialectical materialism in practice! It is using
the state’s tools of oppression instead to liberate our minds! This is
as Stalin describes going from quantitative change into qualitative
change or as Engels put it “quantity is transformed into quality.”
Contradictions exist in all matter and phenomena, in the United $tates,
in the world, in Amerikkka’s prisons, in lumpen organizations, in
people’s ideology and behavior, etc., and in order to advance any matter
or phenomenon one first needs to identify the contradictions.
“Dialectical and Historical Materialism” teaches us this process and
thus helps us advance our struggles. Lenin said dialectics is the
“struggle of opposites”, and this struggle must occur in order for
development to take place. Mao understood this “struggle of opposites”
and he said: “We are confronted by two types of social contradictions –
those between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people
themselves. The two are totally different in their nature.”(2) This
struggle of opposites must take place if the people are to develop. But
grasping dialectical and historical materialism is useless if at some
point we don’t put this understanding to practice!
There are much more documents and lessons to be learned within “The
Essential Stalin”, so much to be grasped and applied to today’s
contradictions wherever we may be.
In war a campaign is a series of actions which lead to an ultimate aim.
Campaigns can be thought of as an organized strategy in which certain
steps or operations lead to the end goal of victory. Often when people
are taking on an adversary, victory will not be accomplished in one
shot. When the odds are stacked against you it is necessary to create a
plan which, through a series of small steps, one arrives close to the
intended goal. This piecemeal advancement is a campaign.
Currently ISIS has a campaign where it is taking ground in the area of
what is known as Iraq and Syria. In their campaign they are taking over
key areas like airports, oil refineries, major roads or sea ports. By
doing so they have obviously decided that each of these areas will lead
to lightening their opposition’s hold on power and of eventually seizing
power in that region of the world. Rather than focusing on overthrowing
the Iraqi government outright or flooding Baghdad with troops and
attacking the “Green Zone” (the U.S. base) outright, they have developed
a campaign to take smaller steps which may lead up to seizing that area.
U.S. imperialism has been waging a campaign for total global influence
in which they can act with impunity. They do this by setting up 1000+
bases around the world. And they coerce countries with economic
embargoes, assassinations, coups and the installation of puppet
governments. Blackmail is used from information that was illegally
stolen off the internet or through U.$. spy agencies. Every bit of
information they obtain buys them more influence, a step forward in
their campaign of destruction.
USW Campaigns
Prisoners and former prisoners within the United Struggle from Within
mass organization have also initiated a variety of campaigns which
address our daily struggles. Every struggling people anywhere in the
world needs campaigns to address their particular needs, and prisoners
are no different. For us struggling prisoners there are certain forms of
oppression which prevent us from developing politically or are outright
neutralizing us so we must find ways to resist and overcome them, and
campaigns ensure this.
Prisoners in California have the Agreement to End Hostilities which is
one of our main campaigns at this time. The End to Hostilities is an
essential step that needs to continue so that our goal of mobilizing the
entire prison system becomes easier. We cannot mobilize people against a
common enemy if they are wrapped up in fighting each other. Stopping the
violence between prisoners allows us to begin to move forward for our
real interests and combat our real threats. This campaign should also
spread to other states, and it will. The Agreement to End Hostilities
will spread state to state just like lumpen organizations themselves
have spread.
A California campaign that is also country-wide is the
struggle to
abolish control units. Solitary confinement is another small step in
a larger process. Control units are designed to destroy our most
advanced cadre; it cannot be explained in any other way. So in my
opinion the control units are ground zero for the struggles of the
prison movement within U.$. borders today. If we cannot save our cadre
in U.S. prisons it is a huge defeat. In order to mobilize the prison
system for humyn rights struggles it would be a lot easier if most of
the politically advanced prisoners were not sealed off in control units.
The
grievance
campaign is another way that we enable imprisoned people to work
toward humyn rights so that they can continue to struggle on that
revolutionary path. Things like the struggle for indigent envelopes
which the comrades in Texas are raising is a part of our USW campaigns
because if we are able to write letters we can struggle and join
correspondence study groups and contribute to ULK so we cannot be
limited by the state. Just because we may not be in Texas we still
support those comrades because it is a USW campaign.
Our campaign
in solidarity with Palestine was an exercise in USW flexing its
internationalism. When a people are suffering from crimes against
humynity, even the most brutal dungeon will not prevent acts of
humynity. I think our solidarity with Palestine was also a sign of our
anti-imperialism. We have our own struggles in each prison against
brutality, solitary, medical care, etc. We have our distinct struggles
for national liberation of our respective nations. At the same time we
are anti-imperialists and we know that all of our oppression can be tied
to U.S. imperialism. Imperialism extends oppression around the world and
creates the circumstances where Third World people cannot survive in
their home countries. These people often migrate to the metropole in
search of sustenance, when not contained within militariazed walls.
Do Campaigns Teach the People?
Campaigns are absolutely educational. We learn from practice. When we
partake in a campaign we not only realize what we can accomplish, but we
also realize how to better coordinate our efforts.
The campaign does a couple of things, it allows us to battle our
oppression while it teaches us different forms of struggle. We often
learn new methods to struggle because of this. For example in a previous
ULK I read about some comrades who, after struggling on
different grievances, decided to create their own legal self-help
organization.
From our campaign to raise awareness on the inside and outside the
dungeons sprang the Strugglen Artists Association (SAA). The SAA is for
artists to create revolutionary cultural works and for
Propaganda
Workers to bring these cultural contributions to the masses.
From our campaign to close the SHU sprang the
statewide
California hunger strikes. These actions helped to catch the eye of
many within the white left who previously did not support the prison
movement like some are starting to do now. From this publicity came
various prisoner support groups and media struggles to assist our
actions.
From these examples that I have listed came independent institutions.
Our campaigns created these institutions of the people. They were
created without the assistance of our oppressor enemy. It is hard to see
these things develop without our campaigns, so as you can see the
campaign creates even more opportunity to struggle and gives us momentum
to continue on our road forward.
Take away the campaigns and we are left with nothing but isolated
impulsive acts which get us nowhere but unorganized disarray. Campaigns
direct our actions toward our greatest potential.
Our Goals in Campaigning
Our goal as anti-imperialists is a socialist revolution. But the more
immediate goal of USW within U.$. prisons is to revolutionize the
dungeons. This will take a series of actions, or to be specific it will
take campaigns.
Prisons are merely one component of the state. But they are one of the
most important components because it is within prisons where the most
vital social forces are found. Prisons will produce the fiercest
fighters in the future revolution.
The campaign is a military concept. In many ways it is a revolutionary
war which awaits us because the oppressor will never hand over its
power. According to Mao: “The revolutionary war is a war of the masses;
it can be waged only by mobilizing the masses and relying on them.”(1)
Oppressed people will be victorious, and prisoners, once revolutionized,
will ignite and charge the people. We have seen in hystory the power and
raw force that ex-prisoners have infused into social justice movements
within U.$. borders. The most advanced parties’ political organizations
and movements of the internal semi-colonies were filled with
ex-prisoners and lumpen, so it is this element which must be mobilized.
The people must “go deeper,” as Lenin taught, to obtain the most
revolutionary element which is less influenced by imperialism. Campaigns
up! Conflicts down!
Religion is a very volatile subject for some, even in prison. Looking
back on my own prison journey, some of the most heated debates with my
fellow prisoners have been in regards to religion. Although the belief
in the supernatural is a metaphysical practice, it is one with deep
roots in the minds of the internal semi-colonies. It is for this reason
that an analysis of religion and its effects is needed.
From where does religion derive?
No matter what religion, they all have one thing in common: they
originate from ideas that are outside of reality. Most religions come
from ancient peoples attempting to understand the material world in
which they lived.
Many of the ancient religions believed that when it rained it was the
Gods crying because they were angry or sad. Tornados were thought to be
the wind Gods who were angry. The Mexica (Aztecs) believed the Sun would
only rise if people were sacrificed, if their hearts were ripped out,
and burned. Even in recent years when the earthquake in Haiti occurred
religious people said it was God punishing Haitians for practicing
Voodoo – another religion.
Today we know when it rains and hails, it is nature at work. Earthquakes
are the movement of the Earth’s crust. We know that tornados are caused
by different air temperatures and humidity. We know all of this because
of science, and we can now explain these events without relying on
mythology or folklore.
Our scientific development as a society isn’t limited to weather; we
have developed our collective understanding of the world we inhabit in
all realms of science. We don’t know everything, but where there is an
explanation based in materialism we should move past the outdated
concepts offered by religions. And where we don’t yet have an
explanation we should look to the material world for answers rather than
resorting to religious idealism. The old worn out saying that “God works
in mysterious ways” is really just another way of saying someone doesn’t
have an answer. Ultimately the belief in religion is ignorance. But it’s
not a benevolent ignorance; it is at its core reactionary and goes
against true liberation.
Religious Cults in U.$. Prisons
Many people held in U.$. prison kkkamps come to these dungeons extremely
demoralized, abused and uncertain. It is very disorienting to be
criminalized by an occupier and harmed by an entity you don’t even
understand. Like our ancient ancestors, many fall back to religion when
they don’t understand the reality of their imprisonment. Whether it is
politics, national oppression or the weather, religion remains a crutch
for those without answers to their mysteries.
The formation of religious groups in U.$. prisons represents a
contradiction. Religious cults in prison are attempts by the oppressed
to deal with their oppression, or attempts by our oppressors to explain
our oppression to us in terms that also placate us. We are using
religious groups to try to help ourselves, but ultimately we end up
stuck in an escapist fantasy.
Among Chican@s and other Raza prisoners, Catholicism is probably the
most popular religion. Many Chican@s that I have debated within prisons
will defend Catholicism as a part of “our cultura.” Catholics in prison
do not create groups that are active outside of the chapel. At the same
time one will see both those Raza who belong to lumpen organizations
(LOs) and those former “gangsters” who have taken up this brainwash
ideology all comfortably praying together in the chapel. The colonizer’s
religion has become so respected that most Chican@ LOs will be okay with
its people leaving the LO to dedicate themselves to religion. But as
some comrades have brought up, those same Chican@ lumpen groups would
not react the same if their people left to take up revolutionary
politics.
Amongst New Afrikans, Muslims are most common within prisons. Of all the
religious groups in Califas prisons, the Muslims are most organized and
operate much like LOs. It is in the Muslim services where one will hear
a lecture on concepts like discipline, unity and dedication.
Many Muslims also connect to outside Muslim organizations and work to
connect prisoners who are released to the outside Muslim community. This
is something that the Catholics or Christian Chaplains/communities do
not really do. So in this sense Muslims do more prison outreach.
How Religion Pacifies Prisoners
Most prison administrations are happy to promote religion and make sure
Bibles are in abundance. Religious channels on the TV are rapidly
approved for the prison viewers and Chaplains/Imams are welcomed to
enter even the maximum security prisons and walk the tier. These
religious leaders are welcome to distribute their propaganda while
revolutionary publications are censored, books on national liberation
are used to label one a part of a Security Threat Group, and even visits
from activists are denied. This is because one ideology teaches one to
get free from the oppressor and the other teaches one to simply pray
that the oppressor will stop oppressing you.
Rather than teaching prisoners how to fight oppression religion teaches
people to pray for forgiveness from the oppressor. It teaches that some
supernatural being has a plan and if we humbly accept our oppression in
life we will be rewarded in some afterlife.
Pacifism, or the belief that non-violence will solve oppression, is
idealism at best. NEVER in hystory has a people obtained real liberation
via religion or pacifism. Liberation has always required revolutionary
theory and a strong dose of armed struggle when conditions were ripe.
Malcolm X said: “I’m for anybody who’s for justice … equality, I’m not
for anybody who tells me to sit around and wait for mine … who tells me
to turn the other cheek.”(2)
I’m all for peace, but not peace while living under an occupation with
Amerikkka controlling Aztlán. I’m not for peace while the oppressor
nation has me and my people in its prisons and sentenced under its
kkkourts when they have no jurisdiction over what my nation does. I
won’t wait for mine. Instead I’ll learn who the oppressor is, teach
others to struggle against oppression and work to liberate my nation.
Kneeling in the prison chapel or muttering Novena will not advance the
people’s liberation. Reading political theory, creating study groups,
and working with other prisoners to find ways to combat oppression will.
Is opium good for the people?
Marx once said that religion is the opium of the masses. This is because
religion has the same effect on the mind as heroin does. It turns people
into passive putty. Like a drug, the religious become hooked on a
self-destructive activity which dulls their senses to the world we live
in, all the while strengthening the oppressor.
Of course there are cases where there are positive aspects to religion.
There are the anti-imperialist efforts being carried out in other parts
of the world by Muslims. There are Christian churches marching in the
streets protesting the police murdering innocent people and against
solitary confinement. And in some South and Central American countries
there is a history of Liberation Theology advocates joining the
revolutionary struggles. These groups rightly see that oppression
suffered by mostly Brown and Black people is wrong.
In a future socialist revolution there will be many religious people who
will come over to join the revolution. But this does not change the fact
that religion as an ideology is an oppressive institution. Any ideology
that says wimmin are not equal to men, or that does not rely on the
people to liberate themselves, is incorrect. The opium is bad for the
people.
There are many freedom fighters who have struggled throughout hystory in
so many ways. Some used organizing, others the gun and many have used
the power of words. Freedom fighters come from a variety of political
ideologies and different nations, but what ties them all together is
their decision to serve the people. They do this not just in their
lives, but in their legacy and what they have accomplished in their
lifetime.
This issue of Under Lock & Key is dedicated to freedom
fighters of all types. The inspiration for this issue comes from a
comrade who wrote in to suggest that
everyone
write an essay celebrating one freedom fighter who has influenced
them. We are printing some of the responses we got in this ULK.
Who are some Freedom Fighters?
Looking at the Chican@ nation we have freedom fighters like Elizabeth
“Betita” Martinez, Corky Gonzalez and other Chican@s who fought for the
liberation of Aztlán. They dedicated their lives to the nation and still
serve as examples to those of us who struggle today.
The New Afrikan nation has freedom fighters like Malcolm X and Angela
Davis and others who have set great examples and continue to do so for
the oppressed. New Afrikan struggles continue to build on past
struggles.
The First Nations have freedom fighters like Leonard Peltier who
struggled against Amerikkka in many ways. Peltier today sits in a prison
cell because of being a freedom fighter.
Boriqua has freedom fighters like Lolita Lebron and Oscar Lopez Rivera.
Lolita went to prison for struggling against Amerikkka and Oscar still
sits in a U.$. prison for his work to free Puerto Rico.
All of these people come from the oppressed internal semi-colonies here
within U.$. borders. They have inspired people living under U.$.
imperialism for decades. But there are many other freedom fighters
around the world who have made an impact on all of our consciousness
regardless of their political line. People like Leila Khalid, Che,
Fanon, Giap, Zapata, Pancho Villa and so many others have showed us what
people’s fighters look like.
Are there Imprisoned Freedom Fighters?
For many amongst the oppressed nations these colonizer’s kkkamps are
where freedom fighters end up. Some imprisoned freedom fighters are
prisoners of war (POWs), targeted because of their anti-imperialist work
on the streets. These freedom fighters will always be found in U.$.
prisons because the oppressed will always struggle in so many ways
against the oppressor nation. This will continue as long as U.$.
imperialism exists.
Other freedom fighters gained consciousness behind the bars and have
risen up to lead the movement from within. Many of the freedom fighters
in U.$. prisons today can be found in control units because the state
targets imprisoned activists. Freedom fighters within prisons are often
those who were amidst or leading such prison rebellions as the
hunger/work strikes which swept the dungeons of Califas, Georgia, Ohio,
etc. in the last few years like a hurricane of collective rage. These
prisoners were craving freedom!
Freedom fighters within prisons are those who do not fear the enemy
oppressor nation. They do not fear speaking up for prisoners even when
they are being attacked by the state. A freedom fighter is anyone who
makes a decision to struggle for a better environment within prisons.
How Do Freedom Fighters Awaken the People?
When we think of freedom fighters and our connection to them many
conjure up people in hystory who inspire us to rise up. I know when I
began to read up on people like Zapata or Pancho Villa it compelled me
to read more about the Mexican Revolution. As a Chican@ it helped
instill a national consciousness in me. It helped me to understand that
it is good to resist Amerikkka and that colonization is bad, not good,
despite the bribes.
But there are freedom fighters in the here and now. I would say that
every reader of ULK is a budding freedom fighter, and those who
contribute in any way to ULK are freedom fighters. We are
freedom fighters because we work to free the people.
Reading the hystory of the Mexican Revolution and the freedom fighters
who made it happen put me on the road to where I am today as a Chican@
revolutionary. The first time I was handed MIM literature was in a
control unit. A New Afrikan handed me a MIM Notes newspaper and
after reading it I was turned up! That persyn who introduced me to MIM
was a freedom fighter. This is what freedom fighters do: they work
tirelessly to build more freedom fighters.
Being a freedom fighter is not doing it for a come up. The people who
become freedom fighters are not getting paid to do so. This is a
voluntary act, a way of serving the people, often with everything we
have.
The legacy of freedom fighters lives on long after we are no longer
alive. We help build consciousness while we are alive through our
actions. For future generations our actions, thought and struggles will
serve as study material and inspiration. Everything we do should educate
the people. This means our fellow prisoners on the tier, those on the
yard, and our nations at large. Our lives should help develop as many
people as we can, in prison or outside of prisons. Freedom fighters
should make a difference in all who come to know them, even our outside
supporters.
Why the State Fears Freedom Fighters
We should understand that freedom fighters are enemies of the state. It
is the freedom fighter who is trying to get FREE from the state. The
oppressor nation is what is preventing us from being free, so they would
naturally see us as a threat. It’s why they label us “security threat
groups” and other such names, because our actions and goals threaten
their power.
It is important to understand that our existence with the oppressor is
not compatible. As long as we are alive we will continue to experience
oppression in so many horrible ways. Many will become demoralized,
especially when being a freedom fighter does not put you in the
majority. Freedom fighters are a small minority within U.$. prisons and
U.$. borders. But this should not discourage any one of you. Truth is
grasped by a nucleus, a cadre, and not by the majority at first.
When the Bolsheviks first rose up they had a little over a hundred
cadre. The Chinese cadre also started out as a handful. But as Tani and
Sera put it: “Only those who refuse to see revolution as it actually is,
can fail to see the connection between the breakthrough of world
socialism and the rebellion of a very small, oppressed nation.”(1) Here
it is highlighted that a small oppressed nation has the ability to
affect world revolution. A minority can affect the majority. The state
understands this and it is for this reason that they fear our freedom
fighters.
As I was writing this article on freedom fighters I heard on the radio
that Hugo “Yogi” Pinell has been killed! Yogi was a real freedom
fighter. Rest in power Yogi.
I first became exposed to revolutionary theory in prison, although I had
been a reader my whole life. Prison has become my classroom for
revolutionary knowledge, not because the state ensures this, but because
I came in contact with politically conscious prisoners who helped
instill a consciousness in me. Groups like MIM helped to fuel my early
cultivation through liberatory literature and I was able to engage in
study groups throughout my prison journey, facility to facility and yard
to yard. Study groups were the key to my own development.
It is a fact that U.S. prisons are used for social control of prisoners,
who are mostly from the internal semi-colonies. Colonized people have
always been subjected to brutal prison conditions but dialectical
materialism teaches us that we can transform our environment, including
prisons. In order to revolutionize these modern day slave kamps we need
to study to revolutionize ourselves.
How Study Groups Help People
People are social beings, and as strong-minded and determined as we
think we are, the truth is we learn best through interacting with our
environment and especially other people. We learn best by discussion and
debate. Asking questions helps us get answers, and when we are having
trouble grasping a concept, studying with others allows us to learn.
Teaching others also helps the teacher to learn themselves. The study
group facilitates all of this.
In my own experience with study groups within U.$. prisons I have found
that besides developing one’s own political thought, study groups also
teach one how to interact with others and what are the best ways to
translate or explain our social reality to the people. We should
understand that in many ways those of us who study political science and
engage in study groups within prisons operate like political
organizations out in society that do outreach to the masses, only our
fellow prisoners are the masses.
Just as our counterparts outside prison walls constantly attempt to
learn from the masses in order to better help the masses, we should do
the same with our study groups. As prisoners, those of us who are
conscious must revolutionize these dungeons. We have boots on the
ground, and study groups within prisons should develop programs which
help educate all of the prison masses, not just those involved in a
study group. In this sense a study group can serve as the vanguard in
their facility.
Study groups have helped me understand my oppression and the oppression
of Aztlán, and through them I have become a better persyn. Understanding
politics and theory has given me purpose and has helped me to help other
prisoners to better their existence. In short I have not just learned
about hystory, as when I study alone, but I have learned different
methods of using the lessons of hystory to revolutionize the future.
How do study groups operate?
Depending on one’s facility, study groups take on various formations. I
have experienced many, from formal groups studying political science
while on the mainline where one can meet face to face on the yard and
discuss different aspects of society, to yelling through an air vent to
people I couldn’t see.
I was in one spot where every few days someone picked a different
country and we discussed all of the uprisings in that country. People
would search old magazines, books or newspapers to find anything on that
country.
Another study group I participated in was in a facility that was highly
restrictive with revolutionary literature. Since none of us was too
politically educated we got whatever newspapers or progressive magazines
we could, and we would discuss the articles, and attempt to apply them
to other aspects of society.
Prison Study Groups in Maoist China
If we look to Mao’s China, and specifically to the time of the Cultural
Revolution, we will see that every level of society was touched by
Maoism, even the prisons. When I read about prisons in Mao’s China I
learn why it is that Maoism is considered the highest stage that
socialism has developed so far.
Though frequently badmouthed in the imperialist media for their
re-education practice, these prisons focused on the political education
of inmates. Most people behind bars had committed serious crimes against
the people (landlords who murdered peasants, people who spied for
Amerika, government officials who abused their power), and so this
education helped prisoners understand how their actions affected others
and why they should want to work towards a society where people do not
have the power to oppress and exploit others.(1)
The study groups developed by prisoners during the Cultural Revolution
involved thought reform. This means understanding why one has particular
thoughts and finding ways of correcting incorrect ideas. This was
reforming one’s errors on levels that many of us cannot even imagine. It
was a process of dialectics where prisoners would study the essence of
their actions and behaviors. They would also engage in
criticism-self-criticism where they would look into their own errors or
the errors of others so that they all learned and evolved as a group.
The prison study groups in Maoist China did not conduct
criticism-self-criticisms in order to ridicule or bully people; instead
it was done to really point out the error and get the persyn to
understand their error. One cannot change a behavior if one does not
know or truly believe that they are committing an error in the first
place. What we must understand is every prison in Mao’s
China had these daily study groups, which were fully supported by the
people’s government. In this way prisoners learned and
became better people because of the study groups. They became people who
went on to help build the revolution.
In contrast to Mao’s China, here in U.$. prisons we are simply
warehoused. We are placed in a cell where we are taught
nothing, and this is done for years and decades. If we
are lucky we are released and come out the same or worse than we went
in. We don’t learn from the state because under capitalism they don’t
have any use for us other than filling a cell. And when we try to form
study groups we are punished and our studies are falsely labeled as gang
activity or security threat activities. This is the difference between a
Maoist society and a capitalist society; one heals people, the other
destroys people.
All of this was part of the political line of China under Mao which put
into practice the theory that people can learn from their mistakes and
become productive members of society if they take study and
self-criticism seriously. In Amerika’s prisons today we find the
oppressed rather than the oppressors, but there is still an important
role for self-criticism in the anti-people actions of many lumpen. And
the study of political theory is especially criticial to the oppressed
as we hone our understanding of how to fight back against the
oppressors.
When speaking about education Mao stressed: “Our educational policy must
enable everyone who receives an education to develop morally,
intellectually and physically and become a worker with both socialist
consciousness and culture.”(2)
Mao reminds us that education is to make us better people. In the above
quote he describes education being used to help people become workers.
Although we are lumpen, education can help us become lumpen with
socialist consciousness and culture.
What are the difficulties?
Forming or participating in study groups is not easy. There are many
obstructions we have to deal with. As most know, U.$. prisons unleash
political repression in the guise of upholding their laws. They
criminalize political organizing and revolutionary activity of the
imprisoned captives by labeling it “gang activity” or “security threat
group activity.”
There were times when I would get a good group of people together and we
would have a good study group going and then the prison, out of nowhere,
would move people out of the building or section, scrambling the housing
population and dismantling the study group. The study group is
disrupted, but this only means that we need to start over.
Sometimes I would be somewhere and gather lots of notes on political
articles or uprisings and I would use these for groups, only to have my
cell searched and all of my notes trashed, with a guard noting “gang
notes.” Likewise I would acquire a good selection of revolutionary books
only to be transferred to another prison and in the process all of my
political books would be “lost.”
Once I was in a control unit where the prison put me and a New Afrikan
next to each other and everyone else in the unit was juiced up on psyche
meds kicking their door all day. The prison did this to further isolate
us from our nations. So we formed a study group together and discussed
ULK and other books. When things get repressive we need to keep
studying and educating each other, no matter how hard it is.
Study groups can also be done through the mail. MIM(prisons) facilitates
some of the best study groups I have encountered. But this invites
censorship and sometimes harassment from the prison staff. We have to
understand that learning about our own repression and about communist
theory is something the state seeks to prevent. Prisoners learning about
revolutionary theory scares the state because it means we will learn and
turn theory into practice, against them.
What’s it all for?
We should understand that repression will happen regularly. This is why
studying is so important, so that when our mail is censored we have
books and literature to fuel our study groups. And when our lit and
books are “lost” we can remember our lessons and teach others key
concepts like dialectical and historical materialism. We can help other
prisoners understand why we need a united front or how the oppressed
within U.$. borders developed as nations. We will know all of this and
what kind of program we will need to liberate the people because of what
we learned in our study groups.
What we do today and how we spend our time in these dungeons will
determine what the future of these dungeons will look like. At the same
time study groups should produce theory and theory should produce
practice. We are not studying to be armchair revolutionaries, we are
studying in order to ultimately join the oppressed of the world in
smashing imperialism.
Many Chican@s understand the concept of Aztlán in a variety of ways,
some for its indigenous historical roots and others for its contemporary
symbolic meaning of unity and our national territory. Either way, Aztlán
draws the line of demarcation between Chican@s and our oppressor and
provides an anti-imperialist thrust. To abandon Aztlán ultimately
declaws Chican@s and attempts to assimilate the nation into Amerikkka
which results in weakening Chican@s and strengthening our oppressor.
When it comes to the U.S. left within U.S. borders, many within the
non-Raza strain work hard to attempt to lump together all Brown people,
just like Amerikkka did in the days of the old “Greaser Laws” only today
it is in the name of “progress.” The idea is to better control Brown
people and get Raza to assimilate under a mostly white left-wing
leadership. These “progressives” work hard to co-opt Raza struggles and
are quick to downplay the Chican@ nation and its distinct leadership.
Some of them even capture the minds of Raza who unwittingly push their
agenda, but real anti-imperialism understands that nationalism of the
oppressed is a positive thing.
The truth is Raza have lots in common and will always have that strong
bond and close collaboration. Our common histories on this continent
ensure this. However the fact remains that we come from distinct nations
and for Chican@s our national territory of Aztlán defines the Chican@
nation. Many different Raza have come to identify as Chican@ and thus
Aztlán has continued the tradition of being inclusive of many diverse
peoples. Raza have arrived from various latin@ nations and moved into
Chican@ barrios and made them their home. Acknowledging the concept of
Aztlán does not turn anyone away. But what denying Aztlán’s existence
does do is it denies the existence of the Chican@ nation because without
a land base, a national territory, there is no nation. This is what many
“progressives” do not explain.
Working against an oppressed nation is done in many ways. One of the
more obvious ways is of course implanting the idea that their nation
does not exist or that they should attempt to assimilate with Amerikkka.
But another more subtle way of doing this is how those pushing the
Prison Industrial Complex (PIC) political line do it. They attempt to
explain mass imprisonment in the United $tates as being profit-driven so
that corporations can profit off of free prison labor. On the surface
this sounds like a possibility. Even many well-intentioned
self-described revolutionaries have bit into this and are running around
promoting the PIC concept. But Raza, what this means is if this prison
boom is profit-driven it alludes to there being no national oppression
and thus no need for national liberation struggles.
The prison boom is about social control and it is a form of national
oppression first and foremost. Profit is a secondary result. Mass
imprisonment proves that national liberation struggles within U.S.
borders are still very much relevant.
As Chican@s our land is occupied as you read this, so why would we ever
seek to negate our existence as an oppressed nation? Can one be any more
oppressed than having one’s land stolen? And should we react by refusing
to call our national territory by its historical name? I say no.
We are anti-imperialists because we are against land grabs and
exportation of oppression. We are not stuck on just our nation, we know
that we are inter-connected to the world’s people and we fight
oppression everywhere. At the same time we know that we can’t free the
world’s people until we lead our own people both physically and
psychologically.
Imperialism is strengthened when people refuse to liberate themselves.
It is also strengthened when large swaths of oppressed people are
hoodwinked into not taking the right path to free themselves. Attempting
to bury the concept of Aztlán not only sets back the Chican@ movement,
but it also sets back the anti-imperialist movement. Rather than
attempting to smother what may be the most essential social forces in
U.S. borders, real progressives need to find ways to support and help
unleash them. Such actions would be real anti-imperialism.
1 June 2015 marked the third anniversary of the Brown Berets - Prison
Chapter (BB-PC). This was a significant event, one that should be
reviewed and put in context for what it means for Chican@s and what
other oppressed people can learn from this development. Although
Chican@s have been showing a rise in consciousness and political
activity, we need to also reach farther and dig deeper in our efforts.
The following four points are some of the contributions which this
anniversary marks. All Chican@s should understand that we can accomplish
much more with more participation and with more prison activism. There
are four points that are important ways in which this development has
progressed.
Book project: The BB-PC was happy to participate in the newly
released book
Chican@ Power
and the Struggle for Aztlán. This is a much needed book based on
today’s Chican@ nation, and it was time for such a project. The BB-PC
saw that there is a shortage of contemporary Chican@ revolutionary
literature showing today’s gente the way forward. After collaborating
with MIM(Prisons) and other Chican@s who were also working to rebuild
the nation, the book project was launched. This book marks a new level
of consciousness for the nation and it is ground breaking. We believe
that this book has signaled the next wind in the Chican@ movement.
New Chapter: Another development in these three years was the
formation of the BB-PC Colorado. The fact that Chican@s in Colorado have
been able to rise above their circumstances and contribute to advancing
Aztlán is a beautiful thing. When people can look outside of themselves
and, despite their own oppression or repressive circumstances, stand up
with the nation, it should be applauded. It is no surprise that comrades
in Colorado did not waste time in getting involved in today’s Chican@
movement because Colorado has always contributed strong cadre to Aztlán.
In 1974 Los Seis de Boulder Colorado gave Aztlán the martyrs which
fueled Aztlán at that time. But the Colorado chapter also confirms our
analysis which can be found in Chican@ Power, and which
explains that we suspect imprisoned Chican@s are developing politically
at unprecedented rates and as this continues so will more chapters rise
throughout the U.S. pintas.
Release of Chican@s out of the control units: Another development
has been in the fact that after years and decades of Chican@s and other
oppressed people being held in control units we have now seen many moved
back out to the general populations. We believe that this was
accomplished by a multitude of actions. The hunger strikes, the
heightened education/agitation behind prison walls, and the involvement
in more Chican@s speaking out and creating literature and political
theory to guide the prison movement, has all helped to push the prison
movement for human rights forward while ensuring that the demands within
prisons remain progressive and continue to revolutionize. All of these
efforts were supported by the imprisoned Chican@ movement and the BB-PC
participated in various ways.
Future efforts: We see the need for more Chican@ study material and
the newly released book Chican@ Power was just the first step
in this regard. More material is being developed which will add to
transforming the hearts and minds of captive Aztlán.
It can be said that in these short three years a contribution has been
made to Aztlán. But this is an ongoing long-term project and we have
only begun. Thought reform takes time, and undoing the damage that
colonialism has done on our nation’s minds is hard work. We are
freedom-loving people who have tasted freedom through our actions, and
our activism will not stop until we are all free.
The coming year will see more leaps forward as more Chican@s are let out
of the control units, and as more torture is stopped. The first step in
contributing to Aztlán is educating oneself and those around you.
Learning Chican@ hystory and discuss how to advance the gente. Nobody
will free you if you will not free yourself. We look forward to better
days and a re-charged Chican@ movement.
It’s a beautiful thing when I read about the struggle for social justice
and liberation of the oppressed, especially when it is prisoners who are
developing politically or ex-prisoners who are released and get involved
in activism of various sorts. The lumpen have a hystory of rising up in
struggle against injustice. We see this when reading about Attica, the
San Quentin six, and the California hunger strikes, as well as in the
many revolutionary groups which developed within prisons. This is great,
of course, but our development, actions, and theory should be based in
science.
Science keeps us grounded in reality; it helps us proceed and understand
the way things are. The opposite of science would be faith, a hunch, or
metaphysical concepts in general. As revolutionaries we use the
scientific method to make decisions on how we interact with the world we
live in. The scientific method relies on observation and experimentation
with the world that we live in so that we fully understand it and thus
transform it.
Science, then, is a tool which helps us make the proper decisions and
enables scientific leadership, focused on truth and reality. Scientific
leadership allows for one to percieve truth because one studies
hystorical events which have been tested and experimented with. Learning
from all of this allows scientific leadership to make real power moves
which advance the people, as opposed to decisions based on idealism or
lofty visions.
What Does Scientific Leadership Look Like?
How much leadership can accomplish depends on whether it is scientific
leadership or not. For example, scientific leadership in a political
movement must study the world’s hystorical movements to see what in
hystory has worked, which social experiments have been successful and
which have not.
By studying movements and revolutions one would know better than to
invest time and programs on Trotskyism because one would quickly see
that it has yet to liberate a people anywhere in the world. Science
shows that Maoism was most successful because, among other things, it
teaches that even after a nation is liberated class struggle continues –
even after socialist revolution. Understanding this will reveal why
nations such as Vietnam flip-flopped back to capitalism after
liberation; it’s because the leadership were not Maoists and did not
accept that class struggle continues. In short they did not have
scientific leadership.
Within prisons it becomes easy to stray off the path of science because
in so many ways our methods for surviving in these dungeons and the ways
we cope with an unbearable existence may not be anchored in our best
interests. Because we are placed in survival mode by the state the
minute we are imprisoned it becomes easy to try to come up at another
prisoner’s expense, but this method is incorrect and parasitic.
When we study hystory we learn that people around the world did not
liberate themselves and their people by preying on other similarly
situated or oppressed people. They did so by struggling together for
their collective interests. One cannot at the same time exploit their
own people and free them. Attempting to advance one’s own people in
order to better exploit them amounts to bourgeois nationalism. This is
not scientific leadership because it means the leadership did not learn
from hystorical cases of bourgeois revolutions.
Studying revolutionary nationalism reveals what scientific leadership
looked like for oppressed nations. Mao’s China gave us the greatest
example of this so far. But Mao used science to continuously break
ground and lead the social forces out of the woods of ignorance and
dead-end politics. As he put it:
“Natural science is one of man’s weapons in his fight for freedom.
For the purpose of attaining freedom in society, man must use social
science to understand and change society and carry out social
revolution. For the purpose of attaining freedom in the world of nature
man must use natural science to understand, conquer and change nature
and thus attain freedom from nature.”(1)
As Mao explains above, people seeking to push a movement forward
must harness natural science and learn from our reality. Prisoners in
our microcosm must do the same. Our “freedom” within U.$. prisons does
not translate to seizing state power today, but the beauty of Maoism is
that we can apply these teachings to our own environment, even the
prison environment. Our freedom in U.$. prisons should be freedom from
torture, freedom from abuse and other forms of oppression. We should
seek freedom in the realm of ideas where we can read and write without
censorship. We should be free to socialize and form study groups and
politically educate our fellow prisoners without fear of being
brutalized by the state or stuffed in a control unit.
The scientific leadership within U.$. prisons is a minority and is
most reflective in the pages of Under Lock & Key. If Maoism
is the highest or most scientific ideology today, then Maoist prisoners
are the scientific leadership in U.$. prisons, even if we are not yet
currently “in power” within U.$. prisons.
A scientific leadership should ensure that its people are a politically
educated people. To monopolize on knowledge and hoard education within a
chosen few means that should these leaders get slammed down in the hole
or control unit the masses become lost. This is why educating the people
is something that should be constantly focused on. Building cadre is
investing in a movement’s future.
Can the People be Led Without Science?
Prison can be a brutal environment. In the old days it was the most
brutal who rose to the top of the heap and led, although it may have
been down a dead-end road. Without understanding who is oppressing you,
the oppressor will not only continue to oppress you, but you’ll end up
focusing on those who are not oppressing you. You consequently never dig
yourself out of the hole that you don’t even realize you are in.
Unfortunately the people can be, and in many cases are, led by
unscientific leadership. The prison rebellion in Santa Fe, New Mexico
was a concrete example of what happens when leadership is not based in
the scientific method. Violence and parasitism are promoted rather than
steering the people toward liberation. Lumpen organizations (LOs) that
are not scientific will more often than not be swayed to
lumpen-on-lumpen crime. They are not looking at their social reality
from political lenses and instead they will look more to immediate needs
and self-gratification. This is the breeding ground for escapism and
individualism. This does nothing to combat the oppressor and almost
always reinforces national oppression.
Unscientific leadership is not a revolutionary leadership. It is not for
the people’s real interest and will never get past making a little money
here and there and gaining some recognition from those in prisons and
other lumpen, while never rebuilding their nation or contributing to
freeing their nation.
This means that people will be led, but it will be down a path which
leads nowhere productive. If anything, it is a path which helps destroy
their own people. Their goals will remain in self-destructive behavior
which works alongside the state in many ways. The un-scientific approach
ends up being an enabler to the state and one’s very own national
oppression. One essentially ends up tying the knots for our oppressor
which binds us, helpless and vulnerable.
So What is Scientific Leadership For?
Ultimately people are led towards a goal. Scientific leadership is
communist and working toward liberating oppressed people. Prisoners
within U.$. borders are mostly from the internal semi-colonies, so for
us scientific leadership works toward independence from Amerikkka. All
of our decisions as a scientific leadership should be with the intent of
inching closer to our goal of liberating our nation(s) and obtaining
complete independence.
Emancipation will take work, but prisoners can contribute in many ways.
Scientific leaders within U.$. prisons should first identify their
political hystory and who they are as a nation. This means guiding one’s
flock to also understand who they are and to become politically
educated. Independent institutions need to be created, which includes
revolutionary publications. Those who are already politically conscious
need to be harnessed so that they can be political instructors for those
who do not yet grasp their political reality. Liberation schools need to
be created, and better relations with others who are similarly situated
and oppressed need to be coordinated.
Outside political institutions also need to be created which help link
people outside prison walls with our imprisoned struggles for justice in
these concentration camps. We can still hustle in prisons, but our
hustles should not oppress others and our hustles should not be for our
own come up, but for building our revolutionary movement.
At the end of the day the role of the imprisoned scientific leadership
is to transform prisons, to revolutionize the prisons. Our aim is
freedom. We cannot shy away from the very real contradictions that exist
within the lumpen population. There is a lot of work to do, but things
are changing and the imprisoned lumpen are becoming more and more
conscious. This is reflected in many things, from more frequent prison
uprisings, more imprisoned revolutionary organizations springing up,
more prison theoreticians developing ideology, and most importantly more
lumpen unity behind prison walls. All of this and more points to the
imprisoned lumpen acquiring more scientific leadership. Imprisoned
revolutionaries should help accelerate these developments because this
is what all LOs originated for in the beginning, for their people to be
free from oppression behind prison walls.