MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
“It shows that circumstances make men just as much as men make
circumstances.” - Karl Marx in the German ideology
Can we say that a new phenomenon is brewing behind these walls? We can
all see the new level of political consciousness in California prisons,
where prisoners are resisting the repressive policies of the California
Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) in a more collective
manner. Change has been slow, but progress is evident. The root of this
is us prisoners with a little political and legal education to enlighten
others and at the same time inspire others to participate in progressive
action.
The California hunger strikes weren’t spontaneous demonstrations against
injust human rights violations in the Security Housing Units (SHUs), but
rather carefully laid out plans to get outside attention and assistance.
It was years of suppression that brought a few together to gather many
in a common purpose that serves all of our interests. Some men are
mentally broken while others carry on in these SHU conditions.
This is but a simple dialectic; or two sides of a contradiction forming
a unity. On one hand we have those who deteriorate under these
conditions and seek any way out, while on the other hand we have those
prisoners who adapt and at the same time find ways to better themselves
by educating themselves in law, reading good books, or picking up
hobbies to keep themselves occupied. It is through these individuals who
know the conditions in the SHU who are capable of creating campaigns for
abolishing its policies, especially the gang validation policies that so
many prisoners fall victim to.
Exposure and propaganda play a vital role on our behalf. This is where
USW comrades come in, not just as advocates for human rights, but as
advocates of an overall anti-imperialist campaign, as everything is
connected to the imperialist system. The SHUs within CDCR are an aspect
of imperialism, utilized for social control. And the oppressive
conditions within are nothing more but to assert more social control
behind prisons. It is through current events that this new phenomenon is
manifesting a wave of politically conscious prisoners creating new
circumstances. More validated prisoners are leaving the SHUs but more
are taking their place. It is possible that one day through a collective
effort the gang validation will be dismantled entirely and a SHU cap may
be part of our future. I think it is.
[The following is text from a grievance submitted 18 September 2013 to
the North Carolina Prisoner Legal
Services that was accepted and then rejected without explanation.
NCPLS is under contract with the NC Department of Public Safety to meet
the legal requirement of access to legal resources for prisoners. As a
result NC prisoners are not provided with law libraries. Meanwhile NCPLS
repeatedly denies help to our comrades who have been writing them for
years about the abuses like those described below. Combined with the
obstructionism of the department staff handling grievances, North
Carolina prisoners have become frustrated with the injustice and
responded with
hunger
strikes and a campaign to demand that grievances are addressed in
the state prison system. We have edited the text from the original
grievance for clarity. - MIM(Prisons)]
Dear Prisoner Legal Services,
I have been housed in High Security Maximum Control(HCON) North Carolina
State Prison. HCON is long-term isolation with single cells including
blocks A,B,C and D, housing 96 prisoners total.
I been here over over 9 months in 23/24 hours locked down and face years
here. What follows is a brief summary of the problems prisoners (WE)
have here. Us prisoners always try to address our problems with the
officers. They ignore inmates on our daily needs when we have a concern
to be addressed for whatever matter.
We have to beat on our cell doors and windows to get officers attention
because the call button of all cells was removed from the rooms. Then
some officers most of the time take up to 45 or so minutes to appear in
our window. An extremely loud noise beating on cells windows for a day
long and night on the daily basis does disturb the peace of other
prisoners as well as staff members also.
The high official Mr. Muns, Polk Correctional Institution
Superintendent, and Mr. Ryan Irvin Assistant Superintendent of HCON fail
to address officers behavior to have them do what their job requires
them to do.
Prisoners throw human waste (shit mixed with piss) at staff members or
prisoners set cells on fire to get things done by staff, which results
in the prisoner being indicted on street charges.
It’s not right all this happens on the daily basis and the matters are
still not handled. All that happening in special house building is out
of order. It makes an unsafe housing situation for prisoners and state
staff.
The prisoners’ behavior causes lack of medical attention we’re suffering
in special housing. Medical staff denied us medical emergency when
declared most of the times. For example, nurse Mr. Berry, on September
15, 2013 denied me medical emergency I declared for high blood pressure
and chest pain.
When we do get a nurse to respond to a medical emergency they are all
being performed inside the prisoners’ cells, which is also incorrect
because cells are unhygienic and contaminated. It’s unconstitutional.
Meanwhile, prisoners who submitted sick calls forms are facing months
delays to be screened or be seen by doctor Lightsey Joseph. It take up 2
or 3 months without any concerns been fixed still. Most of the time
prisoners sick calls are addressed outside the prisoner patient presence
by doctor Lightsey Joseph. Mr. Mitchell Lawson nurse supervisor fails to
properly train nurses personnel and he is liable.
On occasions staff members abuse their authority in many ways by messing
up prisoners’ meals or playing our emotional sense. Our food trays serve
poor amounts of food. We starve. Mr. Carl Miller food service manager is
in charge.
All prisoners clothes we use are damaged clothing. So bad they cause
itching, are uncomfortable and unhygienic clothes and we are being force
to use them.
For special house prisoners all outgoing or incoming mail are being
obstructed by Ms. Jacqueline Maxey S.T.G. Sergeant, including reading
all family or friends mail. Prisoners sometimes can’t reach the North
Carolina Department of Public Safety main office in the outside world to
put our concerns in head official hands. So they’re dirty ways can
always be hidden, to save their hides. We can’t reach our loved one.
Special housing staff intentionally misdeliver prisoner mail to
different prisoners for that very purpose to cause harm to the prisoner
himself or family members or friends. Or prisoner grieve whatever matter
is… our grievances are not addressed or give a joke answer at step one.
Grievances soon get dismissal always. Mr. Orlando Brown is also liable
for prisoners’ mail clothes issues.
Prison official also punish inmates in the prison by feeding us
Nutraloaf for a 7 day period. Nutraloaf is a mix of beans, oatmeal,
grits, collard greens etc… Which is cruel punishment along with taking
all inmate property mattress, clothes, blanket, sheets. Except the
clothing we wear for up to a 7 day period.
Us prisoners should not suffer these punishment when charges are filed
and served more prison time and visa versa. It is double jeopardy.
All these should not be outside issues. They are institutional matters
because Polk Correctional Institution higher official Mr. Muns and
Mr. Ryan fail to fixes the special housing problems by first addressing
their lower officers’ behavior. Instead of giving more hard work to the
Court of Justice as also affecting groups of prisoners sentences and
making an unsafe and unhygienic housing for both prisoners as well for
staff members also.
Just get lower officers lack of doing what they were hired for to do
their work.
Finally, Mr. Muns also Mr. Ryan fail to understand, balanced, and
excellent neglected to mention the typical hours for lower officer
workers is 12 hours a day, 2 to 3 days a week. Staff are overly tired,
burned out officers workers will make errors causing harm to prisoners
in many ways to neighbors, and to themselves the prison staff is under
staffed.
This is how special house crazy is.
North Carolina prisoner legal services could this office put hands on
this matters to challenge in court?
I wait for you to hear a trustful and positive respond. Thanks you very
much.
Relief sought, to hire the amount staff workers correct by state statute
indicate. Fix special housing problems that affects a group of prisoners
or close high security maximum control N.C. building. We demand our
grievances are addressed. Address all points above in this sorta
grievance. Remove Mr. Ryan from office.
A persyn can proceed no further than the knowledge they have will carry
them. To advance the revolutionary nationalist struggle for land,
independence and socialism, we have to have a knowledge – a scientific
understanding of the world around us – and we must study hystory. In
order to do this, we must acquire discipline, revolutionary discipline.
Revolutionary discipline is not something we are born with, it must be
developed.
Discipline implies self-control, a willingness to submit yourself to the
rules and code of conduct of an organization that is dedicated to
independence. It means doing what is necessary to advance the objectives
of the movement and doing what you say.
A unity of will and purpose cannot be accomplished without conscious
efforts of all of the members or potential members of a revolutionary
organization to strive to achieve maximum strength thru the exercise of
maximum discipline and vigilance.
Many organizations have been destroyed because a member or group of
members failed to keep their word. Revolutionary work has been retarded
because this or that comrade has said they would take on a task and
failed to deliver at the proper moment.
When we embrace or join an organization we have pledged to give
something of ourselves for a greater unity and we must expect greater
unity to exercise some control over our actions. We can no longer just
think of ourselves, but of the group, the family and the movement – the
nation.
Often times we wanna disregard the revolutionary discipline that we’ve
committed to to pursue some persynal project. This happens because we
have not rid ourselves of the disease of individualism. Thus, to build
revolutionary discipline and eliminate individualism, we must stress
constant study and practice, criticism and self-criticism.
Ultimately, we must purge from our ranks the weak links in our movement
if we are to be strong, organized and about our work.
New Afrika’s struggle is about land, independence and socialism. BORO is
internationalist in our perspective and worldview and supports the
struggle of all people to be free of imperialist aggression, patriarchy,
gender and all forms of oppression.
Thinking back on all the times we spent Running here, running
there Never taking the first step. Conditioned to what’s around
you Living in the puppet show of life
Dancing along, singing their song Slowly stirring from slumber All
the bright colors often dimmed to their liking Seeing with new eyes
all the wonder Pulling at the chains as they get tighter
The more you see, things ain’t what they seem The more you learn,
things ain’t what they should be The more you know, running from
their rules You’re living in their fantasy It’s time to wake up
and break the chains!
Walking around with your eyes wide shut Thinking you’re in a land of
the free Seeing it’s only the land of deceit Speaking your mind is
an act of terrorism Breaking the chains piece by piece
Get a new state of mind Relearning what never should have been
forgotten Bracing yourself for what is yet to come Praying for
strength to carry on Holding true to your beliefs.
I just received the latest issue of
Under Lock & Key
No. 38 May/June 2014, which is a surprise being that recently a copy of
the grievance petition and a couple of guides were forwarded to the
DOC’s Correspondence Review Committee to see if they will allow me to
receive them. The mailroom staff considers the material “questionable
& inflammatory.”
This censorship comes as no shock since the hypocrisy that they label as
a “democracy” in Amerikan society censors the mass media and many other
forms of disseminating knowledge, due to material being labeled
“inflammatory.” Although these restrictions clearly are in violation of
their own constitutional laws, these imperialistic powers thrive from
being able to control & manipulate mass information, therefore they
will continue violating laws to maintain and/or advance their position.
Too much trust is placed in the Amerikan government, their structure and
system by the Amerikan people/population. Maybe people still believe
that Amerika guarantees the “right” to free speech because they don’t
have anything relevant to say. Whenever someone has something profound
to say that the government may consider to be counter-productive to
their message or a “threat,” the message will be suppressed from being
propagated on a mass level. Then some people don’t care because they
have never felt the need to speak out or say something meaningful, which
displays that either they don’t stand for anything or they are cowards.
Or maybe people believe they have a “right” of free speech because they
are supportive of this system, therefore everything they say is
conducive to the message the government wishes to convey. In this way,
these people never experience this form of censorship or are too blind
to recognize it. Controlling or censoring what the media provides to the
public is a main component to controlling the public. The Amerikan
public is now experiencing martial law in its subtlest form. Too often
“state of emergencies” are called for fabricated or manufactured
reasons, only to benefit the Amerikan government.
I will notify you of the outcome concerning the study group guide,
grievance petition, and guide to writing articles after the
Correspondence Review Committee makes their determining decision.
United We Struggle.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This arbitrary censorship by Perry
Correctional Institution officials demonstrates the lack of real reason
behind their denial of some mail to prisoners. Included in the list of
letters censored is MIM(Prison)’s writing tips, which has information on
how to write articles for Under Lock & Key, including
various grammar and spelling rules. Only if the prison considers
education a risk would this denial make sense.
We do not believe that the Amerikan people are pacified entirely because
of the control of their media and information. While this is certainly
an important part of the Amerikan government’s control of the country,
there are plenty of Third World countries where governments have similar
or even stronger hold on the media, and still the people rise up and
organize against their own repression. Important to the Amerikan
public’s passivity is their material interest in the system. This
prisoner gets at this point when s/he accuses Amerikans of having “never
felt the need to speak out or say something meaningful”, a state of
affairs common in imperialist countries today where the vast majority of
the population has been bought off and enjoys comfortable lives at the
expense of the exploited peoples of the world.
Less than two months from my release date, I was maliciously scapegoated
for my actions in reporting a continual, inhumane practice of Central
Maryland Correctional Facility (CMCF). CMCF is a supermax camp that
houses minimum and pre-release security inmates under Maryland’s
Department of Public Safety and Correctional Services (DPSCS, formerly
DOC). As you may imagine, there isn’t much effort put forth by convicts
to struggle (peacefully or otherwise) against administrative injustices,
due to short release dates and the strict guidelines of the residential
substance abuse program (RSAT), which half of the jail is binded by. For
the vast majority of those assigned to RSAT by case management, it is
mandatory under DPSCS policy that they complete the program or they
receive a notice of infraction (ticket) in which all good days given to
you at the beginning of your bid may be taken if found guilty. Needless
to say, I’m hoping I can dodge that ticket somehow. But with the
aforementioned in mind, you can understand the lack of political
involvement at CMCF.
CMCF is a dorm setting and down in the RSAT building the bunk area is
separated from everything (bathroom, TV, microwave, etc.). During count
time the Correctional Officers (COs) are supposed to keep the doors
locked only until they are finished counting the other side and then
return to open the doors so prisoners can utilize the bathroom, two at a
time. Most prisoners are frustrated by this “supermax-like” procedure of
a pre-release camp because they were of the belief that the closer to
getting home that you are, the easier your bid got. Getting to the
issue, every now and then a CO will leave the doors locked for excessive
time, consequently forcing us to hold our bladder and bowels.
When a legitimate situation arose, I felt it was imperative for someone
to take up the vanguard so we could do some agitating of our own. This
particular instance, the doors were locked for an hour and a half (no
exaggeration), leaving some to piss in cups, while the officer
bullshitted and remained in the bubble acting oblivious to the kicks on
the doors and prisoners pressing the buttons that lets them know that
someone needs to get out. A strong Black brother from the FOI (Fruit of
Islam), me, and two other conscious brothers struggling to ameliorate
the Black man’s plight, encouraged our dorm mates to write it up so
administration would know that we are sick and tired. Twenty five out of
a dorm of 61 people filing grievances for the same reasons is abnormal
to say the least, for that jail.
As a result of this protest I have been placed on Administrative
Segregation pending adjustment (hearing) for four charges (most serious
to least): engaging in a disruptive act, interfering with officer’s
duties, coercions, and forging documents. They alleged that I forced
people to sign some grievances, signed others myself, and intimidated
ALL participants with my STG status (I am validated as Blood). They
needed what seems like a feasible explanation to dismiss the grievances
filed - thus scapegoating the “intimidating, coercing, Blood member who
had a vendetta against Officer D. Brown.” But this route wasn’t taken
until after the THIRD attempt to get inmates to withdraw complaints
using their usual bribery and manipulative tactics: promises of yard
every night in exchange for signing off, saying the grievances wouldn’t
accomplish anything, etc.
There are lessons to be learned in every situation, this in particular
being, not giving administration an easy target, as a conscious brother
warned me of just before I got this ticket. For those who wanted to
contribute but just didn’t know how to write the complaint or were just
too lazy, I wrote their grievances for them, all the exact same way that
I wrote mine - this was a crucial mistake. I also spoke out more than
others when administration came to convince us to withdraw our
complaints - another vital mistake, giving them an easy target again. If
found guilty of this ticket I face 180 days lockup, 246 days loss of
good time, a year loss of visits and my security going to medium.
Whatever the outcome, I will be seeking justice!
MIM(Prisons) adds: This story of punishment for filing grievances
is echoed across the United $nakes prison system. And it is one of the
reasons prisoners have initiated a
campaign to
demand grievances be addressed in many states. We have petitions
that prisoners can use to fight the denial of grievances, though
Maryland is one state where we still need someone to customize the
petition for use. These campaigns are important for two reasons: first,
they give prisoners a way to fight back against unjust denial of
grievances and demand the prison respect their rights, and second, they
provide an educational opportunity for prison activists. As a common
battle faced by all prisoners, the struggle to get grievances heard can
be used to unite many for a common battle, while educating all about the
limitations of our struggle within the system and the need for an
anti-imperialist movement for long-term and systemic changes. Write to
MIM(Prisons) for a copy of the grievance petition for your state, or if
one does not exist volunteer to customize the petition from another
state to be used there.
It made me smile to see that Under Lock & Key No. 38 had an
article
on my civil case. The name of the case is
Stanley
Earl Corbett, Jr., et al v. G.J. Branker et al., case #
5:13-ct-03201-BO. I filed this case pro se back in 2010.
For two years I fought the case by myself, and it took me two years to
get the judge to appoint me a civil attorney (NCPLS). Upon them being
appointed to my case they asked me to let them use my case to add 7
other prisoners who’d been beaten in similar situations to what happened
to me. I told them to add them without any hesitation, then I signed a
consent form.
My point in speaking about this is because I could of said “f*** these
prisoners,” and went to trial, or settled out of court, but I didn’t.
Why? Because I represent the struggle, and I’m all for a major change in
a positive way. So to all these selfish “inmates” (not prisoners) that
are only concerned with themselves – We aren’t nothing alike! I do this
for real, and I’m still taking bumps and bruises because I’ve been
receiving numerous forms of retaliation from these pigs for pursuing my
rights. But I’ma ride or die for the cause/struggle. I truly appreciate
ya’ll exposing this injustice.
MIM(Prisons) responds: Another comrade involved in this case has
been keeping us abreast of the consistent progress of this lawsuit. And
while the outcome is a limited reform, this letter reinforces the
greater significance of this work. By working in the context of class
struggle we continue to build something bigger than ourselves as
individuals. We’re glad this comrade found ULK and has pledged
to become a contributor to our work. We’re also glad to hear that he
received Under Lock & Key No. 38, since every issue for
over three years has been put on the statewide ban list in North
Carolina. Perhaps comrades’ efforts on that front are paying off as
well. Despite the repression, comrades in North Carolina are working
together to stop abuse.
As Brazil prepares for the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics, it
has been trying to create an image of safety and prosperity for the
world to show that Rio de Janeiro is an optimum destination for both
events and tourism. However, on closer inspection, what is going on
behind the official facade tells an entirely different story; less than
half a mile away from the sparkling beachfronts and hotels is one of the
biggest shanty towns in South America, filled with filth and squalor,
violence and death.(1)
The disparity between a growing number of thousands of impoverished
citizens in Rio struggling to find adequate housing, employment, health
care and other basic necessities, and the record-setting expenditure of
$11 to 13 billion on the World Cup alone triggered huge protests less
than a month before the soccer tournament begins. Homeless workers in
Sao Paulo, Brazil’s largest city, formed a group of 2,000 protesters who
left their immense squatter camp to demonstrate outside the stadium
where the opening World Cup game will be played June 12. Similar
protests occurred in Rio, Recife, and elsewhere.(2)
In Rio, violent clashes broke out between police and squatters when
authorities dislodged thousands of families from a newly formed favela
in a complex of abandoned commercial buildings. Poor workers and their
families have increasingly moved into such structures as affordable
housing is becoming a rarity and rents skyrocket, yet hundreds of
abandoned buildings stand empty.(3) One member of such an occupation
movement put it this way: “It is a way to force distribution of income.”
Rubber bullets and gas were used against the squatters. Elsewhere,
police and quasi-military “pacification” squads move into poor
neighborhoods and favelas ostensibly to wrest control from drug
traffickers. It is an attempt to drive the lumpen organizations away
from these communities and restore police authority ahead of the
upcoming games. But the program is controversial and has fallen under
heavy criticism for using excessive force, at times killing residents.
Groups such as Amnesty International say some 2,000 people die every
year in Brazil in careless and violent police actions.(4) The mercenary
company formerly known as Blackwater is helping provide security
training in Brazil, stoking fears that the “pacification” of the slums
is akin to an Iraq-style military occupation.(5)
In addition to the increasing use of militant tactics and hardware being
used to “pacify” the favelas, thousands of Federal Army troops are being
deployed to occupy such areas, including Rio’s sprawling Maré complex of
favelas. The militias will remain until July 31, after the World Cup
concludes.(5) Authorities are also now promising to “secure” the slums
using an elite military police squad called BOPE, a shadowy organization
of highly trained special forces whose logo is a dagger piercing a
skull. Meanwhile clandestine police “body dumps” have been
discovered.(1)
The Brazilian government is learning that they can only push people so
far who have little to nothing left to lose, culminating in widespread
uprisings against state sanctioned brutality and indifference. Military
equipment, personnel and tactics are increasingly being unleashed
against the residents of slums in the name of increased security for the
World Cup/Olympic games, while little to no prior offer of economic or
housing aid is offered to the impoverished residents. The solution for
the regime in power simply seems to be more repression and violence
while it spends millions on stadiums and aesthetics.
The World Cup soccer tournament, like the Olympics, is a bourgeois bread
and circus distraction, minus the bread. If the organizations behind
these games were at all concerned about social justice or economic
equality they would refrain from awarding to nations that conduct
violence and economic terrorism on the poorest of their citizens the
privilege of hosting their games and subsequent benefits. But history
has shown time and again that such organizations are merely bourgeois
capitalist lapdogs whose only concerns are self-promotion and profits
for their economic masters and investors. This was shown in the blatant
corruption of the Olympic committee some years back in Utah and
continues unabated to this day. There can be no justice in a world where
the fetishization of an officially sponsored diversionist sport occurs
at the same time the cost of a single official soccer ball could feed a
starving family for a month, who are also being shot at and gassed less
than a mile from where such games are to take place!
Further, such militant tactics are being carried out in the name of an
official battle against dangerous drug gangs, but if we are to take such
justifications seriously then one would need to ignore the fact that it
is the decadent culture and corrupt “war on drugs” itself of the
imperialist power to the north that is mostly responsible for creating
the conditions for such traffickers to exist and thrive. Especially in
light of the fact that very few economic alternatives are offered to the
youth of the favelas. While the bourgeois population of the United
$tates provides the largest customer base for narcotics in the world,
its farcical war on drugs, which it also tries to force on other nations
such as Brazil, drives the prices of drugs to ridiculous levels. It’s no
wonder many impoverished and disillusioned people turn to trafficking.
Again, the resolution is economic equality, not militant oppression.
The brutal repression of the people in Brazil for the sake of the
“security” of the World Cup needs to be exposed and opposed by all who
champion the oppressed everywhere. It will only come and go leaving the
poor in worse condition for the expenditure of billions on such games
instead of desperately needed social/economic programs. Support the
peoples struggle in Brazil!
Our actions define us as struggle determines our strength. I applaud you
all who’ve taken the steps to stand against the forces that are eager to
watch the brave succumb to these oppressive conditions in the belly of
the beast. The weak must strengthen up, because struggle will not ignore
you, regardless of how hard you try to escape struggle. It’s very
important to note, struggle initiates within self. Real talk!
I am a young soulja on this oppressive plantation of Attica corruption
facility. I recently came across ULK through a brother held
behind enemy lines along with me. I was truly elated to read of the
tired souls of you all who’ve decied that enough is indeed enough of the
police brutality against the oppressed & the many injustices
committed against the poor.
As a proud individual reinforcing unification, I stand alongside my
fellow oppressed brothers & sisters determined to achieve better
conditions. The
principles
of the United Front for Peace in Prisons are indeed intune with the
principles of the global Piru family, a united mobilized body of global
brothers & sisters who’ve pledged to make & keep peace amongst
one another; unite the masses on the essentials of love, loyalty,
honour, respect & trust; grow to be productive to the community
& utilize the growth to internationalize the presence of the global
fighters against oppression. Thus, becoming an independent force against
the oppressor.
Peace is what the global Piru family embraces amongst its oppressed
people. Through this peace, the global Piru family aim to unify our
people to stand firmly against oppression in all forms. The unification
of the people’s growth establishes its courage not to succumb in the
midst of their fight to better their conditions. The growth of the
oppressed people to fight against oppression expresses the oppressed’s
tiredness of being brutalized, exploited & denied their guarunteed
rights under the united snakes constitution. The growth of the oppressed
people further estabishes the foundation to internalize the fight to
defend the life & liberty of the oppressed. It’s evident that this
internationalized fight is a global problem rather than a local issue.
Amerikkka is the ugliest snakes to ever exist. Everywhere in Amerikkka,
oppression is felt, oppression is observed, oppression is fought, which
clearly means this is an internationalized (i.e. global) structure that
is to be completely dismantled. There’s no secret who’s the oppressed
people fugitive - the great oppressor. Attacking the problem on an
internationalized level; We, the oppressed people develop an independent
force designed to eradicate the adversaries of the oppressed. It’s very
important to know the independent fight starts within self. To obtain
independence requires a vision; To pursue independence requires courage;
To reach independence requires determination. Vision, courage and
determination is a struggle and it’s a struggle to win. This is the aim
for the global Piru family.
Brothers & sisters in this struggle globally: The aim is for us
(i.e. United Souljahs & United Soulja’ettes) to win & to do so
entails unity, which is the epitome of my last name, ‘Umoja’. Weakness
can be strengthened with a vision. The courage & determination to
revolutionize the pusillanimous mindframe. Though we can point the
finger towards others, it’s very imperative to remember, four is
pointing back at the pointer. Pointing fingers shall be over, unless the
finger is being pointed at self, asking ourself, “what can I do to
change me?” Then ask ourself, “what am I gon’ do to change me?”
To bring about unity amongst a whole body we must first unify ourselves
to the struggle in which we seek to prevail & not become anymore of
a victim [than] we’ve been thus far. I say this, because in order to
become a man, we experience two phases before reaching the third phase
of ‘manhood’. The first phase is being a fool (i.e. acting in ways a man
wouldn’t dare act); The second phase is being a victim (i.e. blaming
others for our foolish behaviour); The final phase is becoming a man
(i.e. accepting responsibility for words & actions without passing
blame or pointing the finger towards others). Unity requires
responsibility. It cannot & it will be very difficult to accomplish
with small minds involved.
A New Jersey comrade behind enemy lines representing ALKQN [All-Latin
Kings/Queens Nation] spoke on
Time
for Peaceful Revolution
(ULK No. 22).
Though, I can overstand in part the comrade’s stance, for it can be
extremely beneficial considering the circumstances at the moment, it’s
imperative to remember, this approach has harmed us continuously – this
physical pain may be temporary. The infliction of such brutality whether
it be mental, physical, emotional etc. shall be considered more
thoroughly, because the effects of such infliction can take years to
reach its fruition, which shows through our actions. A peaceful
revolution is required under certain circumstances. As the comrade
responded, Chairman Mao stated:
“We are advocates of the abolition of war, we do not want war, but war
can only be abolished through war, and in order to get rid of the gun it
is necessary to take up the gun.”
Change can & will only arrive when we unify ourselves with struggle
internally. In the pursuit to unify with self-struggle, we tend to
gravitate towards global struggle. This is the root of independent &
internationalized unification.
Let’s keep in mind, just because unity has been achieved, the struggle
hasn’t been obliterated. International unification was established to
srengthen the masses to challenge our global struggle. The weak who
chooses not to strengthen their pusillanimous mind, body & soul is
to be left alone, for they are stragglers designed to stagnate the
progress in unifying the people to change our oppressive conditions
globally.
Brothers & sisters we are grown. No more time to waste on blaming
others or making excuses for our lack of responsibility. Stand up
souljahs, rise up soulja’ettes! Excuses & blame is what these savage
ass pilgrims do whenever they feel the need to unjustly fabricate
accusations to cover up their sadistic, capricious & arbitrary acts
against us (i.e. Untied Souljas & United Soulja’ettes) while in
defensive positions (i.e. in restraints, subdued by shackles &
handcuffs).
Many of us claim to bang, yet so many of us have no idea what banging is
other than physical altercation. Which, at times, amount to nothing. I
include myself in this equation, because we’re one. We’re enduring
struggle collectively and globally. This is why I include myself. As a
man, I take responsibility for my oftentimes mishaps committed when
frustrated. so, I’m still disciplining myself to channel my frustrations
towards more productive measures. I’m man enough to acknowledge this
struggle within myself. Our greatest leaders have acknowledged their
obstacles and continued to push themselves forward to overcoming their
fear of failure. Their aim was to win. We’re all souljahz &
soulja’ettez in this war called struggle. To win is to unite! Unity
entails the utilization of the mind – the strongest & most deadliest
weapon we possess when used accordingly. Many of us tend to backtrack
& temporarily lose focus until pulled back up to reality. To be
revolutionary entails being a fighter for betterment. We’re not perfect,
nor are we exempt from slipping at times. Keep in mind: To win, we are
to get back from our temporary downfall. Stand up, head held high,
shoulders firm, mind stronger to prevent future temptations that
stagnate our growth for unity. We’re fighters, not quitters.
The global Piru family is here alongside the true and living, fighting
to make our conditions better. In solidarity, we will prevail over the
obstacles placed before us to stumble & stagnate our growth to
overcome the harsh conditions of racism, brutality by law enforcement,
protection of our constitutional rights, in particular – the first
amendment to have free speech, second amendment to bear arms in
self-defence, fourth amendment, stop the unlawful evading of the homes
of the poor; fifth amendment, due process to a fair trial; sixth
amendment, right to meaningful representation; eighth amendment, to
remain free from crual & unusual punishment; fourteenth amendment,
the right to life & liberty; equal opportunity in education, better
jobs for the poor, housing for the homeless, food for the hungry,
clothing for the naked, etc. These are conditions of oppression when
deliberately denied. These are issues we are supposed to be protected
from enduring. To encounter any of these atrocities is an attack on the
basic needs of humanity. When we’re denied these fundamentals, we’re
being oppressed & struggle is present & when struggle is present
- resistance is employed.
To fight struggle hard is essentially the vision, courage &
determination to win. The aim to win, failure is not an option under no
circumstances whatsoever within our realm. The global Piru family vow to
unite with the oppressed.
Power to the oppressed people! Clenched fist held high.
The Worker Elite: Notes on the “Labor Aristocracy” by
Bromma Kersplebedeb, 2014
Available for $10 + shipping/handling from:
kersplebedeb CP
63560, CCCP Van Horne Montreal, Quebec Canada H3W 3H8
As with our
previous
review of Bromma’s writings, we find h new book to be a good read,
based in an analysis that is close to our own. Yet, once again we find h
putting class as principal and mentioning gender as an important
component of class. In contrast, MIM(Prisons) sees the principal
contradiction under imperialism as being along the lines of nation, in
particular between the imperialist nations that exploit and those
nations that are exploited. While all three strands interact with each
other, we see gender as its own strand of oppression, distinct from
class. While Bromma has much to say on class that is agreeable, one
thread that emerges in this text that we take issue with is that of the
First World labor aristocracy losing out due to “globalization.”
Bromma opens with some definitions and a valid criticism of the term
“working class.” While using many Marxist terms, h connection to a
Marxist framework is not made clear. S/he consciously writes about the
“worker elite,” while disposing of the term “labor aristocracy” with no
explanation. In the opening s/he rhetorically asks whether the “working
class” includes all wage earners, or all manual laborers. While
dismissing the term “working class” as too general, Bromma does not
address these questions in h discussion of the worker elite. Yet,
throughout the book s/he addresses various forms of productive labor in
h examples of worker elite. S/he says that the worker elite is just one
of many groups that make up the so-called “middle class.” But it is not
clear how Bromma distinguishes the worker elite from the other middle
classes, except that they are found in “working class jobs.” Halfway
through the book it is mentioned that s/he does not consider
“professionals, shopkeepers, administrators, small farmers,
businesspeople, intellectuals, etc.” to be workers.(p.32)
We prefer the term “labor aristocracy” over “worker elite,” and we may
use it more broadly than Bromma’s worker elite in that the type of work
is not so important so much as the pay and benefits. Bromma, while
putting the worker elite in the “middle class,” simultaneously puts it
into the “working class” along with the proletariat and the lumpen
working class. We put the labor aristocracy in the First World within
the petty bourgeoisie, which may be a rough equivalent of what Bromma
calls the “middle class.” Of course, the petty bourgeoisie has
historically been looked at as a wavering force between the bourgeoisie
and the proletariat. Yet, in the case of the oppressor nation labor
aristocracy, they have proven to be a solidly pro-imperialist class.
This analysis, central to MIM Thought, is particular to the imperialist
countries.
Despite these questions and confusions, overall we agree with the global
class analysis as it is presented in the beginning of this book in terms
of who are our friends and who are our enemies.
One good point made throughout this book is the idea that the “worker
elite” is not defined merely by an income cut off. While not denying the
central role of income, Bromma defines this class position as a whole
package of benefits, material (health care, infrastructure), social
(family life, leisure activities) and political (lack of repression,
voice in politics). At one point s/he brings up the migrant farm workers
in the U.$., who can earn similar amounts to the autoworkers in Mexico
who s/he argues make up an established worker elite. In contrast, the
migrant farm workers suffer the abuses of the proletariat at the bottom
rung of U.$. society, and in reality many make far less than Mexican
autoworkers. We agree with Bromma’s implication here that the migrant
workers make up a proletarian class within the United $tates.
While criticizing previous attempts to set an “exploitation line” in
income, Bromma brings in PPP to improve this analysis. The book provides
a helpful table of the income levels in Purchasing Power Parities (PPP)
for various groups. PPP defines income levels relative to a basket of
goods to account for varying prices across countries/regions. Bromma
concludes that “a global middle class annual income probably starts
somewhere between PPP $10,000 and $15,000”, meaning that a single worker
(man) could comfortably support a family on this amount. This is similar
to the estimates others have done and we have used elsewhere.
One of the key characteristics of this income level is that they have
gone beyond covering basic needs and become consumers. Bromma lists one
of the three main roles of the worker elite as being a consumer class.
This is something we have stressed when people ask incredulously why the
capitalists would pay people more than the value that they are
producing. Bromma cites a source discussing the Chinese planned
capitalist economy and how they have goals for expanding their consumer
class as they recognize that their increasing production will soon not
be absorbed by consumption abroad. This is typical capitalist logic.
Rather than seeing what the Chinese people need, and produce based on
those needs as they did under a socialist planned economy, today they
first produce a lot of the most profitable goods and then try to find
(or create) a market to sell them to.
Where we disagree greatest with this book is that it takes up a line
akin to Huey P. Newton’s intercommunalism theory, later named
globalization theory in Amerikan academia. It claims a trend towards
equalization of classes internationally, reducing the national
contradictions that defined the 20th century. Bromma provides little
evidence of this happening besides anecdotal examples of jobs moving
oversees. Yet s/he claims, “Among ‘white’ workers,
real
wages are stagnant, unemployment is high, unions are dwindling, and
social benefits and protective regulations are evaporating.”(p.43) These
are all common cries of white nationalists that the MIM camp and others
have been debating for decades.(1) The fact that wages are not going up
as fast as inflation has little importance to the consumer class who
knows that their wealth is far above the world’s majority and whose
buying power has increased greatly in recent decades.(2) Unemployment in
the United $tates averaged 5.9% in April 2014 when this book came out,
which means the white unemployment rate was even lower than that.(3)
That is on the low side of average over the last 40 years and there is
no upward trend in unemployment in the United $tates, so that claim is
just factually incorrect. High unemployment rates would be 35% in
Afghanistan, or 46% in Nepal. The author implies that unions are smaller
because of some kind of violent repression, rather than because of
structural changes in the economy and the privileged conditions of the
labor aristocracy.
The strongest evidence given for a rise in the worker elite is in China.
One report cited claims that China is rivaling the U.$. to have the
largest “middle class” soon.(p.38) Yet this middle class is not as
wealthy as the Amerikan one, and is currently only 12-15% of the
population.(p.32) It’s important to distinguish that China is an
emerging imperialist power, not just any old Third World country.
Another example given is Brazil, which also has a growing finance
capital export sector according to this book, a defining characteristic
of imperialism. The importance of nation in the imperialist system is
therefore demonstrated here in the rise of the labor aristocracy in
these countries. And it should be noted that there is a finite amount of
labor power to exploit in the world. The surplus value that Chinese and
Brazilian finance capital is finding abroad, and using partly to fund
their own emerging consumer classes, will eat into the surplus value
currently taken in by the First World countries. In this way we see
imperialist competition, and of course proletarian revolution, playing
bigger roles in threatening the current privileges of the First World,
rather than the globalization of finance capital that Bromma points to.
As Zak Cope wrote in a recent paper, “Understanding how the ‘labour
aristocracy’ is formed means understanding imperialism, and
conversely.”(4) It is not the U.$. imperialists building up the labor
aristocracy in China and Brazil. South Korea, another country discussed,
is another story, that benefits as a token of U.$. imperialism in a
half-century long battle against the Korean peoples’ struggle for
independence from imperialism and exploitation. While Bromma brings
together some interesting information, we don’t agree with h conclusion
that imperialism is “gradually detaching itself from the model of
privileged ‘home countries’ altogether.”(p.40) We would interpret it as
evidence of emerging imperialist nations and existing powers imposing
strategic influence. Cope, building on Arghiri Emmanuel’s work,
discusses the dialectical relationship between increasing wages and
increasing the productive forces within a nation.(2,5) Applying their
theories, for Chinese finance capital to lead China to become a powerful
imperialist country, we would expect to see the development of a labor
aristocracy there as Bromma indicates is happening. This is a distinct
phenomenon from the imperialists buying off sections of workers in other
countries to divide the proletariat. That’s not to say this does not
happen, but we would expect to see this on a more tactical level that
would not produce large shifts in the global balance of forces.
Finance capital wants to be free to dominate the whole world. As such it
appears to be transnational. Yet, it requires a home base, a state, with
strong military might to back it up. How else could it keep accumulating
all the wealth around the world as the majority of the people suffer?
Chinese finance capital is at a disadvantage, as it must fight much
harder than the more established imperialist powers to get what it
perceives to be its fair share. And while its development is due in no
small part to cooperation with Amerikan finance capital, this is
secondary to their competitive relationship. This is why we see Amerika
in both China’s and Russia’s back yards making territorial threats in
recent days (in the South China Sea and Ukraine respectively). At first,
just getting access to Chinese labor after crushing socialism in 1976
was a great boon to the Amerikan imperialists. But they are not going to
stop there. Russia and China encompass a vast segment of the globe where
the Amerikans and their partners do not have control. As Lenin said one
hundred years ago, imperialism marks the age of a divided world based on
monopolies. Those divisions will shift, but throughout this period the
whole world will be divided between different imperialist camps (and
socialist camps as they emerge). And as Cope stresses, this leads to a
divided “international working class.”
While there is probably a labor aristocracy in all countries, its role
and importance varies greatly. MIM line on the labor aristocracy has
been developed for the imperialist countries, where the labor
aristocracy encompasses the wage-earning citizens as a whole. While the
term may appropriately be used in Third World countries, we would not
equate the two groups. The wage earners of the world have been so
divided that MIM began referring to those in the First World as
so-called “workers.” So we do not put the labor aristocracy of the First
World within the proletarian class as Bromma does.
We caution against going too far with applying our class definitions and
analysis globally. In recent years, we have distinguished the First
World lumpen class from that of the lumpen-proletariat of the Third
World. In defining the lumpen, Bromma “includes working class people
recruited into the repressive apparatus of the state – police,
informants, prison guards, career soldiers, mercenaries, etc.”(p.5) This
statement rings more true in the Third World, yet even there a
government job would by definition exclude you from being in the
lumpen-proletariat. In the imperialist countries, police, prison guards,
military and any other government employee are clearly members of the
labor aristocracy. This is a point we will explore in much greater
detail in future work.
The principal contradiction within imperialism is between exploiter and
exploited nations. Arghiri Emmanuel wrote about the national interest,
criticizing those who still view nationalism as a bourgeois phenomenon
as stuck in the past. After WWII the world saw nationalism rise as an
anti-colonial force. In Algeria, Emmanuel points out, the national
bourgeoisie and Algerian labor aristocracy had nothing to lose in the
independence struggle as long as it did not go socialist. In contrast,
it was the French settlers in Algeria that violently opposed the
liberation struggle as they had everything to lose.(6) In other words
there was a qualitative difference between the Algerian labor
aristocracy and the French settler labor aristocracy.
It is the responsibility of people on the ground to do a concrete
analysis of their own conditions. We’ve already mentioned our use of the
term “First World lumpen” to distinguish it from the lumpen of the Third
World, which is a subclass of the proletariat. To an extent, all classes
are different between the First and Third World. We rarely talk of the
labor aristocracy in the Third World, because globally it is
insignificant. It is up to comrades in Third World nations to assess the
labor aristocracy in their country, which in many cases will not be made
up of net-exploiters. Bromma highlights examples of exploiter workers in
Mexico and South Korea. These are interesting exceptions to the rule
that should be acknowledged and assessed, but we think Bromma goes too
far in generalizing these examples as signs of a shift in the overall
global class structure. While we consider Mexico to be a Third World
exploited nation, it is a relatively wealthy country that Cope includes
on the exploiter side, based on OECD data, in his major calculations.
Everything will not always fit into neat little boxes. But the
scientific method is based on applying empirically tested laws,
generalizations, percentages and probability. The world is not simple.
In order to change it we must understand it the best we can. To
understand it we must both base ourselves in the laws proven by those
who came before us and assess the changes in our current situation to
adjust our analysis accordingly.