This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.
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THE MAOIST INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT
MIM Notes 102 July 1995
Get MIM Notes 102 from the Maoist Internationalist
Movement (MIM), and get the latest in Maoist news
and analysis - put a revolutionary weapon in your
hands.
This issue features a special section of articles from
correspondents in Korea. Also, news and analysis of
Mumia Abu-Jamal case, including writing by other
prisoners. The Philippines, Ireland, youth repression
in Amerika, letters to MIM, more from prisons and
prisoners, and the all the rest of the revolutionary
recipe you've come to expect from MIM Notes email
edition, the Internet's Maoist monthly.
MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the
world's oppressed majority, and against the
imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in the
service of the people. Support it, struggle with it and
write for it.
IN THIS ISSUE:
1. LETTERS TO MIM
2. RAIL DENOUNCES U.S. SECURITY ADVISOR AT RALLY
3. WHO BENEFITS FROM SUBJUGATION OF EAST TIMOR?
4. ENVIRONMENTALISTS BEWARE:
RECYCLING MAY HURT MORE THAN IT HELPS
5. ISRAEL: PROMISES, PROMISES
6. ISRAELI GOVERNMENT EXCUSES MURDER
7. MAY FIRST IN THE PHILIPPINES
8. MIM HOSTS FORUM ON ANTI-IMPERIALIST STRUGGLE
IN THE PHILIPPINES
9. REVIEW: TALES FROM THE HOOD
10. L.A. CROWD LEARNS ABOUT PERU'S PCP
11. THE VAMPIRE PROJECT: NOT CONTENT WITH EXPLOITATION,
IMPERIALISTS GO FOR FIRST NATIONS' GENES
12. URBAN CURFEWS MEAN WAR ON YOUTH
13. ENGLAND AND AMERIKA SABOTAGE TRUE PEACE IN IRELAND
14. "WAR ON CRACK" = WAR ON BLACKS, LATINOS
15. MUMIA ABU-JAMAL FACES DEATH WARRANT
16. POLICE ARRESTED FOR ATTACKS AGAINST BLACKS,
LATINOS IN NEW YORK
17. SPECIAL MIM NOTES SECTION ON KOREA
- PROLETARIAT IN "MIRACLE" COUNTRY SQUEEZED HARD
- STUDENT AND WORKER POLITICS FLAME IN SOUTHERN
KOREA
- OUTRAGE AND PROTEST AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM
- DANKOOK STUDENTS REBEL: EDUCATION SYSTEM
CRITICIZED
- KIM SUN-MYUNG: GOOD COMMUNIST IN PRISON
- HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT-TEACHER ROMANCES COMMON
- FOOD POLITICS
- STUDENTS AND UNIONS SUPPORT TELECOM WORKERS
- KOREA TELECOM UNION LEADERS ARRESTED
- REVOLUTIONARY PARAPHERNALIA FOR SALE
18. UNDER LOCK AND KEY
* * *
LETTERS TO MIM
THIS COUNTRY IS SICK
Under Lock and Key from MIM Notes 100 was posted on the
Internet and generated this response: I just read this
very long post and was sickened by the actions of the
american criminal justice system. These inhumane beasts
(the criminals who run the so called "justice system")
are not human. This country is sick.
--an East Coast Reader
GPCR LIBERATED PEASANTS FROM SUFFOCATING FEUDALISM
AND GROWING BUREAUCRATISM
I'm a history graduate student [in the United States]
currently studying Chinese history here. I'm interested
in your Notes and keep reading almost every issue. The
principles that MIM insists sound particularly
interesting for me. In fact I was shocked when I
happened to read the Notes for the first time. I cannot
imagine that here, in the United States, the heart of
capitalist world, there exists a newspaper like this,
which upholds the Cultural Revolution in China as "the
farthest advance of communism in human history."
Although I cannot completely agree with your
principles, my perception of the Cultural Revolution is
admittedly somewhat different from those prevailing in
China and the outside today. The reason is simple. The
Chinese perception of the Cultural Revolution today is
shaped after Mao's death by those who suffered from the
Revolution. But I belong to the post-Cultural-
Revolution generation, this allows me to think of the
Cultural Revolution without prejudice.
Since I grew up in China's countryside, I also know how
Chinese peasants, the majority of Chinese people today,
think about the Revolution. Simply put, I don't think
that Chinese people at the bottom of society treat the
Cultural Revolution as a "bad" thing. Rather, I believe
it was this revolution which really liberated Chinese
people from the suffocating feudal custom and the
growing bureaucratism in the 1960s. It also provided
people the sense of liberation, the sense of being the
master of the society. Also I believe it was during the
Cultural Revolution that China's economic
reconstruction really took up. This is quite the
reverse from those who portrayed the Cultural
Revolution as the years of economic disasters. I just
write these words to you, and let you know the fact
that a new generation is now growing in China; they
perceive the world in their own way.
-- Chinese student
AN OPEN LETTER FROM A MIM ASSOCIATE
TO OBERLIN ACTIVISTS
DEAR OBERLIN ACTIVISTS AGAINST PRISONS (OAAP):
This letter is to thank you for inviting the Maoist
Internationalist Movement (MIM) to your Ohio Prison
Activist Conference, April 28-30, at Oberlin College,
Ohio. However, MIM was not able to attend, and passed
the invitation on to some MAs (MIM Associates),
including myself, who are also members of the
Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League (RAIL) in Ann
Arbor, Michigan. MIM is a revolutionary vanguard party
whose members (MIM Comrades, MCs) are official
representatives of MIM line and uphold democratic
centralism. RAIL, on the other hand, is a mass
organization that is led by MIM and works with MIM;
RAIL agrees with MIM on many political issues, but does
not follow democratic centralism, so RAIL members
cannot officially represent MIM line. When we visited
Oberlin, the other MA and myself were not completely
clear about this distinction, and I wanted to explain
it in this letter.
This conference was a great opportunity for us to learn
from and interact with members and supporters of OAAP
and other Ohio prison activists. RAIL does anti-
imperialist work on many issues, including prison
issues. In fact, RAIL in Ann Arbor recently co-
sponsored a film-series with MIM including a film on
the Attica prison uprising in 1971. RAIL also works on
MIM's "Books for Prisoners" Program, which encourages
donations of revolutionary literature and money or
stamps to support sending this literature to prisoners
who are interested in initiating revolutionary study
groups in prison. The goal of this program is to assist
prisoners in educating and organizing themselves around
revolutionary issues.
I support MIM's recognition of the progressive
potential of movements to free certain political
prisoners, and support MIM's view on the injustice
committed against ALL prisoners. However, through work
in educating the masses about prisons and assisting
prisoners in organizing themselves as a revolutionary
force, MIM and RAIL try to emphasize the global context
of prisons and "law and order." MIM and RAIL do this
instead of focusing on individuals, because clearly the
release of a few "political" prisoners would not really
change the system in any meaningful way.
On April 29, Jana Schroeder, of the American Friends
Service Committee (Dayton, Ohio), gave an excellent
overview of Ohio Prison conditions: As of April 1995,
there were 42,448 people in Ohio prisons which were
designed to hold 24,526 people. That's 173% capacity,
with some prisons even more crowded since certain
prisons are single-celled; for example, inmates were
sent from Lucasville after the uprising so that inmates
would not share cells. Her sources said 55% of people
incarcerated are oppressed nationals--but that these
figures are not well-documented--compared to only 10%
of Ohio's population which is Black. Ohio prisoners
are 94% men; there are three female prisons in the
state.
Approximately 21% of all incarcerated people and 33% of
all incarcerated women are there solely because of drug
charges. About 75-80% have a history of drug/alcohol
dependency. About 44% of the increase in the number of
people in prison from 1986-1993, is solely due to
changes in drug laws; less than half of people
incarcerated are there for "violent" crimes.
A member of OAAP read their definition of Control
Units:
"A control unit (or 'supermax') is a prison or a part
of a prison that is in a state of permanent lockdown.
("Lockdown" is a temporary condition used to control
and suppress disruptions within a prison by severely
restricting prisoner's rights.) This once-temporary
condition has been increasingly adopted as the new
model for U.S. prisons.
"In theory, control units are protective. In practice,
control units are prisons within the prison system that
are used to isolate and punish those people who present
a threat to the established power; for example, those
who have filed lawsuits against prison officials,
participated in work stoppages, or actively pursued
their religious and/or political beliefs. In certain
cases, political prisoners, such as American Indian
Movement organized Leonard Peltier and Black Liberation
Army member Sekou Odinga, are sent to control units
directly from trial, thereby disproving the claim that
prisoners in control units have earned their punishment
by their own violence or disruption once in prison."
Schroeder also spoke of the National Campaign to Stop
Control Unit Prisons, which monitors and documents
abuses. She said that this focus on specific individual
political prisoners is not helpful to most prisoners.
Also, although this emphasis of the "worst evils" that
occur in prisons is important because it could happen
to anyone who is incarcerated, it's also vital to focus
on general issues that are relevant to all prisoners
now.
Schroeder eloquently explained the huge injustice of
the prison system and hinted at some of its connections
to maintaining capitalist society. But she only
mentioned a few specific actions that the masses can
take against this system--such as writing letters or
civil disobedience. So I asked her about the ultimate
goals of her organization: She said that in the 1970s
they used to call for an end to all prisons, but that
they decided this was a too radical position; in order
to gain wider support, they changed their tactics.
Schroeder referred me to some literature explaining
"alternatives to incarceration" such as community
service, restitution, employment assistance/job
development, third party advocacy, alcohol and drug
treatment, and mental and other health services.
Another speaker emphasized that any person could at
some point become caught up in the system: "no one is
immune...any one of us could be incarcerated..." While
it is true that this argument might help draw sympathy
for prisoners from a large audience, it misses the
point and over-individualizes the issue. I support
MIM's view that the criminal injustice system
terrorizes certain groups of people--oppressed nations
and those in poverty--as part of maintaining
capitalism; it is definitely NOT an equal-opportunity
system. Plus, people can recognize the injustice of
this system and decide to do revolutionary work to
change it--regardless of whether or not they personally
might be imprisoned.
One speaker stated that all prisoners could be
considered "political" prisoners in a way, because
politicians need to fill quotas in order to get votes
with their "tough on crime" platform. I said what I
understood to be MIM's line on this issue: that ALL
crimes are politically-induced by capitalism-enforced
poverty, drugs injected into communities to keep the
potentially-revolutionary sedated, and the police
occupation of these communities.
The American Friends Service Committee also puts out a
pamphlet called "The Fortress Economy: The Economic
Role of the U.S. Prison System" which explains the
political basis and consequences of the prison system.
This is an advanced document that includes a discussion
of who goes to prison, jailing of the unemployed,
prisoners as cheap labor, and alternatives to prison.
[$2 each, 10-50 copies $1.50 each; free to prisoners;
Criminal Justice Program Community Relations Division,
AFSC, 1501 Cherry St., Philadelphia, PA 19102]
Overall, this conference was an excellent opportunity
for some MAs/RAIL members to interact with other prison
activists with different tactics, explain MIM's "Books
for Prisoners" Program, and start to build a working
relationship with the Oberlin Activists Against Prisons
(OAAP).
-- an MA who is also a member of RAIL in Ann Arbor,
Michigan June 12, 1995
***Oberlin Activists Against Prisons (OAAP) can be
contacted at 207 E. College, Oberlin, Ohio 44074, (216)
775-5326 e-mail: pjaquescs@oberlin.edu***
SELF-DETERMINATION FOR OUR PEOPLE NOW!
25th commemoration of the August 29th, 1970 Chicano
Moratorium August 26th, 1995 East Los Angeles, Califas
Belvedere Park to Salazar Park
Thousands of Raza will march for power and liberation.
Organized by the National Chicano Moratorium Committee.
For more information contact the San Diego Region of
the NCMC at (619) 280-8361
Somos un pueblo--sin fronteras!
SOJOURNER APPRECIATES MIM
Comrades,
I ask for receive, if it is possible, your magazine MIM
Notes and Maoist Sojourner, in particular the number
publicized by ASAPC which contained news on the
Peruvian and Philippine revolutions.
I'm a communist political prisoner, arrested in October
1983 (or 93) for fight action against USAF base in
Avioans, of Rouges Brigades for the constitution of the
Fighting Communist Party (BR-PCC) and condemned for
these.
I'm prisoner in a special prison (block 8) of Novara,
with other twenty comrades. I wait for your notices,
and thank you.
Revolutionary regards,
--a prisoner in Italy
* * *
RAIL DENOUNCES US SECURITY ADVISOR AT RALLY
by a member of the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist
League (RAIL)
On May 28, 1995 RAIL distributed leaflets at UMASS
Amherst's commencement where National Security advisor
Anthony Lake was the keynote speaker. RAIL's leaflet
"Anthony Lake, U.S. Imperialism, and the University"
was the product of the Teach-In discussed in MIM Notes
101. It included a discussion of Liberalism, Quotes and
Facts about Anthony Lake, and the RAIL petition
condemning Lake's choice as commencement speaker.(1)
The local Friends of Bosnia (FOB) chapter organized a
more visible protest outside the UMASS football stadium
including posters, flyers, and a plane that flew over
commencement with the message "Stop Bosnian Genocide-
Lift the Arms Embargo." Another sign said "U.N.-Get
tough or get out." Lake, surrounded by a herd of pork,
argued with the demonstrators for a few minutes before
speaking. RAIL thinks FOB has a poor understanding of
imperialist foreign policy. Amerika and its public
relations branch, the U.N., are not interested in
stopping genocide or being humanitarian. Telling the
U.N. to get tough is never the right thing to say.
Activists should expose the U.N. as a tool of
imperialism which opposes oppressed nations'
sovereignty.
The student commencement speaker, who condemned RAIL's
efforts against Lake, urged Lake to defend the upcoming
Haitian elections and to let the "Haitian people decide
their own fate." Publicly criticizing Lake was more
than RAIL had expected from the speaker, even though
the criticism played into Lake's hands, giving him the
chance to promote the elections as a product of the
U.S. invasion. Neither the student nor Lake mentioned
that imperialist-imposed "democracy" is only a
different form of coercion. The U.S. military is
working with rightist Haitian death squads against the
Left, and the CIA has admitted that it planned to spend
$1 million "influencing" the elections.(2) That's not
democracy, but it is what the U.S. intended when it
invaded in September.
In 1791, when our "Founding Fathers" were trying to
short-circuit the popular government in Haiti in favor
of neocolonialism; and 1915, when the u.s. instituted
20 years of military rule in Haiti (starting
progressive reforms like the corve'e system of forced
labor), the u.s. has always used Haiti for cheap
products (sugar, indigo, etc.), an export market (fish,
lumber, toxic waste) and cheap labor. As a Haitian
student said, the u.s. has never been a friend of the
Haitian people. An enemy is more like it.
Lake's speech was a fine example of Orwellian double-
speak. Billing the u.s. as "the world's best hope in
the fight against the forces of fear," Lake pointed the
finger at "ethnic conflicts...terrorists who target
people and peace....nations that hunger for weapons of
mass destruction ... organized criminals and drug
traffickers who destroy uncounted lives." The RAIL
pamphlet identified who is the real best hope and who
are the real terrorists.
Lake attacked what he termed "backdoor isolations--
people who ... would weaken our country." He supports a
vision of global pillage in which the U.S. military,
the U.N., World Bank and IMF enforce Third World
compliance with First World economics.
The University of Massachusetts showed its support for
the imperialist vision by awarding Lake an honorary
doctorate, glowing praises and a multicolored hood
(we're not sure if they got the idea from the KKK or
from watching executions). UMass, which employs Lake as
a 5-college Political Science Professor when he is not
in Washington, forms part of the state educational wing
of the imperialist military-industrial-educational
complex. The other honorary doctorates, a civil rights
leader, the founder of a drug and alcohol
rehabilitation program and a "progressive" CEO crowned
the event with a tiara of political correctness and
leftism. (The first two were sent letters by RAIL
asking them to boycott or make a statement against
Lake. There was no response.)
RAIL hopes that its pamphlet exposed Lake's double
speak and helped potential anti-imperialists to
correctly differentiate their allies from their
enemies.
Power to the people!
Notes:
1. Pamphlet available for $1.
2. See MIM Notes 94, 12/94; New York Times 10/2/94, sec
4, p. 16.
* * *
WHO BENEFITS FROM SUBJUGATION OF EAST TIMOR?
MIM Notes 101 reported on East Timorese oppression
under Indonesian rule. Here we explain the
international context of the imperialist and comprador
forces arrayed against East Timor: the pseudo bourgeois
democracy in Indonesia, its omnipresent military, and
the imperialist interests that direct them. MIM
recognizes that the Indonesian masses share the
interest of overthrowing the comprador regime that
rules Indonesia and East Timor, and we look to growing
internationalism.
The Klinton administration criticizes Indonesian
repression of East Timor to gain position in trade
battles with Indonesia. The U.S. foreign aid bill
includes a ban on military training, assistance and the
sale of small arms to Indonesia until that country has
made ambiguously-defined progress on human rights.(1)
Yet the united states continues to have a role in
maintaining a brutal Indonesian rule over East Timor.
President Suharto and the Indonesian military use
violent repression, exacerbation of poverty, strategic
migration policies and repression of the press to
secure comprador- and imperialist-owned profits.
History teaches us that the Amerikan government will
ignore these activities as long as they are hidden. MIM
does not expect the Indonesian regime to protect "human
rights;" we support the development of independence
movements both in Indonesia and in East Timor through
our exposure of imperialist militarism.
GUNS GOTTA COME FROM SOMEPLACE
The Australian government arms manufacturer, Australian
Defense Industries, exports rifles to the Indonesian
military.(2) According to the Project on
Demilitarization and Democracy, U.S. arms sales to
Indonesia have totaled $641 million.(3) Two decades'
worth of U.S. arm shipments account for 90% of
Indonesia's military hardware.(1)
As Indonesia's primary trading partner, Amerika also
pays well for the right to criticize Indonesian human
rights policy. Foreign investors planned $23.7 billion
worth of projects in Indonesia for 1995. In the first
three months of 1995, imperialist investments surpassed
$12.2 billion.(4) In November 1994, Klinton signed a
$40 billion trade agreement with President Suharto--
including juicy contracts for General Electric and
Exxon.(3) Amerika backs World Bank loans to Indonesia
for $1.6 billion per year.(5) One loan for $75 million
will develop special power and marine facilities, and
help the imperialists deepen trade ties with Indonesia
and expand the country's military capability.(6)
In 1994, Indonesia increased exports sharply:
electronic goods exports went up 56.7%, jewelry exports
by 197% and coffee exports by 197%.(7) Export-led
industrialization enables compradors to repay
imperialist loans.
CREATIVE OCCUPATION TECHNIQUES SUPPLEMENT
HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES
The Indonesian government forcibly moves migrant
traders from Sulawesi to East Timor to further
domination of that country.(9) Forced migration both
decreases the number of people within Indonesia and
increases antagonisms between Indonesians and East
Timorese. This vacillating group of petty bourgeois is
now an incipient bourgeoisie in East Timor--preventing
the development of an East Timorese national
bourgeoisie.
Indonesia has cut the number of military appointees in
its House of Representatives from 100 to 75 in an
effort to appear to be decreasing military rule.(10)
But the extent of military domination both through
force and through ownership of corporations central to
the East Timorese economy, makes the subtraction of a
few fascists from legislative power inconsequential.
Indonesia spends 143 times as much money on its
military as it does on health and education.(11)
In East Timor, Army-owned corporations "have a monopoly
on every major import and export and business on the
island." Individual officers gain income from sitting
on corporate boards of directors, while East Germany,
Australia and Amerika help the military institution
defend their interests.(5) $1.6 billion in annual World
Bank loans is equal to Indonesia's reported military
budget.(5) "So even if the armed forces are being eased
off center stage, no one believes dwifungsi (dual-
function) is under threat. The military looks set to
remain final arbiter of any political crisis."(10)
Notes:
1. The Christian Science Monitor 10/10/94, p. 18.
2. Inside Indonesia 3/95, p. 8.
3. The Washington Post 1/10/95, p. C10.
4. Far Eastern Economic Review 5/18/95, p. 56.
5. The Christian Science Monitor 6/3/95, p. 18.
6. Indonesia Magazine 2/26/95, p. 59.
7. Far Eastern Economic Review 5/18/95, p. 58.
8. East Timor Link 3/95, pp. 1, 2.
9. Inside Indonesia 3/95, p. 6.
10. Far Eastern Economic Review 5/18/95, p. 49.
11. Inside Indonesia 6/94, p. 11.
* * *
ENVIRONMENTALISTS BEWARE:
RECYCLING MAY HURT MORE THAN IT HELPS
Many well intentioned environmentalists tout recycling
as an important part of a program to save the earth
from capitalist destruction. But these people rarely
talk about where the products to be recycled go to be
processed or what is involved in this processing.
South Asia is becoming the world's toxic trash bin as
First World countries export waste to be processed
rather than reprocessing it at home. India receives
large shipments of old batteries. Reprocessing
"factories" consist of teen-agers cutting open the
batteries without masks or protective clothing, risking
brain damage from the fumes and serious injury from the
battery acid.
Recyclables are shipped to these countries because
environmental standards are lower and enforcement of
these standards is often non-existent. Plastic bags and
bottles, used car batteries, lead, cadmium, metal scrap
and radioactive waste all are sent from the u.s.,
Germany, England, and Canada to South Asia for
processing. For India, Pakistan and Bangladesh,
hazardous waste is considered a needed source of
revenue.(1)
Ann Leonard of Greenpeace noted "in the United States,
supermarkets tell customers that the soda bottles will
be recycled. But they don't tell them that the bottles
are being exported to poor countries with rotten work
safety and environmental regulations." Workers in
recycling factories earn little more than 30 cents a
day.
This type of recycling is a hazard to the health of
entire countries, not just factory workers, as Sulfuric
acid from recycled batteries is dumped into gutters or
rivers, and lead-based ash from factories pollutes the
air.
In 1993, the U.S. sent nearly half its plastic waste
exports to South Asia. Recycling waste so that Amerika
will be cleaner at the expense of the people and
environment of the Third World is not a progressive
environmentalist program. People who genuinely want to
save the environment need to take an internationalist
perspective and work for global change and an end to
the system of capitalism that is destroying the earth.
Notes: The Korea Times, 6/11/95.
* * *
ISRAEL: PROMISES, PROMISES
The problem with negotiating from a position of
weakness is there's no way to stick up for the
agreement after it's done. Israel's "peace" agreement
with the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1993
specifically postponed negotiations on the status of
Jerusalem. Neither side was willing to negotiate and
each claims the city as its capital.
Now that the agreement stage is passed, it's back to
Israeli rule, and Israel has no problem declaring the
issue of Jerusalem a done deal--in its favor.
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin said to the Israeli
parliament:
"We are divided in our opinions, on the Left and the
Right. ... I believe that there is no argument on one
matter--the wholeness of Jerusalem, and its continued
existence as the capital of the State of Israel. ...
There are not two Jerusalems; there is only one
Jerusalem. From our perspective, Jerusalem is not a
subject for compromise. Jerusalem was ours, will be
ours, is ours--and will remain as such forever."
Notes: Israel Information Service 5/29/95.
--MC12
* * *
ISRAELI GOVERNMENT EXCUSES MURDER
The Israeli justice ministry has determined that
"criminal responsibility for the death of Abd al-Samad
Harizat cannot be attributed" to the [GSS] interrogator
whose violent shaking killed him. The United States
praises the Israeli government as a leader in the
"peace process," and supports it with billions of
dollars of aid per year, while Israeli officers murder
Palestinians. The Israeli State Attorney has
recommended military discipline in the killing rather
than criminal prosecution.
Abd al-Samad Harizat, suspected of having connections
to Islamic radicals, was killed on April 25. An autopsy
showed he died from brain damage after being violently
shaken during interrogation. Violent shaking is a
preferred technique of Israeli interrogators, because
it usually does not leave identifiable marks on its
victims.
The Justice Ministry reported that "the severe damage
caused by the angular acceleration of the head is rare
in medical experience--and is generally recognized only
by physicians and scientists dealing with brain
diseases and damage, and with forensic medicine."
Therefore, "the investigator --who shook the deceased
while grasping his shoulders--could not have, and need
not have, anticipated the fatal consequences of his
actions or the irreversible brain damage, given the
rare incidence of death from these actions, to the
point that it is known only to physicians and
scientists specializing in brain diseases and damage."
At press time, the United States has taking no action
in the case.
Notes: Israeli Justice Ministry press release 6/7/95.
--MC12
* * *
MAY FIRST IN THE PHILIPPINES
By A Visitor To The Philippines
During the first week of May, delegates representing
militant trade-unions and organizations in solidarity
with the national liberation struggle of the Filipino
people gathered from more than a dozen countries and
met for a week-long conference near Manila,
Philippines.
The 12th International Solidarity Affair was sponsored
by the Kilusang Mayo Uno Labor Center (KMU), a militant
federation of industrial trade-unions which is in the
forefront of a fight in the Philippines to limit the
economic devastation wrought through unequal trade
agreements, such as GATT and its enfeebled child,
Philippines 2000. The latter is a structural adjustment
plan to further underdevelop the local economy and
increase repatriatable super-profits.
Delegates visited many areas of the country,
integrating with the masses of industrial and
agricultural workers, at the sites of their strikes
against monopoly corporations and in their homes.
Delegates also visited export-processing zones, sweat-
shops, refugee camps, and mega-plantations; and were
treated to intense political discussions with workers
and the leaders of their organizations.
HELL ON EARTH
The bad news is that the minimum daily wage in the
Philippines ranges from sixty pesos ($2.40), for women,
to 135 pesos ($5.40), for men. This rate was calculated
by the fascist U.S.-Ramos regime at one-half of the
cost of daily subsistence--and wages can be much lower
than the minimum.
The industrial development of the country was
systematically retarded during the terroristic reigns
of Ferdinand Marcos and Cory Aquino. Under the
bureaucrat-capitalist group headed by Fidel Ramos,
which takes its orders directly from the U.S. ruling
class, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World
Bank (WB), and GATT's new World Trade Organization
(WTO), the country's infrastructure and industrial base
are decaying at a rate inconceivable to couch-potatoes
in the First World.
Land-grabbing, tax increases, and the government
bombing of villages have driven millions of
unemployable people into the cities: where they starve
in cardboard and tin shacks as raw sewage runs down the
streets and their children die from medieval diseases.
Due to ever-increasing imperialist control of
technology, and GATT's transnational lock on ownership
of capital-goods industries, Filipino-owned factories
have the capability of producing nails, but not screws.
The government entices foreign capital investment and
strangling loans with the boast that it will provide
cheap and docile labor; even as it sells off the
manufacturing and agricultural assets of the people for
a song to the transnationals and foreign banks.
Privatization (Philippines 2000) in the Philippines is
the equivalent of a deluge of neutron bombs: leaving
antiquated machines standing to await the next wave of
hungry workers as the current wave expires from the
effects of super-exploitation.
All manufacture is oriented towards cheap export goods
(e.g. garments, telephones, wind-chimes) and the
country remains dependent on the imperialist blocs for
expensive imports of food, soaps, and basic
necessities. The vast natural resources and raw
materials of the Philippines are being stripped away by
a hurricane of foreign investors, who leave only desert
behind.
Foreign-owned blast furnaces are vintage nineteenth-
century; health and safety regulations are non-
existent; surplus diesel engines from Japan, Europe and
the United States drive the transportation system and
have smothered the islands in a choking, black fog of
exhaust. Deforestation of the islands by multi-
nationals has stripped the biosphere of its lungs.
Children poisoned by carbon monoxide play in blue pools
of cyanide next to mine tailings polluting tiny farms
plowed by iron implements pulled by water-buffalo--or
people. Agriculture is dedicated to producing locally
useless cash-crops. Semi-feudal relations of production
dominate the countryside in which 70% of the 65 million
population groans under the weight of imperialism,
feudalism and patriarchy.
Meanwhile, according to bourgeois statistics, the
Philippines ranks 92 out of 173 countries in "human
quality of life." The gap between rich and poor is a
global phenomenon. If one sees through Ramos' lies that
the Philippines is on the road to becoming a "newly-
industrialized country" by the year 2000: what hells
exist in the "bottom" 81 nations today?
If imperialism were to have its way, eighty percent of
the world's people would labor uniformly--punching
United Nations time-clocks--while creating that most
precious portion of commodities: extractable surplus
value. Precious commodities: that the creators are
forbidden to use.
CAPITALISM DOES NOT WORK
It is the proud history and current state of the
Filipino people's fierce resistance to colonial and
neo-colonial depredations that distinguish the
Philippines from other wracked and oppressed nations in
the world who have not yet picked up the ideological
and organizational tools of Maoism.
The good news is that the Filipino people have created
three weapons for their own salvation: the National
Democratic Front and its New People's Army, led by the
Communist Party of the Philippines, which has summed up
errors, rectified itself, and is in the process of re-
fueling the mass movement and the armed struggle on the
basis of People's War, communist education, and
integrating with the masses. Numerous mass
organizations follow the red flag. Workers everywhere
discuss international issues, and the root cause of
their oppression and exploitation: imperialism.
While only 12 percent of the country's 27.65 million
member workforce is unionized, the KMU is the most
militant union organization, the union most bonded with
the people, and the union movement most feared by the
U.S.-Ramos regime--which slaughters union organizers as
it desperately attempts to impose no-strike sanctions
on workers whose response is to strike, strike, strike.
The KMU-sponsored international conference focused on
the issues of the internationalization of production,
privatization, and the related effects of GATT/IMF/WB
economic restrictions. In a paper presented to the
conference, KMU states:
"The KMU's position on GATT is clear. GATT will only
expose the country further to cut-throat global
competition that will adversely affect the workers and
peasants. Engaging in free trade with technologically
advanced countries that put demands on underdeveloped
countries to open up, while they are protecting their
own economies, will only hasten the demise of the
Philippine economy which is perpetually in crisis."
The KMU is part of a newly-formed progressive bloc of
militant trade unions, Koalisyon ng Progresibo at
Makabayang Manggagawa (KPMM), which opposes the
imperialist imposition on the country. Mainly led by
the KMU, it stands on the principle that trade unions
must not limit themselves to rice and fish unionism,
but must assert the worker's leadership in the
forefront of the people's struggle for national
liberation.
On May First, the International Solidarity Affair
delegates joined the KMU rank and file in a 40,000
person demonstration in Manila. The disciplined masses
marched to the KMU slogan for May First 1995:
WORKERS UNITE! STRENGTHEN OUR RANKS. FIGHT ATTACKS ON
JOBS, WAGES AND WORKER'S RIGHTS.
PEOPLE UNITE! FIGHT AGAINST FEUDAL AND IMPERIALIST
EXPLOITATION.
ADVANCE THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLE WITH A
SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVE!
At the rally's conclusion, a contingent of
revolutionary women staged a dance, flourishing huge
red flags. The crowd proudly raised fists and the
Internationale filled the skies.
Note: Human Development Report 1993, United Nations, p.
136.
* * *
MIM HOSTS FORUM ON ANTI-IMPERIALIST STRUGGLE
IN THE PHILIPPINES
Los Angeles--On May 26, MIM presented a speech by
Rafael Mariano ("Ka Paeng"), a leader in the anti-
imperialist movement in the Philippines. MIM also
showed the film "Medics of the People," which documents
several "Serve the People" programs of the Maoist-led
New People's Army (NPA) of the Philippines.
Ka Paeng briefly described the corrupt and oppressive
character of the government of the Republic of the
Philippines, which serves U.S. imperialist interests
and is propped up by U.S. aid. He exposed the
government's "Philippines 2000" development plan as a
tool used to increase the penetration of foreign
capital into the Philippines. He also pointed out that
the Corazo'n Aquino and Fidel Ramos administrations,
while attempting to portray themselves as pro-people
and anti-fascist, have both continued the basic
policies of the Marcos dictatorship--including an
escalation of the "total war" in the countryside (see
MN #94).
Ka Paeng listed the recent accomplishments of the
people's patriotic movement, including the removal of
U.S. military bases from the Philippines and the
release of 41 political prisoners. He emphasized that
these tactical victories were not the result of the
Philippine government's sudden kindness, but a response
to the united and serious struggle of the people.
"Medics of the People" is a fine film which underscores
the fact that the majority of violence in the world is
starvation and disease caused by an unjust economic
system. The medics in the film fight disease on two
fronts: providing and organizing basic preventative
health care in poor villages, and fighting to overthrow
the government which provides no health care in these
villages and exploits their inhabitants.
After the film, MIM explained the Maoist strategy of
Prolonged People's War. One audience member asked how
the FMLN in El Salvador fit into this strategy. MIM
explained that the FMLN did not fit into the Maoist
strategy; it was dependent on foreign aid and did not
couple the development of armed struggle with
painstaking mass political work. The FMLN failed to
assess the strength of the reactionary forces
(especially the strength of U.S. intervention) and
eventually turned armed struggle into a bargaining chip
(see MN #71). MIM pointed out that the Communist Party
of the Philippines (CPP) recently defeated a similar
adventurist line (see MN #85) and referred the audience
member to documents on the CPP's recent rectification
campaign (see ad this page).
* * *
TALES FROM THE HOOD SHOWS THE REAL HORROR: AMERIKKKA
Tales from the Hood
Directed by Rusty Cundieff, 1995
Tales from the Hood is much better than your average
Hollywood flick. It skillfully co-opts the trademarks
of the goofier horror movies--action, violence, gore
and humor--to make some harsh political points against
patriarchy and national oppression. More so than in
1995 Amerikkka, the oppressors tend to get what's
coming to them, just as they will in real life in the
long run. The audiences' cheers for vengeance are one
sign that life will imitate art in this regard. By
using the horror medium, Cundieff is able to keep his
audience's attention and avoid being accused of being
"preachy" as are more sober political directors.
Tales from the Hood is composed of four stories, each
with a strong component of reality. What could make for
better horror than the real-life monsters created by
imperialism, capitalism and patriarchy? In the first
story, a nasty, dope-pushing pig earns his vengeance by
killing a progressive community activist. Happily, the
Uncle Tom pig is not spared.
The monster in the second story is an abusive
patriarch. Cundieff deals well with gender,
particularly by the inclusion of several strong women
characters.
The third story centers on a fascist cracker politician
named Duke Metzger. Once again, the bad guy gets his,
as does his Uncle Tom advisor. The protagonists here
are symbols of slavery who call for reparations--or
else.
The last story brings it all home to the young audience
Tales from the Hood is made for. Cundieff makes it
clear that these stories add up to genocide, and that
fratricidal gang violence is part of this big problem.
This bit suffers from a line of dialogue that seems out
of place in this otherwise excellent movie. The awkward
line says that the government funded a genuine anti-
fratricide program, suggesting that the government
behind genocide has its sweet side.
Overall though, Tales from the Hood is a great film in
that it advances a lot of heavy--and correct--political
points, while staying faithful to the traditions of a
playful genre.
--MC49
* * *
L.A. CROWD LEARNS ABOUT PCP
AND DEBATES BEST WAY FORWARD FOR PERU
On May 19, MIM showed the documentary "The People of
the Shining Path" to an audience of mostly
international students on the campus of UCLA. The film
provides a good introduction to the People's War in
Peru being led by the Communist Party of Peru (the PCP,
also known as the Shining Path). Many of those who
attended had an anti-imperialist perspective and were
interested in learning more about the PCP specifically
and Maoism in general. All of those who spoke during
the discussion agreed that the status quo in Peru was
intolerable, but some questioned whether armed struggle
was the best way forward. MIM defended its basic
position that the imperialists will not abandon their
interests without a fight, and encouraged all to
continue to study these issues by attending future MIM
events and MIM study groups.
In particular, one audience member argued that the PCP
was responsible for the Peruvian military's brutal
repression because if the PCP had not launched armed
struggle the military would not have escalated its
activities. This person also echoed the beliefs of
human rights groups like Amnesty International by
stating that the Peruvian peasants are "caught in the
middle" of the equally violent PCP and military and are
not actively involved on either side. Other audience
members quickly refuted this backwards and false
argument, pointing out that a large portion of the
peasantry does actively support the PCP. MIM contended
that the greatest cause of violence in Peru is the
unjust economic system, which condemns the majority of
the population to poverty, disease, and starvation. The
number of children who die of malnutrition in Peru each
year is far greater than the number of people who have
died as a result of 15 years of People's War. The PCP
is fighting to free the Peruvian people from
imperialist exploitation and to establish a self-
sufficient socialist economy.
Another audience member pointed out that before they
came to the United States, they thought that the
Amerikan people were kept ignorant of Amerikan
imperialism's crimes, and that once they were made
aware of these crimes they would oppose them. But after
living in the U.S. for several years, s/he came to the
conclusion that the misdeeds of U.S. imperialism were
very apparent to those living here (s/he named
slaughter of three million Vietnamese during the
Vietnam war, the overthrow of the Allende government in
Chile, and the CIA's support of the Shah of Iran as
examples) and the average Amerikan has too many
privileges and is too distracted by them to risk
opposing imperialism. MIM agreed and explained our
position that the Euro-Amerikan working class is a non-
exploited labor aristocracy, which has made a strategic
alliance with the imperialists to protect its privilege
relative to the proletariat in the oppressed nations.
* * *
THE VAMPIRE PROJECT:
NOT CONTENT WITH EXPLOITATION, IMPERIALISTS
GO FOR FIRST NATIONS' GENES
by MCB52
The Human Genome Diversity Project (HGDP) is working to
gather DNA samples from 722 distinct indigenous peoples
all over the globe.(1) The presumption is that, if
these peoples die out under imperialist oppression, the
human race will be no less "diverse" for the wear. MIM
has little use for this brand of biodiversity, which
celebrates the diversity of cell samples rather than
the people from whom they are extracted. Humanity will
be best served when First Nations, DNA and all, rise up
against their oppressors.
HGDP, an international project working under the Human
Genome Organization, proposes to collect and catalogue
genetic samples from indigenous nations classified as
endangered and facing extinction. HGDP will make the
samples available to researchers with the goals of
discovering these nations' histories of migration and
evolution and the degree of variance in human genes,
and identifying genetic susceptibility to disease.(2)
Pharmaceutical companies and others already collect
genetic material from indigenous peoples, usually
covertly. HGDP is different in its scale and its
attempt at legitimacy.
FIRST NATIONS REJECT "PRESERVATION"
Tom Goldtooth, national spokesperson for the Indigenous
Environmental Network, criticizes HGDP: "I just don't
trust the very essence of who we are to be in the hands
of those who historically have not had our best
interests in mind. Biological warfare has been used
against our people and there is no assurance that
genetic sampling is not going to end up in the hands of
some mad scientist, corporation or government that
wants us dead to further take claim to our land that is
rich in natural resources."(3)
MIM knows that the scientists need not be mad to see
benefits in eliminating what they see as risks of
furthering the genocide on which they have built their
societies. We emphasize that the "very essence" of a
nation is not contained in any of its members' DNA.
HGDP so disgusting because it discounts the value of
human life--perpetuating the supremacy of some humans
over others.
BLOODSUCKERS IN ACTION
HGDP has some laudable sounding claims. One is that
this will enable development of treatments for diseases
common to indigenous peoples. This is extremely
unlikely. If medicine is developed, it will be by
Western pharmaceutical companies, which have no reason
to provide medicine for people who cannot pay much for
it. Expensive gene therapy or drugs would only benefit
the rich, earning HGDP its nickname: "the vampire
project."(4)
HGDP also claims it will debunk popular misinformation
about so-called races. Yet any biological basis for the
existence of separate races has already been
categorically disproved, most recently by Stephen J.
Gould. His new book points out that different black
African peoples have more genetic diversity between
them than so-called races have between each other.
Science cannot be divorced from ideology, and so the
proponents of national oppression will stick to their
lies regardless of any catalogue of DNA samples. MIM
holds scientists accountable for what they do with
their skills and training just as it does anyone else.
We condemn research that marginalizes the importance of
First Nations' survival for the gain of the
imperialists, in the words of one indigenous
spokesperson "genetic colonialism."(5)
MAY WE PATENT YOUR DNA?
HGDP doesn't even have guidelines as to who can make
informed consent for DNA extraction, or for how
informed those people will be, nor has a standard for
patenting human genes been established.
Indigenous groups across Latin America recognize the
importance of biodiversity in the context of self-
determination and sustainability for their nations.(7)
Communists categorically value human life, and we judge
HGDP from this perspective. Even if there is some merit
in learning about resistance to disease through genetic
study--after the masses have food and basic health
care--it is disgusting to preserve genetic diversity
independent of the populations that house it.
Notes:
1. News from Indian Country, late April, 1995, p. 6.
2. Hastings Center Report, January-February 1995, p. 2.
3. News from Indian Country, op. cit., p. 6.
4. Hastings Center Report, op. cit., p. 2.
5. Hastings Center Report, op. cit., p. 2.
6. Abya Yala News, Winter 1994, p. 14.
7. See for example the Resolutions from the
Coordinating Body of Indigenous Communities of the
Amazon Basin's Regional Meeting, September 1994.
"Indigenous communities are well aware of the
importance of biodiversity... We know that our
autonomy and assurance of life with dignity will
depend on the processes of control, conservation and
development of these resources." Abya Yala News, op.
cit. p. 17.
* * *
URBAN CURFEWS MEAN WAR ON YOUTH
by MC12
June 11, 1995 - Washington, D.C. is among the latest
cities to consider a curfew for young people. The city
council has approved a law which would ban people
younger than 16 from being on the streets after 11 p.m.
on weeknights and after midnight on weekends; it has
not yet been enacted. The law exempts youth who are
traveling to or from work, religious activities, in
cars, on their own or a neighbor's stoop, or exercising
First Amendment rights.(1) Almost 1,000 cities have
passed youth curfews in the last five years, including
Phoenix, Newark, Atlanta, Dallas, San Antonio, Little
Rock and Baltimore.(1)
This law is part of the wide-ranging campaign to
increase state repression and control over youth, a
potentially active and subversive force. The harshest
measures are directed against urban members of
oppressed internal nations, but the crackdown extends
to white and privileged youth in some cases.
CURFEW ATTEMPTS TO SHUT DOWN COLLECTIVE ACTION
In May, the official unemployment rate for Black men
age 16-19 was 40%, for Black women of the same age it
was 35.1%. That compares to 15.2% and 14.8%
respectively, for white men and women in the same age
group. In the last year, the disparity between Black
and white unemployment decreased for all ages and sexes
except men age 16-19, where it increased from 2.41 to
2.63.(2) Washington, D.C., was 66% Black in 1990.(3) A
large, concentrated population of nationally oppressed,
increasingly economically isolated and culturally
alienated youth presents a problem of social control
for imperialism.
Collective consciousness develops in public spaces. To
generate revolutionary consciousness, groups of
oppressed people need interaction to learn of their
common conditions and develop political action. The
leaders of the crackdown on youth claim an interest in
crime prevention to justify separating and
compartmentalizing young people. They want youth either
separate and alone (especially watching TV, which
offers an artificial, non-revolutionary youth culture
controlled by corporate interests) or participating in
state-sanctioned pacification activities such as church
or school functions. They don't want youth socializing
and interacting in large numbers in unsupervised,
uncontrolled environments.
IN-SCHOOL SURVEILLANCE
The campaign includes extending the repressive
apparatus deeper into schools as well. Many schools are
routinely patrolled by police, who conduct arbitrary
student searches at the whim of officials.
In April, students at East Aurora High School in
Chicago arrived at school to find more than 50 school
officials and pigs waiting for them with hand-held
metal detectors. No weapons were found in the search,
but the pigs confiscated some lighters and a cellular
phone. They claim to have found a pocket knife in a
nearby trash can. The district plans to extend the
policy of random searches to middle schools.(4)
In Texas, state education code forbids any student from
having or using a pager in school or at any school-
related activity. Students caught in violation of this
code can have their pagers confiscated and face
disciplinary action at the school level.(5) Pagers
foster spontaneous and unsupervised communication among
youth, and are therefore held suspect by the state.
Texas recently passed the Texas Safe Schools Act, which
among other things establishes a "zero tolerance"
policy which seeks to yank "violent or disruptive"
students out of regular schools and stick them in
"alternative settings."(6) They should call it "Social
Control 101--Introduction to Prison."
In a socialist society, in which a progressive
education system fosters equality and collective
development, disruptive students will be challenged to
clean up their acts--to make principled criticisms of
the school system or reform their behavior in
conjunction with other students, for the common good.
Student agitation can be a powerful force for advancing
socialism.(7) In a society that fosters the alienation
of all youth, and the oppression of internal nation
youth, coercing them into "good" behavior is an
oppressive act of social control.
In imperialist Amerika, oppressed-nation youth are
potential leaders of revolutionary struggles, and
white-nation youth are the most likely members of their
nation to throw away parasitism and join the struggles
of the people. State repression of youth--whether
violent, cultural or medical--is designed to stop this
rebellion. Maoists want to foster collective action and
rebellion among young people.
[The D.C. curfew has since been enacted -ed.]
Notes:
1. Washington Post 6/11/95, p. B1.
2. Bureau of Labor Statistics 6/2/95.
3. Statistical Abstract of the United States 1994, p.
46.
4. Chicago Tribune 4/15/95.
5. Texas Education Agency representative in public
Internet comments.
6. American Teacher 4/95, p. 3.
7. For descriptions of education in socialist China,
1949-1976, see *Women and Child Care in China*,
by Ruth Sidel (Penguin: 1973); *China: The
Revolution Continued*, by Jan Myrdal and Gun
Kessle, (Vintage: 1970).
* * *
ENGLAND AND AMERIKA SABOTAGE TRUE PEACE IN IRELAND
Despite the Irish Republican Army's (IRA) cease-fire,
London and its allies in Dublin and Washington continue
to attack activists working to end the imperialist-
imposed partition of Ireland. The English government
recently renewed the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which
allows English security forces to detain people for up
to seven days without charges or access to a court.(1)
And the United States continues to extradite people
wanted for "terrorism" by the authorities in the Six
Counties, so-called Northern Ireland.(2)
England is offering some false concessions. England
recently signed a Framework Document with the
government of southern Ireland which weakens the
partition of Ireland on paper. In return for limited
self-rule for the Six Counties' Catholic minority,
England wants the IRA to surrender all of its weapons.
Sinn Fein--the party politically affiliated with the
IRA and led by Gerry Adams--responded ambiguously to
the Framework Document and has indicated that it might
participate in a new northern parliament. Many
nationalist activists have criticized Sinn Fein for
taking the reformist road leading to capitulation.
A RECYCLED NEO-COLONIAL ARRANGEMENT
The Framework Document signed by the English and
southern Irish governments in February nominally gives
the Republic of Ireland more control over certain
affairs in the Six Counties. The Framework also calls
for the re-establishment of the Six Counties'
parliament at Stormont.(3) The Stormont Parliament was
established in 1922 as part of the partition of Ireland
and was dominated by Unionists--those who prefer to
maintain the Six Counties' status as an English colony.
Nationalist protest overthrew Stormont in 1972; England
has ruled northern Ireland directly since then.(4)
The Framework upholds the policy nationalists have
dubbed the Unionist Veto, which dictates that the
status of northern Ireland will only change by a vote
of the majority of the people living there.(4) This
policy guarantees English rule in Ireland, since
partition designed so-called Northern Ireland as the
largest area of Ireland with a Protestant majority.
COPPERFASTENING OF THE UNIONIST VETO
Nationalist organizations--including the Irish
Republican Socialist Party and Republican Sinn Fein
(which split from the Adams-led Sinn Fein in 1985)--
have denounced the Framework as a "rejigging of failed
solutions."(5) The Irish in Britain Representation
Group defends Irish prisoners and does legal work on
behalf of Irish nationals living in England. This group
stated that the Framework is "a copperfastening of the
British/unionist veto, an acknowledgment by the Irish
government and an acceptance of the British border in
Ireland, and an attempt to rebuild the failed unionist
statelet with a few 'be nice to Catholic' clauses."(5)
Sinn Fein has said it is "willing to consider" working
in a new Stormont as a "temporary arrangement."(5) This
directly contradicts the position Sinn Fein and the
Provisional IRA took before the abolition of the old
Stormont: "In the struggle for civil rights the
*abolition* of Stormont would, as an interim measure,
be a step forward. It would make much easier the
achievement of full rights and would bring us into
*direct confrontation with Westminster*. English
imperialism, both in its old and new forms, has been
the root cause of Ireland's ills."(6) Sinn Fein and
other revolutionary nationalists also opposed the 1973
Sunningdale Agreement. Sunningdale--a "cross-Border
power-sharing" arrangement similar to the current
Framework--collapsed within five months.(7)
Republican Sinn Fein has begun to openly criticize the
Adams-led Sinn Fein's implicit acceptance of the
Framework--as abandonment of armed struggle in favor of
the parliamentarian Social Democratic Labor Party's
tired old strategy of negotiating for sovereignty.
According to one activist quoted in Republican Sinn
Fein's newspaper, Sinn Fein and the Provisional IRA are
"not merely switching tactics, they are ceding the
goal."(8)
ENGLISH REPRESSION CONTINUES
The renewal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA)
shows that England has given up nothing of substance.
English authorities have detained 7,000 people under
the PTA, but have released most of them without charge.
Of the 153 who were detained under the PTA in 1994,
only seven were charged with any offense.(1)
MIM Notes recently reported that the leader of the
Irish National Liberation Army (which has not called a
cease-fire) was arrested by the southern Irish police
in April.(9) This is not an isolated occurrence:
English troops alone staged 216 raids in the Six
Counties in the last quarter of 1994.(10)
Republican Sinn Fein points out that when the IRA took
part in bilateral truces in 1972 and 1975, arrests and
prosecutions of activists were regarded as violations
of the truce.(2)
U.S. GNAWS ON PIECE OF THE ACTION
The United States has played an active role in the
recent round of Sinn Fein/English government
negotiations. President Clinton granted a 48 hour visa
for travel in the United States to Sinn Fein president
Gerry Adams, allowing him to build political support
here despite his connections with the IRA which Amerika
defines as terrorist. The U.S. put pressure on the
English government to drop its hard-line "no deals with
terrorists" line. In return, the United States has been
pressuring the IRA to give up its guns.
In May, President Clinton called for more Amerikan
investment in northern Ireland: "The opportunities are
excellent, the work force is well educated and well
motivated. The productivity levels are high." And the
kicker: "The unit labor costs are low." The U.S. is
already the largest foreign investor in northern
Ireland.
Clinton coupled his call for investment with the "peace
process," saying that "to keep this process going... we
must make hope real." But behind this pitiful carrot
remained the stick: "paramilitaries [but not the
English military--MIM]... must get rid of their bombs
and guns for good."(11)
WHAT PRICE "PEACE"?
MIM does not dogmatically reject cease-fires or peace
negotiations. On the contrary, MIM believes that peace
negotiations are a useful tactic with a successful
history in the International Communist Movement. But we
agree with the nationalist critics of Sinn Fein that
withdrawal of English troops must be at the top of the
negotiations' agenda. Disarmament in return for a
"kinder, gentler" English rule would be a giant step
backward. Imperialists cannot be reformed, negotiated,
or "power-shared" out of power--they must be booted out
by armed struggle.
In the last decade many national liberation movements
which had upheld the necessity of thorough armed
struggle turned their military power into a bargaining
chip which they used to buy some reforms. The PLO, ANC,
and FMLN are all examples of this phenomenon. MIM hopes
that Sinn Fein has not fallen into this trap. At the
same time, MIM agrees with Ruairi O Bradaigh, president
of Republican Sinn Fein, who says: "[T]he lesson of
Irish history is that as long as Britain remains in
Ireland there will be a revolutionary movement here to
oppose them."(12)
Notes:
1. Saoirse (Irish Freedom--newspaper of Republican
Sinn Fein) 4/95, p.6.
2. Saoirse 5/95, p.1.
3. Saoirse 4/95, p.1.
4. MIM Theory 7, p.109 ($4.95 from MIM).
5. Saoirse 4/95, pp. 2, 6.
6. "Freedom Struggle of the Provisional IRA," 1973,
p.12, quoted in: Sean Cronin, Irish Nationalism
(New York: Continuum) 1985, p.206.
7. Cronin, p.206.
8. Saoirse 4/95, p.16.
9. MIM Notes 5/95, p.5.
10. Saoirse 5/95, p2.
11. LA Times 5/25/95; Daily Bruin 5/26/95.
12. Saoirse 5/95, p.3.
* * *
"WAR ON CRACK" = WAR ON BLACKS, LATINOS
Despite evidence that large numbers of whites use and
sell crack cocaine, federal law enforcement in Southern
California has waged its "war on crack" almost
exclusively in the internal colonies, sentencing Blacks
and Latinos to some of the harshest drug penalties in
the United States. Prosecutors hammer Black and Latino
defendants with 10-year mandatory federal sentences
while whites prosecuted in state courts face a maximum
5-year sentence.
In the United States, whites account for over 67% of
people who have ever used crack (2.3 million out of 3.4
million total) and 53% of those who used crack in the
last year (488,000 out of 906,000). But less than 4% of
the defendants prosecuted in federal courts for crack-
related offenses in 1994 were white. Whites accounted
for 51% of crack users in the Los Angeles metro area,
but not a single white has been convicted of a crack
cocaine offense in Los Angeles federal courts since
1986, and only 4% of those prosecuted in state courts
were white.
Federal lawyers deny that nation plays any role in
prosecution patterns--but they openly admit that
federal and local law enforcement agencies concentrate
almost exclusively on minority communities. For
example, 96% of those arrested during a 1989 anti-drug
sweep of L.A. schools were minorities, because only
minority schools were targeted. Whites charged with
possessing enough crack to be prosecuted under federal
laws are not referred for federal prosecution because
they are not considered "big enough." They are
considered to be middle-people while Blacks and Latinos
are considered to be top dealers.
At the same time, Blacks and Latinos are regularly
handed over to federal prosecutors for possessing
similar amounts (or less) than amounts for which whites
are only charged locally. In many cases, undercover
agents make larger and larger demands on suspects they
buy from--entrapping suspects into carrying amounts
sufficient for federal prosecution.
Note: LA Times 5/21 /95.
* * *
MUMIA ABU-JAMAL FACES DEATH WARRANT
JUNE 4, 1995--Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge has
reenacted the death penalty in his state, and he has a
perfect victim: Mumia Abu-Jamal, an outspoken
journalist and former Black Panther who publicly
documented police brutality and attacks on Black people
in Philadelphia. Mumia's supporters are mobilizing
support to put political pressure on Ridge and the
courts to stop the execution. Many different groups,
with differing political views, are joining to oppose
the execution.
The International Concerned Family & Friends of Mumia
Abu-Jamal has called for actions on July 3 & July 4.
These include an emergency response rally on July 3
from 11am to 4pm at the Liberty Bell on 5th and Market
Streets, Philadelphia. On July 4 from 10am to 9pm there
will be an Free Mumia Conference at the Calvary
Methodist Church at 48th and Baltimore, also in
Philadelphia. MIM joins in the call for a stop to
Mumia's murder. See below for how to help.
Ridge signed the death warrant--setting the execution
for 10 p.m. on August 17 of this year--to preempt legal
challenges to the execution by Abu-Jamal's defense.
Mumia's trial was a sham even by bourgeois legal
standards. His new defense has prepared extensive
arguments justifying a new trial that could result in
Mumia's acquittal. Ridge, who campaigned on a promise
to murder Mumia, remains staunchly set against justice.
Mumia was framed for the righteous killing of a Philly
cop engaged in an act of police brutality. Someone else
killed the cop, but the Amerikan system of injustice--
backed up by the fascist anti-crime fever among a great
majority of whites--demands that someone die for the
killing of a pig. These fascists prefer to kill Mumia
than the real killer, because Mumia is an outspoken
leader who generates public opinion against the system.
His political views, including his agreement with Mao
Zedong that "power grows out of the barrel of a gun"
were used as evidence against him in trial.
Mumia Abu-Jamal's case is one of many crimes committed
against the people by the imperialist state and its
murderous Amerikan followers. Every day, hundreds of
thousands of members of Amerika's oppressed internal
colonies are held captive behind the bars of one of the
world's most repressive legal establishments. Most of
these people were not political activists when they
were jailed, but more of them are becoming activists
and revolutionaries every day. The struggle to end
oppression in Amerika is much bigger than one case.
MIM urges readers to learn about Mumia Abu-Jamal's
case, and to take action to stop the murderous
execution. MIM also urges readers to see this case as a
symbol of the repressive injustice system, which itself
is a tool for imperialist oppression in the USA and all
over the world. Every month, MIM publishes letters and
articles from revolutionary political prisoners all
over this country. We send free subscriptions of our
publications, and collect books to send to these
prisoners. Get involved with this work, and contribute
to the eventual liberation of millions from
imperialism.
Here's how to work directly to help defend Mumia Abu-
Jamal:
# Contribute to: Black United Fund/Mumia Abu-Jamal
Accounts, 419 South 15th St., Philadelphia, PA,
19146--(215) 732-9266
# Join the emergency response network: (215) 476-8812.
Leave phone numbers, fax numbers & e-mail addresses
for updates and info on what to do now.
# To get the racist executioner judge Albert Sabo off
the case, call and fax these judges, urging them to
take Sabo off the case:
Judge Alex Bonavitacola phone: (215) 686-3770 fax:
(215) 567-7328 Judge Legrome Davis phone: (215) 686
9534 fax: (215) 686-2865
# Write, call or fax to demand justice for Jamal:
Governor Thomas Ridge, Main Capital Bldg., Room 225
Harrisburg, PA 17120 Phone: (717) 783-1198 Fax (717)
783-3369. If you find the numbers have been changed,
contact Equal Justice USA at (301) 699-0042.
# Subscribe to: The Jamal Journal P.O. Box 19709
Philadelphia, PA 19143 Call (215) 476-8812 for
ad/sub rates.
# E-mail Mumia at Mumia@aol.com and ask questions and
show support.
# Order Mumia's new book of essays "Live From Death
Row," or cassette, from: Equal Justice USA P.O. Box
5206 Hyattsville, MD 20782 Tel: 301-699-0042 Fax:
301-864-2182. All proceeds go to the MAJ Defense
Fund.
# On the world wide web, see
http://huizen.dds.nL:80/~tank/mumia002.htm for more
information.
# These people will provide information about upcoming
rallies and events, or for press kits, photos,
video- or audio-tapes: Pam Africa: (215) 476-8812;
Noelle Hanrahan: (301) 699-0042; and The San
Francisco Bay Area Network for Mumia: (415) 648-4505
EVENTS PROTEST MUMIA'S DEATH WARRANT,
MAKE CONNECTIONS TO LARGER ISSUES
In early and mid June all around Amerika, there were
events protesting the signing of Mumia Abu-Jamal's
death warrant. This writer attended several events in
Western Massachusetts, discussing the significance of
the government campaign against Mumia in the context of
general government repression. MIM also spoke with
several other activists about Mumia on a local radio
station.
At all the events, attendees struggled to make a broad
analysis of national oppression and the political
nature of crime. Someone would mention that the
Philadelphia police are notoriously racist, and others
would add an anecdote about Los Angeles. Discussion
would then turn to local issues and increased pressure
on youth by cops under the pretense of fighting
"gangs". As people noted again and again, the really
dangerous gangs are the ones in the marble homes and
the blue and white cruisers.
Mumia's case is a perfect example of the "justice"
system being an oppressive institution that has nothing
to do with justice. His persecution is also connected
to his open revolutionary politics. Mumia's
revolutionary politics and leadership skills have made
the injustices done to him public, and helped provide a
forum for exposure of the entire system.
The judge in Mumia's trial may be more of an animal
than most (even earning criticism from Mumia's
prosecutor), but we should not endorse the rest of the
system. Mumia addressed the error of looking at
individual "bad apples" rather than corrupt systems in
a commentary on the May 13, 1985 police bombing and
mass murder of MOVE members. (MOVE is a Black
nationalist back-to-nature group that was singled out
by the Philadelphia police for extermination.) This
commentary was read during an educational event at an
anarchist bookstore in Northampton in mid-June:
"Why did May 13 happen? To look at May 13, 1985 as an
isolated act of official evil is to fall victim to the
wave of propaganda that washed over much of America
since that fiery, fateful day. City officials and much
of the media have painted a picture of bungling, errors
of judgment and misfortune. Who can forget the idiotic
imagery of the Major of the City of 'Brotherly Love'
defending the carnage of Osage Avenue with the words,
'Perfect ... except for the fire'?
"The truth points a far more felonious finger at
authorities and exposes such portraits as pure fraud,
for the May 13 massacre was not a monumental 'boo-boo,'
as in the sense suggested by both the politicians and
press. May 13 was no mere 'mistake,' not a 'bad day'
nor an incident showing 'bad judgment.' No. May 13 was
an exercise of *deliberate mass murder*, one *planned*
and premeditated for months beforehand! For months
prior to May 13, 1985 police tested high explosives at
a city facility in its Northeast section. Was it mere
'coincidence' that a federal agent of the United States
Department of Justice (FBI) would *give* Philadelphia
police over 37 1/2 lbs of a potent military explosive
(C-4)? How about the cop who 'happened' to add C-4 to
the satchel bomb--William Klein? Was that a 'boo-boo?'
And what of the commissioners of the Police and Fire
Departments? When else will people see such 'civil
servants' as these, who: (a) start a residential fire;
(b) fail to fight it; and (c) use it as a 'tactical
weapon' of mass murder and destruction? How does one
plan, construct, drop and detonate an incendiary bomb
by mistake? How does one barbecue babies by 'boo-boo'?"
A statement from Chokwe Lumumba, national Chairperson
of the New Afrikan People's Organization (NAPO) pointed
out that the MOVE bombing shared history with a similar
bombing, the only other air bombing ever perpetrated by
the u.s. government within Amerika. The first bombing
was in Tulsa, Oklahoma in 1921. Black Tulsa residents
were successfully beating back white mobs during a
"red-blooded American lynching spree." The person who
read the statements spoke briefly about the
significance of the Police Commissioner's warning to
MOVE moments before the bombing: "Attention, MOVE! This
is America!"
The artificial parallel between Mumia's planned
execution and the execution of the Rosenbergs in 1953
came out at several events. During the radio show, one
guest criticized reaching so far back in history for a
comparison with white communists, while ignoring the
daily repression of the Black Nation through the 1970s
and 1980s. This guest argued that Mumia's work exposing
Amerika's oppression of the Black Nation shows his
revolutionary awareness that the problem is systemic
oppression, not a problem of individuals.
MIM added that Amerika uses different weapons at
different times to silence its opponents. Fred Hampton
had no trial before he was executed by the police and
the FBI. Mumia Abu-Jamal's case is a bit stretched out,
and people attempting to save him must turn this into a
tactical advantage. We also pointed out that prisoners
who are not openly political suffer from the same
oppressive society that framed Mumia. Amerika has no
moral authority to determine what is a "crime" and what
is not.
FREE MUMIA!
JUSTICE FOR ALL PRISONERS!
ALL PRISONERS ARE POLITICAL PRISONERS!
* * *
POLICE ARRESTED FOR ATTACKS AGAINST BLACKS,
LATINOS IN NEW YORK
by Blooming Tree
"Youth, Cynics and the 48th precinct" reads one
headline. "16 Police Officers Are Indicted" reads
another, and yet another, "...Brutality in the Bronx."
But what is really happening?
The headlines tell part of the story. On May 3, 1995,
over a dozen police from New York's 48th Precinct were
indicted. Charges range from corruption, assault,
intimidation, menacing, larceny and insurance fraud.
Big deal, some would argue, we all know cops are pigs!
But the meat of the matter is the types of stuff that
these cops are charged with: one person, kicked and
beaten by police with their flashlights, was left
unconscious, badly bleeding, and charged with stealing
a police radio and resisting arrest. A second incident
involved the man whose pit bull dog and semiautomatic
weapon were stolen by police, and the person, in jail,
was terrorized by police (the cop put a gun in the
man's mouth) because the man was possibly going to
report incidents of police brutality he had seen in the
community.(1)
What kind of neighborhoods make up the 48th Precinct?
Poor communities of oppressed nations. The population:
107,000, 54% Latino, 42% Black. Unemployment is
officially 20% with 42.5% of people receiving public
assistance. Less than half the people have received a
high school diploma, and the median income is a little
over $12,000 a year.(2)
People in this area know the deal. Said one teenager:
"Sure, I once called 911 when there was some trouble,
but what alternative did I have? If I could have called
somebody else, *like the Panthers* I, would have."(3)
Indictments sometimes occur when public sympathy is
going strong against the police, to show that the
system works. Well, that's bull. The system does not
work; and Blacks and Latinos face oppression of untold
proportions. We need a mass need a mass struggle for
freedom and liberation and we need it now!
1. NYT 5/4/95, p. A18.
2. 1990 Census figures.
3. NYT 5/6/95, p. 16 (emphasis added).
* * *
= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
S P E C I A L M I M N O T E S S E C T I O N
O N K O R E A
= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
PROLETARIAT IN "MIRACLE" COUNTRY SQUEEZED HARD:
COST OF LIVING EXCEEDS NEW YORK CITY PRICES
WHILE WAGES REMAIN LOW
by MIM correspondents
It is well-known that Korean wages are low relative to
those of wages in other countries, but the cost of
living is not as well understood. The latest data shows
that the cost of living in Seoul--the largest city of
southern Korea with 10 million people--is 24 percent
higher than that in New York City. The difference is
not affected by the dollar's exchange rate, because the
Korean currency is more or less fixed by the government
in proportion to the U.S. dollar.
Other cities that are more expensive than New York to
live in but with lower wages include Brazzaville,
Congo; Taipei,China; Buenos Aires, Argentina;
Singapore, Malaysia; Douala, Cameroon; Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil; Abidjan, Ivory Coast; Sao Paulo, Brazil;
Nairobi, Kenya; Dakar, Senegal; Dar Es Salaam, Amman,
Jordan; Jakarta, Indonesia; Cairo, Egypt and
Montevideo, Uruguay. Tied with New York in cost of
living are Bangkok, Thailand and Lima, Peru. Only 12
cities out of 125 surveyed have costs of living less
than 80 percent of that in New York. Bombay and New
Delhi, India are the most important of these, ranking
in at 76 percent of New York City costs. Another three
cities in that category are from Canada, which is an
indication that the difference in costs of living
internationally is not radical.
There is no denying that Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong
have industrialized successfully compared with the rest
of the Third World. For this reason, any difficult
conditions faced by the working class in these places
are indicative of even worse situations elsewhere in
the Third World.
DESPITE MINIMAL GOVERNMENT SUBSIDIES,
COSTS EXCEED WAGES
In Korea, a labor aristocracy of the relative
importance seen in the United States has not formed.
Instead, the poor material condition of industrial
workers remains the reason for the insecurity of Korean
ruling class.
MIM's research might show that the figure which says
cost of living in Seoul is 24 percent higher than in
New York may be low. Food prices in Korea are generally
at least double what they are in the United States. It
is possible to buy rice and kimchee prepared at fast-
food restaurants for about a $1.33 for lunch. A
scallion pancake is about the same price in the lowest-
priced street-market cafeterias. By themselves, neither
meal would be adequate nutritionally.
A 15 ounce box of raisins is $4. Bananas may go for 50
cents a piece in the street market while approximately
a pound of fresh peas costs up to $4. Any meal wi
mtheat in it enters a price zone unfamiliar to U.S.
residents. It is also common to see large pizzas sell
for $20.
The government subsidized Seoul subway costs only 45
cents. Any service sector consumption is cheaper in
Korea than the United States: taxis, hair-cutting etc.
The real killer of working class conditions in southern
Korea is real estate. Speculation in Korea in the last
decade has rivaled Japanese real estate pricing. A two-
bedroom apartment in Seoul can cost $1000 per month.
Most Korean families will spend perhaps $700 a month on
rent--without women working for wages.
There is a substantial class of Korean millionaires who
have made their fortunes in real estate in recent
years. They are capable of a lifestyle comparable to
the nouveaux riche in the West. Their own fabulous
wealth leads to common stories of spoiled children
running around with wads of hundred dollar bills and
leaving $100 tips; this wealth is coming at the expense
of the working class in Korea.
College graduates at Korea Telecom on semi-strike only
earn $800 a month. Common lower wage grade workers make
as little as $400 a month. Workers at comparable
companies may make 29 to 40 percent more, but it is
clear that even such better-paid workers are truly
struggling to make ends meet.
Note: USA Today (International Edition) 6/9/95, p. 2a.
* * *
STUDENT AND WORKER POLITICS FLAME IN SOUTHERN KOREA
Southern Korean students and workers continue to
demonstrate a high level of ideological awareness
despite the doomsaying of bourgeois critics. In June,
it seemed as if every college in Korea was holding a
demonstration every day and with the arrest of the
Telecommunications workers' union leader, the number of
workers raising the stakes in struggle increased.
DOOMSAYERS TRY SPIN CONTROL OF MASS MOVEMENT
Attempting to make use of cultural conformity
traditions, the capitalist press never stops talking
about how the progressive movement in Korea is "cooling
off." The tactic attempts to generate a self-fulfilling
prophecy by pointing to "what everyone is doing." An
article in the Korea Times titled "Students Favor Fun
over Ideology" is a good example. It attempts to pit
the wealthier supposedly apolitical students against
the campus activists:
"Then came the 1990s with all the political and social
changes accompanying the fall of communism and the
progress in democratization not to mention the
improvement in the living standards and travel
liberalization that have undermined the strength of
student nationalism.
"Ideologically, the college students had very little to
base their argument on when the Berlin wall came
tumbling down and domestic political advancement
finally installed a non-military government for the
first time in more than three decades.
"Economically, their situation had improved
dramatically with private tutoring being legalized once
again and they were able to make bundles of money
teaching high school students.
"With money in their pockets and restrictions on
foreign travel alleviated, Korean college students have
been backpacking or enrolling in language courses in
the U.S. and Europe during school vacations and
returning with a much broader view of the world.
"All this has greatly weakened the clout the student
councils enjoyed over decision-making in campus
activities. Collegians now prefer less ideologically
oriented and more fun oriented activities for their
time off from lectures and books."(1)
The above quasi-government propaganda is wrong on
numerous levels. First, the collapse of the Berlin Wall
had little effect on the Korean activists; as MIM has
reported for years, they were never very pro-Soviet,
unlike communist-led movements in many countries.
Through twists and turns and various factions, the vast
majority profess a respect for Mao Zedong, who was the
most accurate forecaster of the collapse of socialism
in the Soviet bloc.
Second, while the Kim Young-sam regime is indeed of
tame "opposition" background, his election in 1992 did
not change much that the students were protesting
against. Students tabling with literature for hours at
points all across Seoul National University were quick
to point out to MIM that even setting up a literature
table to support the labor struggle is illegal in
southern Korea. Students in an organization called
Patriotic Young Men continue to admire Stalin and Mao
and said that the Kim Young-sam regime "is no
different" than the preceding capitalist governments.
Finally, the students today cannot be apolitical, as is
proven by the fact that they continue to elect the most
stout political activists as student government
leaders. Numerous bystanders told MIM that they
supported their student activist leaders, even if they
don't voice their opinions as much. As the author of
"Students Favor Fun Over Ideology" admits, the student
government elections are rigorously democratic. The
student council leaders continue to support protests,
support each other nationally and get themselves
arrested for their activities.
MIM knows what it means when students are "cooled off."
The mobilization of students in southern Korea is at
such a level that the student governments have power
beyond the imagination of their U.S. counterparts.
ATTEMPTED DISTRACTIONS ALSO FAIL
The southern Korean regime has done as much as possible
to distract the students from politics. This includes
encouraging tours to China and other foreign countries.
We found banners and posters for China tours and
learning English on every campus. These were the only
banners that rivaled those of the political students in
size and directness. As one China tour guide explained,
the tours use China to show the students what a failure
socialism is, because living standards in southern
Korea are higher. This approach is pure capitalist
nonsense; China is currently suffering under capitalist
restoration and has been since 1976 when Mao died and
the "Gang of Four" was arrested.
MIM recognizes that travel is good for expanding
people's understanding of other countries and other
nations' style of life and standard of living. This
expanded view is important to revolutionary
internationalists because it improves their ability to
converse with and work cooperatively with comrades in
other countries. But the southern Korean government
aims only to impress students with the wonders of
capitalism abroad; and to promote travel for
individualist reasons.
One thing that has increased in Korea, but is not
mentioned in the "Fun over Ideology" article, is the
use of MTV-like soft pornography in cultural realms. In
MIM's 1987 report on the Korean student movement,
students still did not wear shorts because of a concern
for traditional sexual morality. Today, a minority of
women wear shorts and many wear mini-skirts. The regime
has allowed this trend as ads on television, in the
subways and on billboards scream at the youth to take
up the diversion of romance culture.
The writer of the "Fun Over Ideology" article is
correct that students have more money in their pockets
than in the past. This is partly a result of the Korean
economic boom and class polarization creating a genuine
capitalist class and petty-bourgeoisie. Another part of
the money comes in the form of frenzied demand for
private tutoring of high school students. Private
spending on education exceeds six percent of GNP, while
public spending is only 3.9 percent of GNP. Parents
desperately seek to have their children succeed on
entrance exams for college and college students can
earn money tutoring high school students for the
exam.(2)
On many campuses, bystanders will tell the curious that
until 1987 and the adoption of the pretense of
democratic presidential elections, students fought
police every day. Things have "cooled off" since then
though; not every demonstration held every day ends in
police fighting students. MIM agrees that the movement
has "cooled off." But it continues every day and in
much more diverse forms than we read about in the
Western press.
LEADERS MOVE WITH THE PEOPLE
The Korean mass movement's leaders are skilled in
swimming in the sea of the masses. They make the regime
pay for every inevitable mistake it makes, and always
take the high ground of opposition to colonialism and
support of redistribution of wealth.
On June 6th, the regime arrested labor leaders on
church grounds. Within 72 hours Christian and Buddhist
leaders denounced the government; students at Seoul
National University, the leading university collected
7,000 signatures in a student body of 30,000;
university workers at Seoul National University went on
strike; and a group of chanting students advocated
unified national health care in place of the current
system of "chaos." Demonstrations not necessarily
directly in support of the labor leaders took place on
every campus. This was the same day that students
firebombed the Japanese Cultural Center; and a
demonstration against U.S. troops took place at the
Seoul Subway Station along with a one-man sit-in by the
person beaten in the subway.
Students MIM interviewed who did not take part in the
demonstrations expressed support for these student
actions. When asked why they and others did not
participate, one student said "Police intimidate
others; most students [are] afraid."
MOVEMENT MUSEUM
The regime may survive temporarily by telling the
Korean people lies about crazy, randomly violent
students, but millions of people have seen the truth up
close and it is not likely that this generation of
political leaders will ever enjoy the political
stability they desire. Something so inconvenient as a
photograph or videotape quickly punctures the regime's
lies.
One of the most militant of the demonstrations for the
labor leaders took place at Yonsei University on June
9th. About four hundred students listened to sharply
punctuated speeches, chants and songs. They raised
their fists together, distributed photograph books of
past regime repressions and staged a virtual movement
museum complete with a sample tear gas canister for
people's education. Another item on display was a
Molotov cocktail constructed by a female university
student. Helmets, gloves, protective kneepads and other
demonstrator clothing were all on display.
The earnestness of the Yonsei youth is just one warning
to the regime that there is only so far it can go
before a true explosion of the people brings the regime
down. Symbolizing the difficulties of the regime, one
gray-haired and one white-haired man wearing clothes
from another generation asked MIM to distribute
leaflets to the people. Anti-government politics thrive
outside the student movement as well; the regime will
have to do more than repress students to kill these
politics.
Campuses throughout Seoul were thoroughly politicized
as enlarged photographs of regime brutality against the
people lined the roads on campuses in the aftermath of
labor union leader arrests. It would be impossible for
a Korean student to avoid this political struggle
despite the steady drumbeat of regime lies and quasi-
governmental news media.
Even CNN contributed slightly by admitting that Korean
police attacked the June 4 demonstration by students in
solidarity with the labor movement before students used
force. Over 10,000 people attended this demonstration,
according to student leaders. No wonder the people so
widely support the students wielding Molotov cocktails
and sticks. Many times and in public places outside
campuses, it is not possible to hold demonstrations any
other way.
FOLLOWING ARRESTS, DEMONSTRATIONS CONTINUE
June 7th, after the arrests of the labor leaders in the
churches, the students held another solidarity
demonstration which was attended by over 1,000 people
to protest the government actions in the churches. At
this demonstration 80 students were arrested.
June 9th there was an all night demonstration at Korea
University in protest of the arrests of the students
and the following day a memorial service and
demonstration at Sungkyunkwan University in solidarity
with labor movements. The memorial service at
Sungkyunkwan was attended by thousands of people
filling a football stadium commemorating the many
people killed by government repression. Student
contingents from universities across Seoul attended
carrying bright flags, many with pictures of raised
fists or other revolutionary symbols or words, proudly
displaying the activism of their campuses.
Not far away from this memorial, a smaller group of
students held a demonstration in solidarity with the
labor unions. This demonstration did not feature the
sophisticated loud speaker system of the memorial
service, but these radical students wore red arm bands
of solidarity and also carried flags with school names
on them and enthusiastically chanted slogans with the
speakers. The rally was organized by the national
student council and attended by the more class
conscious of the students, contributing to the
radicalism on the campus of Sungkyunkwan University
that Saturday.
WOMEN'S UNIVERSITY LESS POLITICIZED
MIM talked with a number of student leaders at Ewha
University, the largest women's university in southern
Korea. These student council members said that women in
their organization make up the majority of the active
students on campus. In spite of their small numbers,
these women are a strong part of the progressive
movement. Five of the 80 students arrested protesting
the government action in the churches were from Ewha
including their student council president and vice
president.
When asked why more women were not active they
explained that it is related to the culture and
position of women in society. Even women who attend
college can not expect to get a job when they graduate.
Most women are encouraged to study at a university so
that they can find a good husband because many of the
"best men" search for wives at the universities. This
attitude is reflected in the selection of majors at
Ewha which includes "Home Management." Women who want
to get a job after graduation generally have to move to
another country to pursue a higher degree and get a job
there. The united states and Canada are top choices for
these women.
The women expressed a conviction that there is a need
for feminism and change in women's role in southern
Korean society. They pointed out that many prominent
feminist speakers come to their campus and they, along
with other radical student councils, are struggling for
equality of the genders as a part of their overall
goals.
HIGH IDEOLOGICAL LEVEL OF STUDENTS
The student council at Hongik University opened
discussions with MIM saying that "students involved in
student union look for socialism." All of the students
there agreed in their support for Marx, though there
was disagreement over Lenin, Trotsky, and Mao. These
students uphold themselves as the left wing of the
student movements as Marxists and internationalists
organizing for revolution.
One student responded to a question about the goals of
the recent student demonstrations saying "Our campus,
surrounded by capital and violence, is struggling...in
spite of problems, our common future is forever"
expressing the anti-capitalist sentiments of the
movement and the strong solidarity felt for the masses
in Korea. Another student said "[the] working class
movement is [the] essential problem" expressing the
strong class consciousness of the students.
The majority of students MIM spoke with said that the
U.S. army should go home. There was a minority of non-
active students who believed the government propaganda
that the U.S. army is necessary to guard against war
with northern Korea. But even these students
demonstrated a high level of ideological awareness on
other issues. One such student expressed support for
the recent student demonstrations saying "the
demonstrations are connected with redistribution of
wealth. Some day conditions will be much better. Now
redistribution of wealth is not enough."
Students lead the struggle for reunification of
northern and southern Korea. A Hongik university
student said "I think that unification is working class
movement." Several students made it clear that they
don't support talks between two presidents as a means
to achieve reunification because this would not be an
action on behalf of the working class.
A woman from Seoul National University who was not
active in the demonstrations expressed support for the
actions saying that the demonstrations force "people to
think about affairs more. The nation needs to accept
students' thought." She went on to explain that even
the less active students are constantly studying social
affairs. "Studying social affairs is important and
then, [after studying, students] act. Action is based
in thought." This student concluded the interview by
saying "Thank you for writing about our State," a
sentiment of the importance of internationalism that
was common among the people MIM spoke with.
Many student activists were as interested in learning
about politics in the U.S. as they were in describing
their own struggles. We had discussions about the labor
aristocracy in Amerika, MIM's position on feminism and
on homosexuality, the significance of revolutionary
nationalism to communists and other topics. The
students were clear about their interest in solidarity
with U.S. progressive movements and at the end of the
discussions at Hongik University students presented MIM
with a gift of a bag they had made that says on it
"small effort big distribution, student welfare
committee" which they used to collect clothing for the
poor in a recent campaign on their campus.
Notes:
1. Korea Times 6/9/95, p. W-1.
2. Korea Herald 6/9/95, p. 3.
* * *
OUTRAGE AND PROTEST AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM
IN SOUTHERN KOREA
by MIM correspondents
As Japan's parliament worked to formulate and approve a
resolution of regret for its colonialist actions in
World War II, the Socialist Party president in power
had to threaten resignation and the collapse of the
government to obtain the resolution. At this 50th
anniversary of the end of the war, many members of the
Japanese government opposed any statement admitting
Japanese wrong-doing.
Yet the southern Korean government thinks this apology
is important because it wants to offer its people up to
exploitation by Japan again while putting on an anti-
imperialist face. The southern Korean government is
forced to appear anti-Japanese by the masses of
southern Korea who will not be so easily fooled into
accepting Japanese colonization.
One of the lies that the capitalist internationalists
tell the world is that capitalism brings peace through
expanding world trade, and that this creates economic
harmony. As they inch toward world government, the
capitalist internationalists attempt to lull the
proletariat with false promises of peace.
Watanabe ignores trade concerns; antagonizes the Korean
and Chinese people
Former Japanese foreign minister Michio Watanabe, a key
politician of Japan's most powerful political party--
the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)--opposed the
resolution of regret before being forced to concur with
the Socialists. In early June, he justified Japan's
invasion and annexation of Korea between 1910 and 1945
as an action that was concluded "amicably, not by
force."(2) Every incident like this inflames the
peoples of Korea and China against Japan, because both
countries suffered under Japanese invasion and colonial
rule before Japan's loss in World War II. Watanabe is
aware of this fact, but he persists in his reactionary
nationalism anyway.
Even as a leader in the LDP--which has had power the
longest in Japan, and is an important bourgeois faction
in a country heavily reliant on trade--Watanabe does
not express peaceful internationalism in the name of
promoting trade. Instead he allies himself with redneck
reactionaries in Japan instead.
MASSES' RESPONSE OVERSHADOWS GOVERNMENT TALK
Anti-Japanese imperialism sentiments are strong in
Korea as the memory of exploitation and oppression
under Japanese occupation is clear in the people's
minds. The southern Korean government strongly
condemned Watanabe's remarks but their response in
words was nothing compared to the outrage and action of
the masses of southern Korea.
On June 6th, members of the group Sochongnyon, the
activist federation of student councils of Seoul
universities, fire-bombed a Japanese Cultural Center in
Seoul, destroying part of the building. The students
were chanting slogans that included "Repent Colonial
Atrocities," and "Stern Warning to Conspiracy to Revive
Colonialism" and scattered leaflets accusing Japan of
"trying to whitewash its brutality in the past."(3)
The students had to fight their way past riot police
already guarding the building to get close enough to
throw the fire bombs. (These riot police guard all
potentially controversial buildings at all times in
addition to many random street corners and areas around
universities.) 58 people were arrested.(2) The Korea
Times reported that 13 university students were being
held and prosecuted on charges of violating the Law on
the Use of Firebombs.(4)
Members of an association of bereaved families of those
who died fighting Japanese imperialism protested
Watanabe's remarks on June 5th in downtown Seoul. In
addition, other organizations held rallies to condemn
Watanabe's statements and call for apologies.
WITH MINOR APOLOGIES, IMPERIALISM CHARGES AHEAD
In response to the protests, Watanabe apologized and
retracted the key word "peacefully" from his earlier
statement "Japan peacefully took over Korea in 1910"
but he did not go any further in retracting his
remarks.(2)
This resolution leaves the Japanese government
apologizing for past imperialism while charging full
speed ahead as a modern imperialist on a global scale.
The apology was necessary because past imperialist acts
were taken against countries that Japan now wants as
allies. No apology was made to Peru or any of the other
current colonies which remain politically powerless and
hence unimportant to Japan's international image.
The government even plans to tear down a building in
Seoul that used to be the Japanese administration
headquarters but which was since converted into a
museum. They say that this is in response to the
memories of Japanese imperialism that this building
invokes. But token actions of tearing down unused
buildings and criticizing Watanabe's statements do not
change the comprador nature of the southern Korean
government which is now servant to a different master:
U.S. imperialism.
Notes:
1. The Korea Times, 6/10/95, p.1.
2. The Korea Times, 6/7/95, p.4.
3. The Korea Herald, 6/7/95, p.1.
4. The Korea Times, 6/9/95, p.3.
* * *
DANKOOK STUDENTS REBEL:
EDUCATION SYSTEM CRITICIZED
by MIM correspondents
In early June, students at Dankook University in Seoul,
Korea, rioted against their conditions at the
University. Hundreds of Korean riot police with
shields, batons and tear gas were posted to control the
demonstration. Riot police throughout the city and the
occasional Korean Army grouping protected government
buildings. Dankook scared the Korean regime, because of
its proximity to foreigners, especially U.S. citizens.
Across the street from the Dankook demonstration, U.S.
troops sat on rooftops watching the Korean police and
students. The U.S. troops were to "protect" a nearby
residential compound composed largely of foreigners,
especially U.S. citizens.
The Dankook students have a gripe with the University
administration's plans to move the school to new
physical locations and change admissions requirements.
Two separate students said that it "was very
complicated" to explain the problems of just "our
university." Several Korean college administrations are
moving to admit students if their parents make a
sufficient donation to the college. Yonsei University
has come out in favor of using any admissions process
that will increase its own prestige, including the
donation route.
The students rallied late into afternoon and finally
were filing out to the sounds of classical music over
loudspeakers. Nonetheless, formations of Korean riot
police continued to guard key intersections.
LOCAL CONDITIONS AT UNIVERSITIES
The idea of purchasing admissions is not unique to
Korean universities. MIM has heard Harvard University
admissions officers argue that the last few seats of
every college class should be auctioned to the highest
bidders so that the funds could be used to support
poorer students. In capitalist education there really
can be a rationale for selling college admissions.
Sogang University in southern Korea has adopted this
line of thinking for itself.(1)
Today in southern Korea, some have argued that adopting
a more American approach to education would be more
humane and encourage better-rounded students. And
college administrators have taken advantage of
dissatisfaction with the examination system to make
admissions decisions based on money or other
confidential criteria.
One student from Hangik University referred to the
spring demonstrations as Korean students rallying
against the effects of capitalism on education. A week
after the Dankook demonstration on local conditions,
Hangik had its own. At Hangik, a large nine-story
building is under construction right in front of the
gate to the college. Students say that the fact that
the building is for bars and dancing while there is no
bookstore in the neighborhood shows that capitalism
cannot rationally address the needs of education.
About 100 students marched at Hangik on June 9.
Simultaneous demonstrations across the city supported
striking workers, opposed Japanese imperialism and
grieved against the U.S. colonial presence of 38,000
troops still under U.S. command.
CONFUCIAN AND NEO-CONFUCIAN EDUCATION
The Confucian tradition has been to have a single
standardized national examination to determine one's
future, in terms of college admissions and also in
terms of the eventual ability to obtain jobs in both
the civil service and in the corporations of Confucian
cultures. The examination process in Korea and China is
clearly linked to suicide among high school seniors,
whose lives depend on a score sufficient to get into
college.
Under Mao Zedong in China, examination grades as the
criteria for getting ahead were downplayed in favor of
a process of political recommendations from one's peers
and superiors. The line behind this was that only those
with a demonstrated desire to serve the people and
apply their knowledge to this purpose should obtain the
scarce resources for college education that were
afforded to one percent of the population. A movie on
this topic available in some Amerikan video stories is
titled "Breaking with Old Ideas."
In the process of capitalist restoration, Deng Xiaoping
and crew have restored the national examination system
in China. Now southern Korea and China have similar
neo-Confucian approaches to education.
THE U.S. CONNECTION
Some incidents between U.S. soldiers and the Korean
people have outraged Koreans from all different
classes. In one incident in a subway on May 19, Koreans
alleged that a U.S. soldier was sexually harassing a
Korean woman. The words "violated" and "assaulted" were
used by some Koreans simultaneously with "teasing." The
press used the words "sexual harassment" and
"fondling."(2)
The U.S. soldier most directly involved in the incident
claimed the woman was his wife and hence the Korean
"mob" that rose to "protect" a "violated" Korean woman
has a dubious gripe. He received some substantiation
when the woman failed to step forward to prosecutors.
The troops were prosecuted for beating the Korean
bystanders.(3) Further indicating the possibility that
the U.S. soldier was telling the truth, prosecutors
also indicted his wife for helping in the brawl.(2)
This incident could just be a bad reflection on both
the American and Korean sides of the conflict, as is so
often the case with patriarchy. MIM was not on the
scene of the incident and it is not MIM policy to base
an argument on a single case. The truth in the Korean
discussion of this incident--even as political metaphor
or symbol--is that U.S. troops answer to U.S.
authorities. One student at the Dankook demonstration,
who was kindly explaining why U.S. troops were looking
at the demonstration pointed out that if U.S. troops
commit a crime against Koreans, "we cannot punish
them."
In an incident which demonstrates that the Korean
masses are correct, on June 8th, the press learned that
a U.S. employee of the Eighth U.S. Army legally fled
Korea on April 13, after being convicted of "beating up
his Korean girlfriend." The incident is embarrassing to
the southern Korean regime, because it underscores its
U.S. puppet status. The southern Korean ruling class
has considerable independence relative to many poorer
Third World comprador regimes, but the united states
has failed to bring the convicted man back to Korea for
justice thus far.(3)
Oppressor country citizens' immunity from the laws of a
colony is a mark of colonialism. In China, Mao broke
the imperialists' hold on China's cities and forced
foreigners to obey Chinese laws. Although Korea is in
many ways very powerful and modern, the Koreans have
yet to gain the power for themselves that Mao Zedong
seized in 1949 at the expense of imperialists and their
lackeys.
MIM believes one interviewed Dankook student that it is
likely that such incidents "always happen; we like the
Americans, but not the troops." The most radical
activists always carefully distinguish between the
American people and U.S. troops. The ruling class media
tries to make the issue one of simple "anti-
Americanism," as a way to aggravate various
nationalisms to their own benefit. Yet surveys show
that Koreans are not anti-American. Perhaps the issue
should be anti-Amerikanism. But the real issue in the
Korean people's minds is anti-colonialism.
U.S. TROOPS ARE NOT COMPLETELY IN THE DARK
Some in Korea and Amerika already regard the 38,000
troops as an anachronism given Korea's evident economic
muscle and ability to run its own affairs. The troops
themselves are not immune to these thoughts. One former
GI has already called for the troops to be sent home,
partly to make up the U.S. budget deficit.(4)
The troops in Korea can have a good time at the bars
and dance clubs made for Americans. Apart from having
fun shopping, dancing, smoking and whoring in the post-
Cold War world, the U.S. soldiers live out a bundle of
contradictions in Korea.
There are numerous Black troops in Korea and one bar
for Americans flies the Puerto Rican flag for its
clientele. One might wonder how the youth from the
Puerto Rican colony feel about serving in the Korean
colony. There must be strong feelings of ambiguity,
especially after incidents like that on the subway,
where it will seem that the troops got something
different than what they bargained for.
Another contradiction the troops face is that while
some Koreans support their presence there and Americans
are generally well-liked, politics and law enforcement
are very different in Korea from the united states. One
member of the U.S. military we spoke with openly
expressed his sardonic appraisal of the ever-present
Korean riot police. In Amerika there is not such a
powerful worker and student movement and riot police
are not on the street everyday.
Notes:
1. Korea Times 6/6/95, p. 3.
2. Korea Times 6/11/95, p. 3.
3. Korea Times 6/9/95, p. 3; Korea Times 6/11/95, p. 3.
4. Korea Times 6/10/95, p. 6.
* * *
KIM SUN-MYUNG: GOOD COMMUNIST IN PRISON
Surpassing the Nelson Mandela-era political prisoners
in South Africa, Kim Sun-myung has been in southern
Korean prison since 1951 for refusing to renounce his
belief in communism. Now there is a movie about him and
other prisoners called "Perfect Encounter."
Kim's 44 years in prison appear to be the world record
for political prisoners. He is in solitary confinement
and the regime allows him no attorney.
Notes: Korea Times June 6, 1995, p. 10.
* * *
HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT-TEACHER ROMANCES COMMON
A spate of stories about romance between high school
teachers and students emphasizes the decadence of
romance culture in Korea. "In a 1993 national survey,
25 percent of girls and 10 percent of boys in grades 8
through 11 said they had been sexually harassed by a
member of the faculty or staff during high school.
"In an earlier survey of North Carolina high school
graduates, 13.5 percent said they had had intercourse
with a teacher."
Notes: Associated Press in Korea Times 6/6/96, p.11.
* * *
FOOD POLITICS
"Even food has become a weapon in the bitter rivalry
between North and South Korea. The South warned Japan
not to grant the North's request for emergency
shipments of rice until the North responds to the
South's offer for help."(1)
According to Japan, the U.S. and their puppet media,
northern Korea has asked for rice to feed starving
people. Southern Korea is crowing over this alleged
fact and making propaganda of it every day in the
press.
To draw out the issue over time, the southern Korean
regime initially approved rice aid unconditionally. Now
it is attaching political conditions. The new policy of
politicking with food started May 27 and there is still
nothing that the press reports new of the north
Koreans' response. It's just the same old stale news
recycled from Japanese news services again and again.
As of June 11, the southern Koreans' newspapers are
still reporting the same old thing.
Notes:
1. USA Today (International Edition) 6/9/95, p. 5a.
2. Korea Times 5/28/95, p. 2.
* * *
STUDENTS AND UNIONS SUPPORT TELECOM WORKERS
A measure of Korean union and student leaders' close
relationship to the masses is their ability to deliver
on threats to organize. So far, they have delivered on
all the threats they have made in connection to the
Telecom struggle.(see "Korea Telecom workers arrested"
in this issue)
On June 6, a national labor alliance threatened to hold
anti-government rallies on June 10 and engage each of
its unions in the struggle the following week if the
regime didn't back down.(1) On June 10, one anti-
government rally at Sungkyunkwan University filled a
stadium. Even the Korean government television covered
the unrest.
As at other universities, the Sungkyunkwan
demonstration on June 10 featured long rows of enlarged
pictures of missing, dead or injured activists
repressed by the U.S.-backed regime. The parents and
other relatives of the victims of government repression
had special seats in the stadium.
Huge banners featuring workers and people from both the
North and South in a smiling unity were further proof
of the professional nature of the organizing. A Korean
band of traditional drummers also entertained the
audience as did several guitar players.
At this rally, petitions for imprisoned workers
circulated. MIM sent the organization behind that drive
a token sum just over $50 and a statement from MIM
mentioning prisoners here in the "United States" as
well.
As MIM Notes goes to press it is apparent that other
unions realize that the position of the Telecom union
is related to their own situation. Subway workers
sprang into action before the week was out with 77
percent of 8,046 people participating in a meeting that
voted for collective struggle. Only 21 percent opposed
the actions.(2) Seoul National University workers also
went on strike.
Notes:
1. Korea Times 6/7/95, p. 3.
2. Korea Herald 6/11/95, p. 3.
* * *
KOREA TELECOM UNION LEADERS ARRESTED
The Kim Young-sam regime arrested 13 leaders of the
Korea Telecom union of 50,000 workers on June 6th. They
had taken refuge in Buddhist and Christian temples and
churches, where the religious authorities refused to
turn them over. For two weeks they had successfully
protested the regime's attack on their union.(1)
The quasi-governmental Korea Times reported that "the
13 union leaders are suspected of masterminding the
seizure of the office of information-communications
minister in April and the assault against senior
officials of Korea Telecom to demonstrate their
defiance against the government's policy to open the
telecommunications market to foreign service providers
and limit the wage increase rate to under 3
percent."(1)
According to the quasi-governmental Korea Herald, "it
was the first time that police forces have been sent in
to the Catholic church in its 98-year history."(2)
Telecom workers' union chair Yu Tok-sang is still at
large underground. He called for demonstrations in 12
places to step up the struggle. The workers had already
begun "work-to-rule" procedures: denying state
employers the usual overtime while unleashing a
campaign of politeness to the public to win its
sympathy. The workers make it clear that they are on
strike against their employers, not the public. Under
the best of circumstances, southern Korean workers
average 44 hours per week and work on Saturdays.
CAPITALISTS CALL WORKERS' POWER STRUGGLE "ILLEGAL"
The Korean capitalist class rarely expresses itself
honestly and clearly, because many disagree with its
view that workers are not entitled to demand as much
pay as workers in Japan or other imperialist countries.
The capitalists believe paying the workers more is
"illegal" and "harmful" to the national economy.
In 1990 the Korean Supreme Court ruled that it is
illegal for workers to stop working overtime if
employers are used to having them work overtime, which
workers do in most of Korea.(3) When the press inveighs
against "illegal" union activities, this includes any
power struggle of workers against their employers.
Conformity with employers and legality are synonymous.
MIM finds it ironic that the bourgeois propagandists,
who call for rational dialogues between workers and
employers in the national interest, argue that
employers deserve their position under the natural law
of survival of the fittest. The government is expected
and allowed to privatize Korea Telecom, demand
overtime, allow foreign competition, pay less than
other exploiting employers, wonder why there is so
little order and so much unrest and then expect workers
not to engage in a power struggle. MIM believes that
such a short-sighted class is doomed to extinction. The
capitalists use their ideology of economic Liberalism
to try to persuade workers not to organize
collectively, but to go one-on-one against the
capitalist class. This hopeless method is the
capitalist class' only means of survival.
OPPORTUNIST ENEMIES ATTEMPT TO BANK ON THE STRUGGLE;
CHURCHES ARE SUPPORTIVE
Opportunists in the opposition Democratic Party opposed
the arrest of the union leaders, but held that the
issue should be settled through dialogue and not power
struggle. The Democrats claimed to fear that the
government would win public support at the local
elections on June 27 if the workers did not restrain
their demands.(4)
The churches' reactions were friendly to the workers.
The Catholic church at Myongdong Cathedral rang funeral
bells at 4 p.m. every day and protested the arrest of
demonstrating students at their Cathedral. "20 church
men and nuns blocked police vans carrying the students
at the cathedral gate."(5) In response to this
opposition, the police reportedly apologized and
released the students.
The Catholics then started a sit-in protest and gained
the endorsements of the National Catholic Alliance for
Justice. On June 9, Cardinal Kim Sou-whan said such
occurrences did not happen under the worst of past
military dictatorships, echoing the students'
conviction that Kim Young-sam is no better than those
military dictators. The National Alliance for Democracy
and Unification also denounced the police.(5)
MIM stands with the Korean telephone workers against
privatization and the opening of the economy to
imperialist competition. We also sent a token sum of
about $35 to support the struggle and we are
undertaking a campaign to sell T-shirts bearing a
likeness of a Korean Telecom union leader; most of the
revenue will go to support the Korean workers, the rest
will go to postage and publicity of the Korean workers
here. Though we may have some disagreements with the
organizers of the struggle, there is no question that
MIM supports the Korean proletariat against the U.S.-
backed Korean regime.
We call on our readers to help us with this campaign to
support the Korean workers' struggle by buying T-
shirts. Let the success of this campaign be one of many
for international solidarity with the exploited workers
of the world, each campaign an example for the next
successful campaign. Residents of the united states
have a special responsibility in this matter, as the
Korean regime is a product of U.S. invasion and
colonialism.
Notes:
1. Korea Times 6/7/95, p. 1.
2. Korea Herald 6/7/95, p. 1.
3. Korea Times 5/28/95, p. 3.
4. Korea Herald 6/7/95, p. 2.
5. Korea Herald 6/9/95, p. 3; Korea Times 6/10/95, p.
1.
=============================================
BUY REVOLUTIONARY T-SHIRTS, TUNES AND POSTERS
ABOUT KOREAN LABOR STRUGGLES
=============================================
SOLIDARITY T-SHIRTS
-------------------
Limited edition T-shirts in solidarity with southern
Korean labor struggles. T-shirt displays picture of
labor leader who is currently in prison for his
activism. Blue on white and gray on white available. XL
or XXL sizes.
$10 with a year subscription to MIM Notes ($12) or
purchase of any issue of MIM Theory ($5).$12 without
subscription or MIM Theory purchase.
REVOLUTIONARY MUSIC
-------------------
Tape/CD of songs from labor leaders in southern Korea.
All music in Korean. Three different tapes available,
one on CD as well. Limited copies, first come first
serve.
$10 for tapes with year subscription to MIM Notes ($12)
or purchase of any issue of MIM Theory ($5)$15 for CDs
with year sub to MIM Notes or purchase of any issue of
MIM Theory
With no other purchase Tapes: $15; CDs: $20
Posters
-------
Solidarity poster of labor march superimposed on globe,
blue on black. Limited copies.
$5 with one-year subscription to MIM Notes ($12) or
purchase of any issue of MIM Theory ($5) $7 with no sub
or MIM Theory purchase
* * *
UNDER LOCK & KEY
NOTIFICATION OF DISAPPROVAL--PUBLICATIONS
Title of publication: MIM Notes #97 Publisher: Maoist
Internationalist Movement Pages which meet disapproval
criteria: various pages Description of material that
meets disapproval criteria: Calif. Code of Regulations,
title 15: Any matter of a character tending to incite
murder; arson; riot; or any form of violence or
physical harm to any person, or any ethnic, gender,
racial, religious, or other group. AB-95/1
--Pelican Bay State Prison, California, 3/29/95
IOWA CENSORS MIM NOTES
MIM Notes #95, 12/94, ... has been reviewed by the
Publications Review Committee and found to be in
violation of Standard "4A" of this committee's
standards.
This standard is: "Is likely to be disruptive or
produce violence."
This publication is being returned to the institution.
You will have five days to advise where you want it
sent. After that time, this publication will be
disposed of by the institution....
Sincerely,
--Jim McKinney, Iowa Dept. of Corrections (sic) Deputy
Director--Institutions, 1/27/95
MIM RESPONDS TO THE PRISONCRATS AT PELICAN BAY AND IOWA
STATE: We plead not guilty on all counts. We believe
that the masses will have to resort to armed struggle
to end imperialism, capitalism and patriarchy, because
oppressors like you will give up your power without
violence. But far from inciting murder, arson, riot or
violence, we make it clear that such actions here and
now are counterproductive. Instead, we encourage people
to organize with MIM to build public opinion for the
construction of a world without oppression.
MIM Notes readers can send letters of protest to
Mailroom, Pelican Bay State Prison, P.O. Box 7500,
#SHU-C9-122, Crescent City, CA 95532-7500 and
Publications Review Committee, Iowa State Penitentiary,
Fort Madison, IA 52627. Please send a second copy to
MIM.
POLITICAL MURDER
On December 6th, I lost a friend--killed by police on
the streets of Kansas City. He was Black, 38, born in
Chicago and moved to Birmingham, Alabama at age 14.
Other than the spirit of Cinque in his heart there was
no advance notice of his death. It's taken me four
months to connect with someone in Kansas City that can
help me find out why Mike Turner died so violently and
what happened with his body.
Also in December, a young Dominican man was beaten and
choked to death by police officers in the Bronx.
Anthony Baez succumbed to the blue terror while his
family and friends looked on in horror.
February, in Patterson, New Jersey an unarmed 16-year-
old manchild--Lawrence Myers--had his brains blown out
by a housing project cop working for federal dollars.
The shooter was white. The victim was Black.
The only warning any of them got was color and class.
The list is endless.
For Mumia Abu-Jamal there was an additional warning.
The state has proclaimed loud and clear its intention
to kill him. The state is backed in its warning by the
Philadelphia Police Department, judicial compliance,
and a sickening apathy on the part of too many people.
The facts demonstrate that Mumia was beaten and shot by
Philadelphia police in a city notorious for police
murders and brutality. They show that Mumia's trial was
fundamentally unfair and that he was framed by a
hanging judge. The fact is this system places no human
value on Mumia's life but does place symbolic value on
killing a principled and courageous defender of the
Black Nation. Mumia has been made a target of
opportunity in a political climate rancid with racism
and reaction.
It's often said that it is better to light a single
candle than to curse the darkness. That's fine as far
as it goes but it is presently not deep or strong
enough to deter the State's executioners. We are at a
point beyond candle vigils that reflect little besides
moral indignation. We are beyond the point of watching
and staring in disbelief.
Protest must continue and increase, but it is the fire
of resistance that must be ignited. And I don't mean
the path of least resistance. I mean resistance that
fires from the heart rather than a sense of obligation.
I mean sacrifices that compensate in some meaningful
way for the shameful indifference that afflicts so many
who should be supporting Mumia. Political murder grants
nothing to moderation.
We live in a country that passed a "crime bill"
imposing the death penalty for 50 new offenses at the
same time a national day of mourning was declared for a
war criminal like Richard Nixon. We all bear some
degree of responsibility for this American nightmare.
We are all responsible for rectifying it.
The Law functions as an ethical sanction of state
violence. It's the government's trump card; the
corporate ace in the hole. Cops kill us with impunity
and we are hurled into the world's largest prison
system while the quality of life gets pulled from under
us by King Capitalism. Those who rule have the law and
most of the guns on their side.
Mumia's lifeblood and political activism have roots in
the Middle Passage and Black bondage. The law has its
own bloody roots in supporting genocide, slavery,
racism and the penitentiary system. The use and abuse
of the law from the patrol car to the Supreme Court
only adds to the debilitating effects of lives rubbed
raw by oppression--an oppression Mumia has resisted
since his formative years with the Black Panther Party.
To respect and defend Mumia is to act....
I'm reminded of Ida B. Wells and her hard-fought
campaign against lynching. Throughout her many years of
activism she was dismayed with the large number of
professionals who put their positions and comforts over
the needs of a community under attack. And for the
uninitiated let me add that Ida B. Wells possessed a
big pistol which she acquired after seeing enough men
lynched to know that bitter fruit is most often Black,
and the system attacks the most vulnerable.
It is my view that the rights due us by virtue of our
humanity and labor are continuously violated, and that
no comprehensive relief or solutions lie with the
courts. However, this is not to say that battles cannot
be won through the law. For this reason, every avenue
of the law should be pursued to save the life of Mumia
and others. What I am saying is that it may not be
enough, and for THAT reason other avenues need to
utilized in local, national, and international efforts
to stop this execution.
We need to go beyond the merely acceptable to another
level of energy, commitment and possibilities. Every
neighborhood, every workplace, union, church, mosque,
NAACP chapter, Leonard Peltier Defense Committee--every
National Lawyers Guild member--needs to get down in a
serious way with this campaign. No one should claim
immunity or prior commitments: it's going to take sweat
and maybe pain. It's going to take a big noise and
maybe confrontation. This is a commitment that requires
whatever it takes for as long as it takes.
--a federal prisoner in Colorado, 4/95
For more information about the railroading of Mumia
Abu- Jamal, the "Voice of the Voiceless," contact:
Pennsylvania Committee To Free Mumia, Box 10174,
Pittsburgh, PA 15232-0174, (412) 361-2889
Noelle Hanrahan, Equal Justice USA (301) 699-0042
Coalition To Free Mumia Abu-Jamal (212) 330-8029
Write: Mumia Abu-Jamal, AM 8335, SCI Greene, 1040 E.
Roy Furman Highway, Waynesburg, PA 15370-8090
International Political Prisoners unite to save Mumia
Abu Jamal: Art and writings against the death penalty
Sisters and brothers, more than 90 politic palrisoners
from the United States, France, Germany, Chile,
Belgium, Denmark, Spain and Peru have contributed art
and work, crafts and writings to our collective
project: Art and Writings Against the Death Penalty.
We are grateful to everyone inside who has contributed
and to those on the street who have given our work a
means of expression. The response from prisoners was
perhaps no surprise, but the project has also been
enthusiastically embraced by many people outside. The
art and performance aspects of this unprecedented
effort are reaching into new communities with our call
for solidarity with Mumia and every person on death
row.
WE ARE BEING HEARD!
The art show recently concluded a month-long exhibition
at the Art Gallery of the Adam Clayton Powell State
Office Building in New York. The show will be on
display in various American cities during the year and
will be in Toronto in August.
Many of the art pieces contributed in the first call
have already been sold with the condition that they
will continue to travel with the exhibit. None of us,
however, expected this project to carry on through the
entire year and there is a practical need to deliver
some of the artwork by June to those who have already
purchased it. There will be more opportunities to sell
more artwork and crafts during the upcoming tour and
funds for Mumia's defense are still urgently needed.
If, due to the deadline of the original call, you
haven't had the chance to contribute, you can do so
now. If you have already contributed, please consider
contributing additional pieces of artwork....You can
contribute works to:
Political Prisoners Unite 164 Lexington Jersey City, NJ
07034 (201) 420-9434
--reprinted from Prison News Service, 3/95. PNS can be
reached at P.O. Box 5052, Stn. A, Toronto, Ont., Canada
M5W 1W4
PRISONER USES MIM'S SPANISH-LANGUAGE WORK
AS AN ORGANIZING TOOL
Dear MIM,
I just wanted to keep you up to date with what's
happening in the Washington Correctional (sic) Center
for Women.
The last time I wrote you, I told you that the
mattresses were being taken away down in segregation.
This has been stopped. I've been down there twice since
I last wrote--due to the fact that I won't kiss the
pigs' asses. But while I was there, I noticed a lot of
favoritism going down. I saw a half-Black, half-
Cambodian sister being refused the book-cart and room-
cleaning privileges--just because she didn't have her
glasses and couldn't see the book titles. The pig
didn't feel like pushing the book-cart closer to her
cell--so she was denied a book.
But on a lighter note, a Latina woman just noticed the
Spanish writing on the back of my Feb. issue of Notes
and asked if she could read it. After reading that
issue, she wanted more. I'm taking her the 8/94-1/95
issues, including the 16-page special you sent in
August. My September issue was denied. But I'm very
excited about having someone to share my "Notes" with.
These women here just seem to think if we ignore
something it will go away. Tell that to my Samoan
friend who was beat up by seven male pigs. Supposedly
she was resisting. Most of the women here in Maximum
(CCU--Closed Custody Unit) saw the whole thing. Only
four of us, including myself, wrote letters to the
Superintendent stating what really happened. They
didn't want to bring attention to themselves. Of
course, the video cameras didn't show up until she
really was resisting. But it didn't start off that way.
I try to get these women interested in what happens
here, but they seem to not want to be bothered. I am
making progress, though, like with this Latina woman.
And they took a sister to the hole this morning for
refusing her medications and cussing out the guard. Not
two hours later, I saw a white girl cuss out the same
guard and disobey a direct order. What happened to her?
Not a fucking thing. But we struggle on.
Please keep sending me my papers!
Your sister in the struggle,
--a Washington state prisoner, 3/8/95
PRISONER UNITY SCARES PRISONCRATS
... An interesting event took place about the second or
third week of March, I believe. At the medium-maximum
prison at Baker one evening, a group of about fifty
Nation of Islam inmates gathered together for a fitness
run around the compound. They sang cadence and chanted
as well, as they made their way around the camp.
The very next morning, they were all packed up and sent
to various prisons in the state. This was witnessed by
my brother who said they looked like a regular Army
platoon and that it was apparent they scared the shit
out of the administration, I bet.
Needless to say, they have all been moved, which puts
each and every one of them in a position to teach and
gather at new places. I'll be willing to bet the
administration has no idea what it's done.
As for myself, I do try to discuss Maoism as well as
articles I read in MIM Notes with others. When I
mentioned reaching population, I meant sending my old
MIM Notes to the library out there and saying a few
words to those who pass by back here, mostly laundry
personnel. I feel even just a few words will give them
something to think about, even if it's something along
the lines of, "hey, let me go back and ask that cat
about this or that," you know?
Well, my friends, that's the latest from this
Auschwitz.... Thank you again for sending MIM Theory
and Maoism and the Black Panther Party. I enjoy reading
them and will see that they get around.
In struggle,
--a Florida prisoner, 3/31/95
SUPREME COURT ATTACKS PRISONERS
The Supreme Court has upped the ante of fascist
repression against prisoners in Amerika's gulags. A 5-4
decision (Sandin v. Conner) written by Chief Justice
William Rehnquist held that prisoners do not have a
"liberty interest" protected by the 14th Amendment's
due process clause if they face repression that is not
"atypical" in the prison.
The prisoner in this case, DeMont Conner, was thrown in
solitary after supposedly insulting a guard during a
strip search. Conner was not permitted to call
witnesses at the hearing that sent him to solitary. He
sued, arguing he was deprived of liberty without due
process, as supposedly guaranteed by the 14th Amendment
(which was supposed to end slavery).
But Rehnquist said that because the Halawa prison in
Hawaii was so often under lockdown, "disciplinary
segregation ... did not work a major disruption in his
environment." He added, "The regime to which he
[Conner] was subjected was within the range of
confinement to be normally expected for one serving an
indeterminate term of 30 years to life." Finally, "We
hold that Conner's discipline in segregated confinement
did not present the type of atypical, significant
deprivation in which a state might conceivably create a
liberty interest."
That means that the worse the "normal" conditions are
in a prison, the more severe a restriction of liberties
will have to be before it can be considered "atypical
and significant," the new standard Rehnquist set. This
fascist subjective standard allows for continuously
increasing repression justified by the "rule of law."
Fourteenth Amendment challenges have been a useful
tactic for prisoners challenging their conditions. With
that avenue largely shut down, prisoners will need to
raise challenges under the 8th Amendment ("cruel and
unusual punishment"). But the Supreme Court has also
been toughening the standard for offenses under the 8th
amendment as well.
Lawsuits won't end the genocidal oppression of
Amerika's prison system, but they are important
tactical tools. This setback in legal tactics should
redouble the dedication of revolutionaries to overthrow
the system that perpetrates this oppression.
-MC12
Notes: Supreme Court decision transcript, Sandin v.
Conner (No. 93-1911) 6/19/95. New York Times 6/20/95.
MODERN INSTRUMENTS OF TORTURE
... These people ... in their disciplinary unit have
instruments of torture and ... use these instruments of
torture on a regular basis. They have something called
a "four way." This is a medieval type of device in
which the prisoner is shackled to a bed and is
stretched as far as his body will allow. Then these
evil people open the windows and turn on the fans in
the dead cold winter...
--an Indiana prisoner, 1/26/95, in the 3/95 Coalition
for Prisoners' Rights Newsletter, which can be reached
at P.O. Box 1911, Santa Fe, NM 87504-1911.
CASE OF THE KILLER CLERGYMAN
Raymond Carl Kinnamon was murdered by the state of
Texas on December 11, 1994. His final statement was cut
short. He was speaking like an intelligent, feeling
human being, like a man, and it was feared by his
killers that he might start to seem human to the rest
of the world. That wasn't to be tolerated. When the
warden stepped in to hold him down, shut him up and
begin the lethal poison, an attending clergyman
assisted, placing his hands on Carl's chest to help
kill him.
We know that Texas prisons are a sham that only pay
lip-service to rehabilitation, and that everything that
goes on in Texas prisons is a sham to fool the public.
We know that on death row, the unwritten goal is to try
to break the spirit, destroy the manhood, sever family
ties. But must a murdering preacher be tolerated? At
the point when a man lies down on the gurney, that's
the ultimate and irreversible punishment. Why can't he
be attended by a minister who...is there for him..., or
attended by no minister at all if that is his choice,
instead of a minister who sucks up to the prison
system, even so far as to assist in the execution?
--Coalition for Prisoners' Rights Newsletter, 3/95
YARD TIME
I run miles in squared circles 22 strides long by 11
wide, Brushing the walls with my shoulders, Nudging
them outward ... pushing against my confinement. Flying
in my mind's eye, challenging their oppression. I
daydream of loved ones and glance at the sky On the
straight-aways ... 22 strides long by 11 wide. I fight
all the battles we won on the streets, I breathe with
the cadence I set with my feet. And when I tire before
I'm ready to stop My mind recalls the story I've read
so often to my kids. I think I can, I think I can, I
think I can ... As the little engine struggles to the
top, And the joy of the children as they change the
chant ... I thought I could, I thought I could, never
say can't. So the pain melts from my lungs And settles
in my heart As my stride opens up To the pace at the
start, A new cadence grows as I cover the distance, One
we all know ... Repression Breeds Resistance Repression
Breeds Resistance Repression Breeds Resistance
--by a federal prisoner, now in Illinois, while in
Control Unit, Trenton State Prison, New Jersey. Written
1990. Reprinted from North Coast Xpress, 10/94. North
Coast Xpress can be reached at P.O. Box 1226,
Occidental, CA 95465.
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