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| x   x x x   x   x  x  xx  xxx xxx  xxx                   |
| xx xx x xx xx   xx x x  x  x  x   x       Issue #3       |
| x x x x x x x   x xx x  x  x  xx   xxx                   |
| x   x x x   x   x  x x  x  x  x       x   10/19/84       |
| x   x x x   x   x  x  xx   x  xxx  xxx                   |
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|    Newspaper of the Maoist Internationalist Movement     |
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CIA ADMITS FOMENTING TERRORISM AND ORGANIZED CRIME AGAINST
NICARAGUA

On October 14th, U.S. intelligence officials admitted that
the C.I.A. (Central Intelligence Agency) has provided a
manual to anti-Sandinista, pro-U.S. rebels who are working
to overthrow the government of Nicaragua. The Sandinista
government came to power in a popular revolution in 1979
that swept away the U.S. backed Somoza family regime.
  The manual, called "Psychological Operations in Guerrilla
War," advises the rebels to use "select terror" to
"neutralize" vulnerable Sandinista officials. However,
because of an executive order signed by Reagan at the end of
1981, the manual does not explicitly use the words
"assassinate" or "kill"--merely "target" and "danger to
other individuals in the area of the target." Furthermore,
the manual says "if possible, professional criminals should
be hired to carry out specific, selective 'jobs.'" One such
job is "creating a 'martyr' for the cause." Other
instructions involve the blowing up of public buildings, how
to justify any murder politically and psychologically, how
to whip up anti-Cuban, anti-Soviet sentiment while
pretending to live amongst the people and how to blackmail
anybody by threatening to make public that they were in
meetings with the C.I.A. backed rebels. Thus, it is clear
that the U.S. Government has admitted its criminal
character.
  Why is the U.S. Government revealing itself so clearly?
Why doesn't the C.I.A. operate in its usual secretive style?
  The press has publicized the CIA's "covert" war for some
time. The contras (anti-Sandinista rebels) are known by all
to have U.S. funding and U.S. military support. At the same
time, the U.S. has admitted that the contras can never win
against such a popular government. Also, the U.S. Senate
condemned the U.S. mining of Nicaragua's harbors earlier
this year. This made the front pages. All in all the U.S.
counterrevolution against Nicaragua is quite open.
  The U.S. may be trying to influence the current
negotiations in Central America between Salvadoran rebels
and the Salvadoran regime. The U.S. is backing the
Salvadoran regime and wants to make sure that Salvadoran
rebels and the Sandinistas do not get too much out of the
deal. By showing how "tough" the U.S. is, the U.S. expects
to coerce the Central Americas for the desired result.
  By releasing such damning information about itself, the
U.S. Government has shown how strong its hand is and how
much it can get away with. At first, The New York Times did
not deem the story worthy of the front page. The Detroit
Free Press buried it as a sub-article. It is as though the
U.S. Government were saying "don't expect any uproar in the
U.S. about the terror we carry out in Central America." Days
after the admission, however, Mondale was trying to take
advantage of the issue and Reagan ordered an investigation.
Democrat Thomas Downey took care not to blame the president
and to praise Reagan's anti-terrorism campaign. Still,
despite all these confusing moves it is clear that the U.S.
Government underestimated the outrage of the people. It also
remained to be seen in the confusion whether or not the
basic issue of the CIA primer would be lost in sanctimonious
drivel. That issue is that there is no correct way to
overthrow a foreign government. There is no correct way to
run an empire the way Downey and Mondale would have us
believe--terrorist manual or not.
  Of course, the U.S. does have $4.2 billion invested in
Central America and another $4.1 billion loaned to the
Central American ruling classes. The U.S. does not want this
threatened, especially since three dollars return to the
U.S. for every dollar invested; however, investments in
Central America do not require such open operations by the
C.I.A. Nor did the invasion of Grenada have to occur because
the Grenadians were such a threat to U.S. investments. No,
the open activities of the U.S. Government can only be
explained by the the decision of the Pentagon, the military
industries and all the multinational corporations that the
U.S. must "stand tall" and "overcome the Vietnam syndrome."
We in the U.S. are being acclimated to fight a major war and
"prevail."
  Precisely because little is at stake in Grenada in terms
of investments, it made sense to strike there first as an
example to the rest of Central America. Investments,
resources and a disciplined wage-earning class, however, are
exactly what is at stake in Brazil, Mexico, South Africa,
Europe and Japan.
  Just as Grenada was a perfect training ground to oil the
U.S. military and propaganda machine for war, Central
America has been a place for U.S. muscle-flexing
historically. However, while the U.S. may be willing to
alienate the workers that are giving them so much profits
out of Central America and the U.S. may be willing to damage
its "ownings" in Central America just to make an example of
the rebels, revolutionaries and pro-Soviet reformists of
Nicaragua and El Salvador, there is one hitch. A U.S.
invasion of Nicaragua or El Salvador would meet the armed
guerrillas there. The U.S. would be the ready target of an
anti-imperialist struggle. Ultimately, the U.S. Government
would prefer to make a deal through negotiations. It hopes
that the reformists in the leadership of the FDR of the
Salvadoran rebels and of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua will
give the U.S. a good enough deal and a dependable "backyard"
in time of war with the Soviet Union.
  The U.S. is also open about its desire to take a chunk of
the Soviet empire. The U.S. does not rely primarily on
covert action to undermine the Soviets. However, the U.S.
can not make an easy example out of the Soviets either.
Ultimately, the anti-"communist" emphasis of the U.S. in its
foreign policy is especially designed to prepare the U.S.
for war against the Soviet bloc. Grenada and Nicaragua are
perfect for this preparation because the U.S. can point to
the relations of these countries to Cuba and the Soviet
Union. Of course, the airfield on Grenada was not a military
threat to the U.S.. To even refute the obvious lies of U.S.
propaganda is almost to miss the point. The U.S. Government
does not need to "win" an argument. It needs merely to paint
itself as correcting Soviet perfidies and it succeeds in
acclimating public opinion to war. The question about
Grenada in 1983 and Nicaragua in 1984 is not whether or not
"U.S. security" is really threatened by these countries. The
question is whether or not the public buys into a war "to
stand tall" with the capitalist minority which has a
business interest in doing in their Soviet competitors and
taking over Soviet turf.
  These same capitalists will try to confuse the issue. They
will confuse people by getting the Senate to condemn the
mining of Nicaragua's harbors. They will give the people
Walter Mondale, who does not oppose the invasion of Grenada
or a quarantine of Nicaragua. Mondale will oppose the war
drive on the grounds that there is corruption in the
Pentagon and the military corporations get hundreds of
dollars from the Pentagon for a hammer. This is not the
issue. The issue is whether militarism is in the interest of
the people of this country and even more, the people of the
world. It does no good to oppose only that part of the
military which is corrupt. It does no good to support
politicians who only oppose wars on the grounds that they
have a better strategy.
  In the end, the capitalists have an interest in going to
war with their Soviet counterparts. The hired laborers of
these same capitalists, be they in the U.S., in Guatemalan
Coca-Cola factories or in South African gold mines usually
do not. If we keep this perspective in mind, we will have
the support of the masses known as the international
proletariat. If we explain the issues in the perspective of
the international proletariat we can succeed in stopping
WWIII.

NOTES:

New York Times, 10/15/84, 10/17/84.
Detroit Free Press, 10/15/84.
Jean-Paul Sartre, On Genocide.
"Central America in Crisis." See MIM lit. list.
_____________________________________________________________

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