This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.
Under Lock and Key and the Paper Tigers are not available
for this issue.--mim5@mim.org
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THE MAOIST INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT
MIM Notes 71 DECEMBER, 1992
MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the
world's oppressed majority, and against the
imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in
the service of the people. support it, struggle
with it and write for it.
IN THIS ISSUE:
1. EL SALVADOR: MASSES RESIST SURRENDER
2. LETTERS
3. ERITREA, A VICTORIOUS PEOPLES REVOLUTION
4. D.C. STATEHOOD IS NOT ENOUGH
5. CANADA REFERENDUM POSES MEANINGLESS QUESTION
6. REVIEW: SNEAKERS REFLECTS HACKER LIBERALISM
7. REMEMBER THE FILLMORE!
8. WHITE TRUCKERS TRASH PUBLIC HOUSING; COPS SUPPORT THE ACTION
9. RACISTS REWARDED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS
The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is a revolutionary
communist party that upholds Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comprising
the collection of existing or emerging Maoist internationalist
parties in the English-speaking imperialist countries and their
English-speaking internal semi-colonies, as well as the existing
or emerging Spanish-speaking Maoist internationalist parties of
Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of the U.S. Empire. MIM
Notes is the newspaper of MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the
Spanish-speaking parties or emerging parties of MIM.
MIM is an internationalist organization that works from the
vantage point of the Third World proletariat; thus, its members
are not Amerikans, but world citizens. MIM struggles to end the
oppression of all groups over other groups: classes, genders,
nations. MIM knows this is only possible by building public
opinion to seize power through armed struggle.
Revolution is a reality for North America as the military becomes
over-extended in the government's attempts to maintain world
hegemony.
MIM differs from other communist parties on three main questions:
(1) MIM holds that after the proletariat seizes power in socialist
revolution, the potential exists for capitalist restoration under
the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within the communist party
itself. In the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power
after the death of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's
death and the overthrow of the "Gang of Four" in 1976.
(2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural Revolution as the farthest
advance of communism in human history.
(3) MIM believes the North American white-working-class is
primarily a non-revolutionary worker-elite at this time; thus, it
is not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in this country.
MIM accepts people as members who agree on these basic principles
and accept democratic centralism, the system of majority rule, on
other questions of party line.
"The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally
applicable. We should regard it not as dogma, but as a guide to
action. Studying it is not merely a matter of learning terms and
phrases, but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of
revolution."
-- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208
* * *
EL SALVADOR: MASSES RESIST SURRENDER
Despite the efforts of the Farabundo Mart’ National Liberation
Front (FMLN) to surrender, pressure from above and below is
holding up the process. The people are reluctant to give up their
arms with nothing to show for it, and the military is poised to
massacre disarmed combatants.
FMLN leaders say they are "full of optimism" at the prospect of
surrender followed by bourgeois elections under military rule, but
one guerilla sums up a popular feeling as he is told to surrender
his gun: "I do not have any land, and the army is still full of
people who want to kill me."
Meanwhile, the demoralized Amerikan solidarity movement, which
watched helplessly as Soviet-backed movements failed in Nicaragua
and El Salvador, clings to the U.N.'s absurd claim that "this is
the closest that any process has ever come to a negotiated
revolution."
Well, if this is as close as it gets, then we're not interested.
The people of El Salvador have shed enough blood to deserve
victory.
FMLN NEGOTIATES SURRENDER
by MC251
In late October, negotiators rushed back to El Salvador to save
the U.N.-sponsored peace agreement agreement between the Farabundo
Mart’ National Liberation Front (FMLN) and the Salvadoran
government, pushing back the final date for compliance with
the accords from the previous October 31 to December 15. Due to
the Salvadoran military's refusal to comply with the agreements
and reform itself, the FMLN refused to totally disarm by the end
of October.
The "peace" agreement went into effect in February, ending El
Salvador's 12-year civil war. In an attempt to portray the accords
as a victory for the FMLN and the people of El Salvador,
supporters of the FMLN have repeated U.N. mediator Alvaro de
Soto's twisted refrain: "this is the closest that any process has
ever come to a negotiated revolution."(1)
October was very tense in El Salvador. The agreements had called
for purging notorious human rights abusers in the Salvadoran
military, cutting the military in half, dismantling the U.S.-
trained elite battalions responsible for the largest massacres in
the war, forming a new civilian police force containing both ex-
military and ex-FMLN combatants, as well as some Constitutional
reforms, human rights agreements, and legalizing the FMLN as a
political party to run in elections.(2)
This is the same fascist military which has ruthlessly dominated
the country-in the interests of the 14-family oligarchy which owns
almost all the land in El Salvador-since drowning a peasant
uprising in blood in 1932, and the same military which is
responsible for the vast majority of the 75,000 deaths in the last
12 years. Reforms don't come easy.
Rumors of a military coup to replace President Alfredo Cristiani,
who has been instrumental in the negotiations, with the more
obedient Vice President Francisco Medino began to surface in
October,(3) along with a sharp rise in death threats and attempted
assassinations of FMLN and popular organization leaders from right
wing death squads.(4) Advertisements have appeared daily in El
Salvador's newspapers threatening the lives of FMLN fighters. At
least four death-squad-style assassination attempts against FMLN
members have been reported since mid-October, as well as numerous
threats against union leaders.(4) MIM shudders to think of the
killing spree that the military and death squads may launch
against the people once the FMLN is fully disarmed.
In return for very limited reforms of the government and military,
and in the face of heightened death squad activity, the FMLN has
agreed to completely dismantle its own military structure, give up
its weapons, and join the bourgeois political process as an
electoral party. Far from a "negotiated revolution," this is a
simple negotiated surrender by FMLN leaders.
While FMLN General Command member Shafik Handal says, "We're full
of optimism that things will turn out well,"(5) FMLN members don't
all agree. "I do not have any land, and the army is still full of
people who want to kill me," said Miguel Angel, a 26-year-old
guerrilla scheduled to turn in his machine gun on October
30.(6)
It appears that Angel's uncertainty is not isolated either. On the
contrary, "Angel, who was wounded fighting in San Salvador during
the FMLN's spectacular 1989 offensive there, is typical of the
many guerrilla combatants who do not trust the fragile peace
agreements. They believe their leaders may not have gotten enough
in return for the only thing they have to offer under the U.N.-
backed accord-disarmament."(6)
"In this hamlet [Guarjila], an FMLN stronghold throughout the war,
the rebels turned in their guns with little sense of triumph or
emotion." Commander Douglas Santamaria, who spent more than 20
years fighting, said "The people understand what we are doing,
but of course they are scared."(6)
While FMLN leaders seem, at least since the mid-1980s, to have
viewed their military power mainly as a bargaining chip to be
negotiated away for some reforms at the first opportunity, the
rank-and-file FMLN comrades were fighting to win military victory
and overthrow capitalist rule in El Salvador.
No significant strides have been made around what most agree is
the main cause of the war-the struggle over land. As one pro-FMLN
source states, "Land ownership in formerly conflictive zones has
become the most disputed and volatile issue of the cease-fire
period."(7) No significant land reform agreements were included in
the accords. Of course, any "land reform" agreement that leaves
the land under control of the oligarchy to be used to grow cash
crops primarily for export will not solve El Salvador's problems.
Rather than championing the peasants' struggle for land, the
leaders of the FMLN and the Democratic Campesino Alliance (ADC),
have promised the government to cease land takeovers in the
countryside, in an attempt to induce the National Association of
Private Enterprise (ANEP) to join them in the peace process!
Peasants in El Salvador's countryside see more clearly than their
so-called leaders who their enemies are; they don't need this
dead-end road of talking peace with exploitative landlord
capitalists. "Despite government threats, denunciations by
landowners, and commitments made by the FMLN and the ADC, the
takeovers have continued to occur. In an interview with
Rosario Acosta published in the July 14 issue of Envio, she said
'the land takeovers are not being promoted by the ADC, but have
rather escaped its control.' The campesino rank-and-file of the
popular movement has shown a high level of mobilization and a
great ability to take actions in support of its demands, and to do
so somewhat independently of the movement's leadership."(8)
The objectives of U.S. imperialism have still been achieved in El
Salvador, due to blatant accommodation to imperialism by the FMLN.
"Senior rebel officials say they now want the United States
Embassy, and especially American military advisors, to remain in
El Salvador. 'Our attitude has changed,' admits Ana Guadalupe
Martinez, a rebel official. 'We think the U.S. military group can
help in the transition to peace."(9) The FMLN is also
joining in the call for "humanitarian aid" from imperialist
lending institutions such as the IMF, World Bank and the U.N.
Many now predict that the FMLN, in coalition with other Social
Democratic electoral parties, will be victorious in the 1994
elections. But MIM has learned from history that winning bourgeois
elections, while the military is still the strongest institution
in country, is not going to fundamentally change El Salvador. This
is what the five groups comprising the FMLN said during the 1970s
and early 1980s. MIM wonders, what is different now, other than
FMLN accommodation to imperialism spurred by the collapse of the
state-capitalist the USSR?
Even if the FMLN gains power through elections, they are sure to
face military coup attempts backed by the CIA, such as those that
occurred to elected leftist governments in Chile in 1973 and in
Haiti in 1991. While the FMLN leaders celebrate the peace accords
and look forward to their seats in the government, the people of
El Salvador only have before them more misery caused by
capitalism. While MIM celebrates the 12-year heroic struggle of
the Salvadoran people, we are saddened that the current phase of
struggle is ending in capitulation rather than victory.
Notes:
1. Alert! January 1992, p. 1.
2. El Rescate Human Rights Report January 1-13, 1992.
3. UPI 11/6/92.
4. Committee In Solidarity with the People of El Salvador
10/23/92.
5. El Rescate Human Rights Report October 26-November 2, 1992.
6. Washington Post 11/1/92.
7. Voices on the Border Update Spring 1992, p. 5.
8. N.Y. Transfer News Service 10/92.
9. New York Times Magazine 2/9/92, p. 27.
* * *
LETTERS
"THIS IS BULLSHIT! FASCISTS GET OUT!" AND "FASCIST PROPAGANDA!"
Two of MIM's fliers received the previous responses at an East
Coast college.
For the record, MIM strongly opposes fascism. In fact, we believe
that history shows Maoism to be the ideology best capable of
relegating fascism to the dustbin of history.
Since its inception in Italy, fascism has been a reaction against
socialism. Whether you look at Fascist Italy's occupation of
Ethiopia, or Nazi Germany's expansion in Europe, you will find
that fascists pursue a policy of imperialism, the highest stage of
capitalism.
Communists have been decisive in defeating fascism. Stalinism,
which MIM upholds, was a policy of building socialism in the USSR.
Thanks to Stalinism, the USSR quickly moved from feudal
backwardness to become the world's second-largest industrial
power.
With its new strength, the USSR was able to play the most decisive
role in defeating Hitler's army. This success was also partly due
to Stalin's purges of reactionary Party members, which ensured the
USSR's role as the only Allied power with no pro-Hitler Fifth
Column. It is the anti-Stalinists who fail to defend successful
struggle against fascism.
A BRIEF ON U.S. EVIL & GRANDPAPA AFRICA FROM 1492-1992
We, the 466 innocent families at Geneva Towers, were all found to
be guilty of letting the previous management company let the
Towers become uninhabitable. For our neglect we were all stripped
of our Constitutional rights by the new owner of Geneva Towers:
the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development
(HUD).
There has been no consideration of our citizenship; although we
all are American citizens and as such we thought that the
Constitution of the United States of America extended to us 466
American families who reside in the Towers.
How wrong we were. We've been treated in the same heinous fashion
as were our rightless ancestors when they stepped proudly in
chains with their noble heads held high even though they were
whipped with bullwhips as they marched down the gangplank of
the U.S. Slave Ship Mayflower some 500 years ago.
Five hundred years later we are locked in a continuous war for
space in these 22-story complexes run by today's slave-runner John
Stewart, an official Reservation-Keeper for the U.S. government.
The slum conglomerates are making billions of dollars a year in
profits off of us, the descendants of those noble African Kings,
Queens, Princes and Princesses. We, like they, are the 90s biggest
Black gold fields ever!
The Drug Enforcement Agency's most perfect, heinous scam yet! Just think how
many tons of drugs are pumped into the pens nationwide ... Look at just Slumlord
John Stewart's 35 slum pens in the Bay Area. Now lock them all down 24 hours a
day. Let the perverted, terrorist off-duty police moonlighting as "guards" beat
the hell out of the population. Let them fill us full of fear of eviction by
evicting as many as they need to instill that fear. Let them scatter HOPE II
funds and watch John Stewart refuse to make repairs and steal and salt away the
millions. Now call on those greedy politicians that had their campaign coffers
stuffed with our blood-stained Money. Call out those human leeches from the Sun
Reporter newspaper and all the other beggar-groups that paint pictures to fool
the people as they plunder the truth. Our hard-fought battle began in 1977 when
the First Great African Queen of Geneva Towers Tenant's Association (GTTA)
discovered a plot to install the Bay Area Urban League as drivers on the
plantation. Our Queen was backstabbed and then rewarded with a management
position.
After I was nominated Acting Chair of GTTA in 1980, I spent days and nights in
constant communication with our wounded Queen as she outlined to me what to
watch out for and where I had to take GTTA if we were to gain an
advantageous position.
The Queen told me, "Create the best set of Bylaws that the mind can put together
by law. Make them so strict that even you may not think that you can work under
them. Do the same thing with your Articles of Incorporation and the 501C(3)
tax-exempt status."
Thirteen months later GTTA had carried out First Great Queen's orders. GTTA did
this by selling cupcakes, aluminum cans, newspapers and other bake sale goods.
By the time management figured out what GTTA was doing-and banned the sale of
food stuff-GTTA had reached its goals. We had our own constitution.
"Close down shop, GTTA, if you have to. Resign Africa, Jr. if you must, BUT DO
NOT LET MANAGEMENT DIVIDE YOU WITH THEIR OWN CONTROLLED GROUP OF BLIND FOOLS,"
said Grandpapa Africa.
The group of fools came along in 1981. They stabbed us in the back. I hastily
planted a group of African leadership seeds that Grandpapa Africa had given
to me as he was led away in chains. He whispered to me then, "Plant these seeds
down by the River of Hope just as soon as you can, boy. They's got to be fully
grown by October 12, 1992."
That was on October 6, 1492, the last time I heard or saw Grandpapa Africa from
a visual or bodily point of view. He was on a soulful plane-taking his walking
trip through eternity.
-Africa, Jr. the 391st
October 1992
MIM replies: Grandpapa Africa, you did not struggle in vain. It has been a long
fight. It will yet be a long fight. The seeds you passed on are flourishing
from the mountains of Geneva Towers to the mountains of Peru.
Grandpapa Africa is the spirit of the world resistance. When the people slaving
inside Amerika look outside this dead culture and witness the consciously
donated blood flowing in the Peruvian Andes for the liberation of us all, you,
Africa, will finally rest in peace.
NEED PERU PAMPHLET
Dear MIM,
Please rush me 10 copies of the new 40-page pamphlet, "Support the People's War
in Peru." I've sent this via Express mail because I will be speaking at a public
meeting [soon].
Although Peru is not the topic, I want to have this literature available to
combat the disinformation of imperialism and the revisionist left. The topic is
elections '92. I am in complete agreement with MIM's assessment: Don't
Vote-Build This Revolutionary (Maoist) Party. The meeting is sponsored by
Friends of the People's Weekly World which recently ran a negative article in
their paper about the PCP. I've enclosed that article along with a response
which I faxed. Hope they print it.
-Long Live Proletarian Revolution
September, 1992
CRITIQUE OF THE PEOPLE'S WEEKLY WORLD
William Pomeroy's article, "The Distorted Path of the Ultra-Left,"
vilifies the Communist Party of Peru because they have chosen armed struggle
over the opiate of capitalist electoral politics. In other Latin American
countries, communist and workers' parties participate in bourgeois politics only
to find that they have been led into the marsh of opportunism.
When the FMLN in El Salvador opposed U.S. orchestrated elections, they too were
compared to Pol Pot by reactionaries throughout the world. The Communist Party
of Peru is serious about socialist revolution. "Sharing power" with capitalists
is not their idea of a government of workers and peasants. For this they are
shunned and lied about. But no amount of imperialist slander will defeat a
people's revolution.
Instead of reinforcing imperialist propaganda against the vanguard of Peru's
workers and peasants, it is better to support the revolution and direct our
attacks at the cause of Peru's crisis: the Fujimori dictatorship and its puppet
master, U.S. imperialism.
* * *
ERITREA, A VICTORIOUS PEOPLES REVOLUTION
by a comrade
On September 29 Dan Connell, a freelance journalist and professor
of journalism, gave a talk entitled "Eritrea: The Challenge of
Peace" in Cambridge, Mass. He presented some of the most up-to-
date information on the Eritrean struggle MIM can find, mostly
from first hand travels to the area. This article is based on
information presented in this talk. Connell has a book forthcoming
from Red Sea Press about Eritrea.
Eritrea is a small country of about 3.5 million people in the Horn
of Africa. The Eritrean people fought a 30-year war for
independence from an Ethiopia government that was backed
alternately by the United States and the Soviet Union with
additional aid from Cuba and Israel, among others. In May of 1991,
the Eritreans emerged victorious, liberating not only Eritrea, but
also Ethiopia from foreign domination. According to Connell,
Eritrea is now the only tranquil spot in the Horn of Africa.
Eritrea is a modern day example of the power of people, in spite
of lack of technological resources, lack of funding, and lack of
formal training and education, to fight and win a war against a
country far more wealthy in resources, training, arms, and
funding. Even before victory the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front
(EPLF) was organizing health care and education in the liberated
areas, so people could begin to fight famine and create a more
advanced society than the backwards structure that was bred by
forced colonization.
Formed in the 1960s, the EPLF was trained and educated in Maoist
warfare and political theory, and many of the original members
studied in China (see MIM Notes 54). The EPLF never openly
supported Maoism or claimed to be a Maoist revolutionary party
but they clearly retain many of the lessons of Maoism, from their
method of guerrilla warfare, to their use of "barefoot doctors" in
the countryside.In colonized Eritrea women were bought and sold
into marriage. They needed permission from a man to go to the
market. Genital mutilation was commonplace.In the liberated areas
the EPLF organized women and men around the need for change
through education of both men and women and the political
motivation of women. They carried out a major education campaign
around marriage laws and other backwards laws regarding women.
These reforms were implemented at the village level when the
village people were convinced of the need for change: none of the
changes were legislated by the EPLF.
While carrying out this education the EPLF itself was setting an
example by enacting progressive policies in the armed forces that
included abolishing marriage laws and abolishing laws banning
women from owning property. Women and men were trained separately
for the army, but after training they were joined together to
fight. These pre-victory practices have been carried over into
post- revolutionary society as the elected governments in the
communities are now 25-30% women. Everyday life in Eritrea
evidences women in a far better position than before the
revolutionary struggle began.
When Connell visited, he found that the police of the provisional
government in Eritrea did not carry guns. The area was very safe
without the need for armed force. There were no longer
restrictions on people's movement. And for the first time in many
years of war there was no curfew and people were not afraid to
walk around in daylight.As a result of the long war and the
Ethiopian attacks backed up by 10 to 12 billion dollars in arms
from the Soviet Union, almost all of the cities in Eritrea were
decimated with the noted exception of Asmara. The major port in
Eritrea, Masawa, was destroyed.
There are still many land mines in some of the most fertile fields
and people are injured on a daily basis as these continue to go
off. In addition, a 12-year drought has left Eritrea with very
little livestock, compounding the problems from lack of irrigation
and a ravished countryside.
But in spite of these difficulties, the Eritrean people are
beginning to build a new society. Eighty to 85% of the population
is living off of donated relief (a small amount from some major
governments and most from independent sources), but they are also
constructing a society that can be self-sufficient. And unlike the
many corrupt programs of relief distribution prevalent in colonies
experiencing famine, Eritrea has created a very efficient system
of distribution that gets food to all the people. Every village
has a committee in charge of making sure that everyone receives
grain, according to need, and Connell could find no evidence of
corruption in the relief effort.
The EPRDF has been working without pay for reconstruction for the
past year since the end of the war, reflecting the dedication of
the government and the commitment of the people to build a better
society.
The Eritrean people are beginning to build basins and irrigation.
The provisional government uses the relief as food for work, and
provides the population with jobs rebuilding society. All over
there are reconstruction projects underway: people work on
constructing roads, terracing hillsides and building houses among
other necessary tasks. Eritrea's land does have the potential to
provide enough food to sustain its people, and as these projects
advance, and with the help of the recent rains, they will be able
to move closer to this goal.
The provisional government has also expanded the education and
health care programs that were first implemented in the liberated
areas. And very shortly after the end of the war the provisional
government opened new schools in four different languages. Eritrea
is made up of nine nationalities, and the new schools reflect the
provisional government's desire to allow each nationality to
retain its distinct heritage.The Transitional government of
Ethiopia-run by the EPRDF-has an agreement with Eritrea to hold a
referendum in April on the question of Eritrea's independence, in
which the Eritrean people will almost certainly choose to continue
along the path of independence.The struggle in Eritrea should hold
several lessons for anti-imperialists. It demonstrates the ability
of the masses, when properly organized, to fight seemingly
insurmountable odds and win: liberation struggles are not a thing
of the past. People often ask how any country could hope to fight
the enormous might of a superpower like the United States, anti-
imperialists should point to Eritrea as an example of this hope
becoming a reality.
The Eritrean people appear to be pursuing a path of integrated
economy: some socialism and some capitalism. While MIM does not
have much information right now as to exactly how they will carry
out the task of rebuilding their society and economy, we learn
from the history of the Nicaraguan revolution where capitalism was
never eliminated, and the Cuban revolution where independence was
sacrificed for dependency on the Soviet Union's aid. Without an
independent self-sufficient socialist economic system, Eritrea may
soon find itself unable to defend against foreign domination as
was the case with Nicaragua and Cuba.
In spite of potential differences over the direction post-
revolutionary construction should take, MIM stands firmly behind
the Eritrean people and applauds their revolutionary
success. Struggles like this one, widely ignored by mainstream as
well as "left" media, are the reason why we need an independent
revolutionary press.
For further reading on the history of Eritrea MIM recommends
Never Kneel Down by
James Firebrace. Send $9 to MIM for a copy postpaid.
* * *
D.C. STATEHOOD IS NOT ENOUGH
by a comrade
One month before the elections Congress forced the most expansive,
racist death penalty initiative seen yet onto the ballot. A white
Senator from Alabama proposed the initiative, outraged when his
white aide was killed recently on Capitol Hill. The tough-on-
crime measure was markedly not a response to the deaths of
hundreds of Blacks in the city every year.
Studies have shown that the death penalty used as a tool for
nation and class oppression. This particular measure went further,
expanding the crimes for which the death penalty could be imposed.
It also would have the executions performed in the District, but
rather in the home states of the white guys who proposed this in
the first place! The methods of execution were not specified on
the ballot, and therefore could have included electrocution in
Alabama, lethal injection in Texas, or gassing in North
Carolina.(2)
The referendum was overwhelmingly defeated, by a 2-to-1 vote. The
loudest opposition came from church leaders and local politicians,
including the Rev. Jesse Jackson and D.C. Mayor Sharon Pratt
Kelly. But the strongest vote against the initiative came from the
city's poorest, most crime-ridden areas. The media expressed shock
at this, expecting poor Black people who are sick of crime to vote
to kill other poor Black people who are sick of being
oppressed.(3) The masses from the poorest neighborhoods know
that the death penalty doesn't deter killings, and neither does
increased police "protection."
"Thou Shalt Not Kill" signs went up all over the city. Ministers
opposed the measure on moral and religious grounds rather than
political, but noted the disproportionate impact on young Black
men, especially when the victim of the killing is white.(4) The
problem is, some who voted against this initiative would vote for
the death penalty if put on the ballot by D.C. residents.
Statehood
The death penalty measure was politically tied to the idea of
statehood for the District of Columbia. And now that Clinton and
more Democratic Congressional representatives have been elected,
the statehood furor is moving at greater speeds, with continued
begging of Congress for a statute that would create the 51st
state. Statehood supporters are calling for voting representation
in Congress and two Senators like every other state.
Many believed that if D.C. residents accepted an initiative from
Congress, all hopes of attaining statehood would be lost. Further,
area politicians are now celebrating Clinton's victory, hoping it
will mean increased autonomy and eventual statehood for the
District.(5) (Remember, Clinton is the one who wants to put
100,000 more pigs on the streets and who brags about executions in
Arkansas during his governorship.) One person noted that D.C.
needs "more funding for education, recreation and after-
school programs."(6) While an improvement over cops and
executions, government-run educational programs will not stop
"crime." The only thing that can possibly stop crime is a
revolutionary reallocation of resources to the masses, which will
not be accomplished through D.C. statehood.
People fighting for statehood focus on the issue of taxation
without representation-D.C. pays highest federal taxes per
capita-and some liken the situation to that in Azania.(7) But what
about those oppressed nations that do live in states that have
"representation"?
In 1973 Congress passed the Home Rule Act, which gave the District
limited dominion over local affairs, but the federal government
still retained veto power over all acts. Since 1979 the D.C.
Statehood Party has been campaigning for a statehood initiative to
bring more autonomy and self-determination to D.C. The name of the
proposed state is New Columbia, a tribute to the colonialist
monster Columbus.The proposed constitution and Bill of Rights
sounds much like any other, including "freedom from
discrimination" and laws against violence against people because
of nationality, poverty, race, citizenship, sex, sexual
orientation, etc.(1) These ideas sound great, but Amerikans have
yet to see them put into practice by this white imperialist
patriarchy.
The call for statehood ignores the fact that Blacks, Latinos, and
Indigenous peoples are oppressed even when they live in states
with federal representation in Congress. The call for statehood is
a liberal one, focussing on the racism of the status of D.C.
today. But if we want real change and not just the kind of change
promised by Clinton and the Democrats, then we need revolutionary
calls for an overthrow of the entire Amerikan system, not a call
to include more Blacks in the ranks of Congress and the Senate.
Notes:
1. "The Statehood Option" in Facts & Issues, League of Women
Voters of D.C.
Education Fund, 1985.
2. Flier of Equal Justice, USA; A Project of the Quixote Center,
Hyattsville, MD.
3. Washington Post 11/5/92, p. C1.
4. Flier of "Committee Against All Killing."
5. W.P. 11/5/92, p. C10.
6. W.P. 11/5/92, p. C14.
7. Community News, Howard University 6/7/90.
* * *
CANADA REFERENDUM POSES MEANINGLESS QUESTION
[MIM Notes 72 ran the following correction about this story:
CORRECTION ON CANADA
Last month MIM Notes incorrectly reported that the Canadian
fraternal organization to the Workers League favored the
referendum. The Trotskyist organization that supported the
referendum was the Canadian fraternal organization to the
International Socialist Organization. Mobilisation should
not have been described as a Marxist-Leninist organization;
although they lean in this direction, they are in their
formative stage and are a self- described independent
communist collective.
From the results of the referendum, it appears that the
Spoil Your Ballot campaign reached a significant number of
people. In Quebec, where the campaign focused much of their
work, 2.64% of the ballots cast were spoiled. This is over
90,000 ballots, and in Ontario 28,000 ballots were spoiled.
Of all ballots counted, 2.24% were spoiled.
Notes: The Montreal Gazette 11/27/92]
CANADA REFERENDUM POSES MEANINGLESS QUESTION
[This is the original article.--mim5@mim.org]
by a comrade
While Amerikans were gearing up to go to the polls to choose
between imperialist candidates, Canadians cast their ballots in a
choice between reactionary nationalism and chauvinism. On October
26, this choice was presented in the form of a yes/no referendum
on a new Canadian constitution that represented a carefully
constructed compromise between the various capitalist interests in
Canada.
The referendum failed 54-46%, losing in six of 10 provinces and
the Yukon. It lost decisively in Quebec and barely won in Ontario;
every province had to approve for the changes to take effect.(2)
The new constitution would have made cursory changes in various
government bodies, turning the Senate into a representative upper
house of the Parliament and giving each province a veto over
further constitutional amendments. Many saw the referendum as a
way to settle the Quebec autonomy fight that has been waging for
more than 125 years. It offered greater than proportional
representation to Quebec but would have maintained unity
between Canadian provinces.(1)
This left some on the No side opposing the constitution because it
would give Quebec too much power, and others against the
referendum because they want complete separation for Quebec. Also
against the constitution were those who thought it gave native
people too much autonomy as well as those who thought it did not
give them enough. This made for an odd coalition that included the
National Action Committee on the Status of Women, which opposed
the accord because women were not represented separately as a
group in the negotiations.
Those in favor of the referendum basically supported the status
quo in relations between Canadian provinces and a united Canada:
many, including the Canadian fraternal organization to the Workers
League, equated a Yes vote with patriotism. Those on the No
side, whatever their reasons, were basically campaigning against
something they did not like in the new accord, just as many
Amerikans campaigned against Bush, assuming that the alternative
could not be as bad. Most of the Trotskyists of Canada, with the
exception of the Bolshevik Tendency, voted No for these reasons.
It is unclear how this No victory on the referendum will affect
Canada, but many suggest that it will further strain an already
weak economy and united country.
Yes or No is no choice
Taking the Yes or No side in this referendum, just like taking the
Bush or Clinton or Perot side in the elections, is not really a
choice at all. Neither side offered any change to the imperialist
status quo, just a bit of inter-imperialist power rivalry. It is
interesting that so many organizations in Canada that call
themselves revolutionary bowed to this imperialist bickering and
took sides.Just as MIM denounces any progressive groups that
legitimized the Amerikan elections by telling people to vote for
Clinton or any independent candidates, MIM denounces these
opportunist Trotskyists who actively campaigned on the part of the
government to convince the people they really could make a
difference through the ballots controlled by the imperialists.
The only groups that MIM is aware of who actively campaigned
against the entire ballot referendum-Groupe Action Socialiste,
Mobilisation, and the Bolshevik Tendency-joined in a coalition
calling for Canadians to spoil their ballots. (The first two are
Marxist-Leninist organizations opposed to Trotskyism, but without
a worked out line on Maoism, the latter is a Trotskyist split from
the Spartacist League.)
In a statement issued by Groupe Action Socialist, they explain
some of their reasons for opposing this referendum:
"The YES side does not want to really change the relations between
nations that form this country. As for the NO side in Quebec, they
want everything to become Quebecois rather than half Canadian and
half Quebecois; but they also promise us that, for the rest,
everything will stay the same.
"The new constitutional deal offers no democratic solution to the
divisions and national oppressions. Native people have been
offered the possibility of being denied the right to government
autonomy in five years from now. After intense backroom
maneuvering, the Premiers took back with one hand what they had
given with the other and have kept the First Nations under the
trusteeship of federal and provincial laws.
"We must manifest our opposition to the reactionary chauvinists in
English Canada who denounce the deal because they think it is the
best way to impose setbacks to Quebec as well as Native Nations.
We must oppose the PQ and the Bloc Quebecois who are trying to
scare French speaking workers by telling them the deal is
threatening their basic rights and at the same time are attacking
Native demands. We must oppose the capitalists and the
politicians that support the deal only to protect their own
interests and maintain their domination over us by making sure
that workers in St. John, Newfoundland, Montreal or Whitehorse do
not really have the same rights.
"On October 26, spoil your ballot. Say No to that kind of politics
and join us in fighting for real changes."
MIM applauds the hard work of these comrades to expose the
bankruptcy of the system in which a small group of bourgeois
politicians put before the people only dead end choices. As the
people will quickly learn, neither the No-to-Bush, nor the No-to-
the-referendum side will result in any change from imperialist
practices of either the Amerikan or the Canadian government.
Notes:
1. Boston Globe 10/22/92, p. A1.
2. Economist 10/31/92, p. 41.
* * *
SNEAKERS REFLECTS HACKER LIBERALISM
by a comrade
Sneakers
Directed by Phil Alden Robinson
SNEAKERS is a deliberate acronym for "NSA reeks." The National
Security Agency, one of Amerika's agencies of repression, is
correctly depicted as a bad guy in this movie, but for the wrong
reasons. The message, underscored by post-Cold War references to
the Commonwealth of Independent States, is that now that the Cold
War is over, Amerika's surveillance capacities serve only to
invade Amerikans' "privacy rights." One of this movie's catch-
phrases is that there are "too many secrets."
This analysis totally misses the principal contradiction in the
world before and after the USSR's collapse: the contradiction
between imperialism and oppressed nations. Anybody want to guess
how many NSA satellites are being used to watch and listen to PCP
cadres in Peru? How about Iraq? Libya? Panama? Grenada? Nicaragua?
We won't know the details until a People's Army busts the doors
open, but we can be sure that the collapse of a rival imperialist
power won't stop Amerika from spying on, jailing, bombing and
starving the world's oppressed people.
Sneakers reflects the liberal individualism of the computer hacker
underground. The movie starts in 1969, with college kids Marty
Bryce (Robert Redford) and Cosmo (Ben Kingsley) hacking into the
Republican Party coffers to transfer money to the Black Panther
Party and to a marijuana reform lobby. The hackers' selection of
donation recipients symbolizes the best (Maoism) and worst (self-
gratification) sides of the 1960s settler-left. The individualism
of both the hacker world and the settler-left is evident: when the
pigs bust Cosmo, Marty chooses to cover his own ass by going
underground alone for 20 years rather than mobilizing the masses
in Cosmo's defense.
Furthermore, like many individualist leftists of the 1960s, Marty
did not join a party (except maybe the Demokrats), and his already
mushy politics have therefore degenerated to the point where, in
1992, he is using his hacking skills and contacts as a security
expert for banks.
Marty only has principles when he can afford them. When men
purporting to be NSA agents threaten Marty with prosecution for
his past hacking activities, he agrees to obtain a valuable
microchip for the imperialist agency.
Still, Marty seems to have learned since the 60s that
organizations are more powerful than individuals. He is now part
of a quasi-criminal collective with characters played by Sidney
Poitier, Dan Aykroyd, River Phoenix, and David Strathairn. Mary
McDonnell is recruited into the collective, sort of. She uses her
sex appeal to obtain an ID card and voiceprint for the collective,
and is helpful in other ways, but her role is marginal. This is
reflective of the marginal role of women in the hacker
underground. Under patriarchy, women are taught not to want power,
and Sneakers correctly illustrates that seizing technology is
seizing power.
The collective shows itself to be a powerful force. Together they
are able to rob a bank, to reconstruct Marty's journey in a car
trunk, escape hostile situations, make a difficult-to-trace call
to the NSA's Director of Operations (James Earl Jones). In one
scene, a blind member of the collective (Strathairn), is even able
to drive-poorly but sufficiently-thanks to cooperation with his
comrade. Cooperation, discipline, and security all make for an
effective organization, and Sneakers is correct to illustrate
this.
The collective shows by its practice that technology, including
the Amerikan government's technology, can be defeated by people-if
they are properly organized. After using their collective skills
to steal the microchip for what they presume to be the NSA, they
test the chip and find that as one of them says, "It's the
codebreaker-no more secrets." Their decoder is a hacker's dream:
they quickly break into the databanks of the Federal Reserve, the
National Power Grid, and the Air Traffic Control System. Here one
of the characters demonstrates their interest in power for its own
sake: "Anybody want to crash a couple of passenger jets?"
Marty's old settler-leftist hacking buddy Cosmo resurfaces as a
bad guy. It's hard to tell who Cosmo is working for, if in fact he
is working for anyone besides himself. He says he helped the Mob
while in prison, and that they sprung him from jail and employed
him. If he is lying, he's still not working for anyone more
palatable than the Cosa Nostra. So regardless, he can be chalked
up as another sixties settler-leftist who didn't join a party and
ended up selling out his already mushy principles.
Perhaps as a defense mechanism against his conscience, Cosmo has a
"left" cover for his role as a capitalist parasite: "We were gonna
change the world, Marty," he says. He explains that he plans to
singlehandedly seize world power, then change the world. "Who else
is going to change the world? Greenpeace?" Cosmo is correct in
understanding that Greenpeace reformism is a dead-end road. He is
also correct in understanding the relationship of power to change.
Where he fails is in believing that individuals make history. It
is the masses who make history. An individual who is isolated from
the masses will inevitably fail to act in the interests of the
masses.
Marty, too, fails to act in the masses' interests. He recognizes
the importance of power (as symbolized by the microchip), but
basically sees it as a tool for his petty-bourgeois liberal ends.
The collective gains leverage over the NSA when they realize that
the chip has no use other than spying on rival Amerikan government
agencies of repression. So they all get to blackmail whatever they
want out of the NSA. What do they want? Marty wants his criminal
record erased so he can enjoy a relaxing, bourgeois lifestyle
without fear. Aykroyd wants a Winnebago. Poitier wants a trip to
Europe with his wife. For good measure, Strathairn asks for "Peace
on Earth and good will toward men," and Phoenix gets a lover
(which incidentally serves to remind audiences that women are
property).
Also, the final scene shows that Marty now has the power to
assuage some of the liberal guilt he feels on the two occasions in
the film when he sees homeless people. The TV reports that the
Republican Party is bankrupt; Amnesty International, Greenpeace,
United Negro College Fund report record earnings. So now the black
bourgeoisie is larger (at the expense of other third world
people), white pseudoenvironmentalism can better be used as a club
against third world people, and Amnesty International can better
accomplish its anti-communist mission. These reactionary changes
are what well-intentioned people make when they engage in
focoism-militant struggle waged by people who are isolated from
the aspirations of the masses.
* * *
REMEMBER THE FILLMORE!
by a comrade
Three hundred families from San Francisco's Fillmore District were
murdered in 1977 by cyanide-laced Kool Aid at Jonestown, Guyana.
They had been brainwashed and relocated to Guyana by white
preacher Jim Jones. Jones left town after Mayor George Moscone was
assassinated by supervisor Dan White. Jones was a land-speculator
with political ties who commanded a bloc of Black votes.
In return for votes to Moscone and traitor Assemblyman Willie
Brown, Jones had been appointed President of the Board of
Commissioners of the San Francisco Public Housing Authority.
Within a year, Jones had resigned and convinced his "flock" to
sell their homes and lease-rights for pittances to the San
Francisco Redevelopment Agency and move with him to Guyana.
On November 18, 1978 a visiting Congressman was gunned down at
Jonestown and 900 women, men and children, including Jones, were
found rotting in the hot Guyanan sun, dead from cyanide poisoning.
Nine days later, ex-San Francisco Supervisor Dan White shot and
killed Mayor Moscone and gay supervisor Harvey Milk in their City
Hall offices.
Moscone, Willie Brown and Jim Jones represented bourgeois factions
scrambling for the billions of dollars of land being freed up for
redevelopment in the Fillmore. Milk was simply homophobic icing on
the cake of assassination. Brown is a world-class power-broker
today.
ITALIC The three hundred Black families that were murdered in
Jonestown had owned and rented property in the Fillmore near in
the "People's Temple." END They possessed certificates entitling
them to move back into whatever buildings were erected on the
sites of their homes at less-than-market values. Today, the
Fillmore Center, a thousand-unit yuppie pleasure-dome, rises up
over this boutiqued boneyard.
Still today-Black San Franciscans speak in hushed tones of the
awesome power required to remove and exterminate an entire
community and make it look like suicide.
The Oakland poet, Pat Parker, said in her poem about Jonestown:
"Black people do not, do not commit suicide." Will we wake up one
day and discover that three million public housing tenants have
committed suicide?
Not if MIM has anything to do with it. Study this newspaper. Read
our literature on the true nature of Amerika. Struggle with us
about Maoism, gender, national liberation, class struggle and
revolution.
ITALIC Before it is too late. END
Notes: The 1987 suicide rate for Black males was 50% less than for
white males. The 1987 homicide rate for Black males was 674%
greater than for white males. Calculated from the Statistical
Abstract of the United States 1990, p. 85.
* * *
WHITE TRUCKERS TRASH PUBLIC HOUSING; COPS SUPPORT THE ACTION
by a comrade
On the night of October 9, Mr. and Mrs. David Groves, two white
truckers from Seattle, created a violent incident at 26th & Treat
Streets near Bernal Dwellings housing project in San Francisco.
The Groves drove their huge tractor-trailor into the narrow
intersection and side-swiped several parked cars belonging to
residents of the neighborhood. People gathered as David Groves,
who had been riding shotgun, stepped out of the truck and directed
his wife in backing up. Several more parked vehicles were hit
by the truck.
When the people asked him to stop destroying their cars, David
Groves reached into the truck cab, grabbed a baseball bat and
said, "I'm gonna kill you niggers!" The people defended themselves
as they disarmed and beat up David Groves. Several crates of his
cargo of fish were put on the sidewalk as collateral for damage
done to the vehicles.
Latonia Murdock, President of the Bernal Dwellings Tenant's
Association, called an ambulance to the scene. Murdock witnessed a
man break up the punishment of Groves and saw the man pick up and
give Mrs. Groves a wedding ring she had dropped.When the San
Francisco Police Department (SFPD) arrived Groves was taken away
and treated for minor injuries. His truck was towed for safe
keeping. SFPD officers told bystanders they could take the cartons
of fish home since, otherwise, the fish would spoil. Rich and poor
alike carted off the fish. But on October 10, the SFPD swooped
down on Bernal Dwellings and forcibly entered apartments without
search warrants. The contents of many apartments were ripped
apart and anybody with fish in their refrigerator was held for
interrogation. A number of men were arrested and later released
without charges. Police also towed tenants' cars from legal
parking spaces.
Over the next several days the project was repeatedly attacked by
police motorcycle and tac squads in riot gear. A 13 year-old girl
playing "Hide The Belt" in the courtyard was handcuffed and patted
down by male police who accused her of hiding drugs in the
sandbox. A young boy was thrown to the ground and handcuffed with
police guns aimed at his head. Both were later released.
The San Francisco Public Housing Authority then commenced an
illegal campaign to evict a women and her two infants as a show of
administrative power and as a warning to the people to keep their
mouths shut about the real deal at Bernal Dwellings. As if having
her belongings destroyed by police was not enough, Housing has
also illegally tampered with the woman's AFDC payments.
Television and print media from all over Northern California
descended on Bernal Dwellings like hungry vultures. The media
claimed that the Groves were only trying to turn their truck
around when a "gang" of Black men pulled them from the truck, beat
them, took Mrs. Grove's wedding ring and stole boxes of crab,
lobster and fish. Actually, there were no crabs or lobsters-only
frozen fish. Truckers following the Grove's route have any number
of turn-arounds available to them without threading their way into
a narrow intersection next to the only housing project in the
area. But truckers have been known to visit the intersection
attempting to buy contraband. The November elections Reporters and
the City government used this pre-election incident to divide the
residents of Bernal Dwellings from their more affluent neighbors
and to set white against Black. The racist media claimed that a
doll and a pair of tennis shoes that some kids tossed up on a
project telephone wire several years ago are a "warning to whites"
not to enter the area.
The City rewarded the Groves with a large sum of money, and the
truckers were allowed to leave San Francisco immediately without
being charged for reckless driving or assault. The police gave the
abandoned fish to the people and then used possession of the fish
as an excuse to terrorize and arrest the people-and their
children-in their homes.
During another recent election, the SFPD landed a helicopter on
the roof of a building at Bernal Dwellings to raid the project
from the sky.A powerful publicity campaign was mounted to
duplicate the lies and hysteria manufactured around the punishment
of trucker Reginald Denny during the May rebellion in Los Angeles.
On November 3, San Francisco voters approved a reactionary ballot-
measure outlawing "aggressive panhandling." The City is also
creating public opinion to tear down the project's basketball
court in retaliation for Groves and to further demoralize the
residents.
Bernal Dwellings is a tiny place completely surrounded by single-
family homes and market-rate apartments. Its buildings and grounds
have been allowed to fall into unspeakable disrepair by the
Housing Authority because the Authority wants the residents
to vacate their homes. A multi-million dollar "rehabilitation" of
Bernal Dwellings is planned and the tenants stand in the way of
neighborhood gentrification and profit-taking for the band of
thieves, grifters, land speculators and criminal bureaucrats
calling themselves San Francisco City Hall.
Similar scenes are being played out all across Clinton's Amerika
as the Department of Housing and Urban Development continues to
turn "subsidized" land-banked properties over to the control of
private capitalists-such as Catholic Charities and an army of
"non-profit community development corporations."
In San Francisco, Black people have been burned out, "relocated"
and driven from the neighborhoods as the rich seize and "gentrify"
land that belongs to the Black Nation. The Black population of San
Francisco has been dropping at a rate of 2.5% every five years
since 1975.(1)
Notes:
1. "San Francisco Master Plan," SF Dept. of City Planning and
Association of Bay Area Governments 1989.
* * *
RACISTS REWARDED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS
The University of Massachusetts, known for its attempts at
"multiculturalism," is rewarding two students involved in a racist
assault on a Black Resident Assistant. (Resident Assistants are
University students who, in exchange for free housing and $25 a
week, are used as rent-a-cops by the administration to enforce,
among other things, the alcohol policy.) Two RAs have told MIM,
under conditions of anonymity, that two students who have
supposedly been expelled from housing are secretly being housed in
a fancy hotel, care of the Dean of Students Office.
On the night of September 25, in Washington Tower dormitory, Black
RA Arlens Barosy, while on "rounds" encountered a group of white
underage men drinking. Barosy told them to pour out their alcohol,
and one of the white men repeatedly punched Barosy, knocking him
through a door and bruising his head. The men fled.(1)
The assailant, Francis Marchant, was later identified as a non-
student and a registered guest of the residents of room 801.(2)
The UMass Code of Student Conduct states that students are
responsible for the actions of their guests. These students
invited Marchant back the next weekend (security did not stop him
from entering the building). Barosy noticed the man in the
building and called the police, who did not arrest Marchant until
several weeks later. That weekend Barosy's door was smeared with
human shit and the words "NIGRRS SUCK" (sic) were written on the
wall.(3)
"Due to the incident and the subsequent appearance of racial
graffiti and feces outside his door and other stress," Barosy was
forced to quit his RA job and move to another dormitory.(2)
On the night of October 8, about 40 members of the Black Student
Union occupied the 8th floor of Washington Tower demanding that
Marchant's hosts (smart enough to be partying elsewhere that
evening) be expelled from housing. After two hours, the
administration agreed.(4)
That same evening, 40 white men with sticks prowled the campus
stalking a Black woman. The Black woman called the police from an
emergency phone. They told her they were working on it, and hung
up on her. Rocks were also thrown through the window of Memorial
Hall, a building occupied by students advocating scholarships for
low-income women of color. The next afternoon, a white woman was
attacked and beaten by white men with sticks who called her a
"Nigger Lover."(5)
The administration's action to house "expelled" racist students in
a hotel is adding insult to the injury caused by the escalating
tensions on campus. The University has obviously realized that it
has skipped its own due process procedures, and is therefore
avoiding liability by providing these students with free housing.
By the University's own regulations it should have moved these two
students to a different building immediately and then started
disciplinary hearings within days. Secretly housing these students
is allowing the university to postpone punishment. Countless
judicial hearings could have been held both before the Washington
occupation and in the ensuing days. Instead the University is
pretending to serve both sides.
Instead of punishing these students, the University is telling
racists who punch their way through the multicultural facade how
they can expect to be treated: when you punch a Black authority
figure, you can expect a bigger room, relief from the alcohol
policy, free cable TV, and a maid to make your bed.
On October 13, the Black Student Union presented a list of demands
designed to increase minority representation. The BSU set a two
week deadline and the U.S. Justice Department volunteered to
mediate. According to the Boston Globe, the Department of Justice
had recently determined that the nearby city of Holyoke is one of
the U.S. cities most ripe for riot, which likely increased their
interest in "racial tensions" at UMass.
On November 9, a compromise was announced. About a third of the
Black Student Union's demands were met, and the administration has
graciously volunteered to hire 20 more police officers. The
student negotiators seem unaware that the University could fund at
least 80 full scholarships with the salaries of these 20 cops.
To the activists at UMass, I can only commend your efforts.
Increasing minority representation, especially that of oppressed-
nation women, is a valuable reform. The road to liberation,
however does not lie in begging the administration for piece-meal
reforms, but in building independent power. Likewise, the
administration's attempts to buy minority happiness by hiring 20
more racist cops (the first thing the University offered when
confronted with the demands) should be met with resistance, not
silence.
Remember that the U.S. Justice Department and a campus that
rewards racist assailants are not on the side of oppressed
peoples.
Notes:
1. Massachusetts Daily Collegian 11/2/92, p. 1.
2. MDC 11/2/92, p. 6.
3. MDC 10/5/92, p. 1,3.
4. MDC 10/9/92, p. 1.
5. MDC 10/14/92, p. 6.