RIM: Revolution or Counterrevolution?

by Luis Arce Borja

In a recent text entitled "Document of the RIM Committee on the Two Line Struggle" the leading clique of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) persists in alleging that Chairman Gonzalo may be the author of the "peace letters." This text w as published in "Revolutionary Worker," the official voice of the Revolutionary Communist Party of the USA (RCP), on August 4 last.

Together with this RIM document, the RCP publishes an editorial under the heading: "What is at stake in the two line struggle in Peru." That article reflects the same line of the RIM Committee's document. Its political aims and objectives are identical . Therefore, this article implies a response to both texts.

The RIM document is full of the bloated rhetoric of its authors. It again trumpets their stock in trade braggadocio about their being "the foremost defenders of the People's War in Peru." It is a document full of lies and contradictions aimed at sprea ding underhand allegations without actually spelling out in black and white the true intentions of its innuendo.

It is a document serving to clearly confirm the fact that the leadership of RIM is implicating itself more and more in the Fujimori fabrications which the Peruvian regime and US imperialism have been peddling since October 93.

The RIM Committee resorts to the most unlikely assertions in trying to "prove" their "hypothesis" that the author and leader of the "peace letters" is none other but Chairman Gonzalo himself. This new RIM document takes pleasure in regurgitating the o fficial version of the Peruvian state and thus places itself within the current strategy of the Fujimori regime which aims to re-activate the "peace agreement" plot at the international level.

Analyzing the main criteria advanced in these documents:

The "hypothesis" of the RIM Committee is exclusively based on the versions and reports advanced by the agents, capitulators, and the media controlled by the Peruvian regime. The document we are commenting on reflects the declarations of Magie Clavo Pe ralta, a.k.a."Nancy." "Nancy" was arrested on March 22, 1995 and a few months later - while imprisoned and under the thumb of the National Intelligence Service (SIN) - she allegedly took "official" position in favour of the "peace letters."

While in custody, Magie Clavo, was promoted by the regime as a "highranking leader of the PCP". In September, Fujimori's TV broadcasted an interview with Clavo from inside her cell. In that interview she issued a call to "struggle for the peace agreem ent," denouncing the leaders of the People's War as "traitors and usurpers." Simultaneously, Clavo "self-criticised" her former position, and also alleged having "met with Chairman Gonzalo."

Here is how the RIM interprets these events: "The interview granted by Clavo to a Peruvian TV programme leaves little room to doubt that she has changed her position...... Firstly, the fact that a high ranking leader of the Central Committee has chan ged position and is currently in favour of the Right opportunist line is in itself a significant blow to the Party's leadership. Also, her averring to having met with Chairman Gonzalo, reinforces the thesis that the author of the political line advocating the quest for a peace agreement is Chairman Gonzalo himself."

As it is already the customary behaviour of the RIM leaders, they always speak in a tentative fashion loaded with half whispered innuendo. However, no matter how abundant their "doubts" may be, these gentlefolk, like a jack-in-the-box at the end of the day--always turn up on the side of the enemies of the Peruvian revolution. The RIM leaders say:

"Although one cannot yet arrive to a final conclusion, the chances that Chairman Gonzalo may have taken an incorrect position abandoning the revolutionary road he had himself laid down for the PCP before his arrest are growing."

Time and again in their document, they strive to slander Chairman Gonzalo. They say: "From the start, the RIM Committee held that it was important to investigate in order to establish Chairman Gonzalo's point of view. From that moment, the course of events has increased our concern that he may have taken part in developing the line of peace agreement....".

What are the sources that the RIM leaders invoke in order to "prove" their "hypothesis" that Chairman Gonzalo is responsible for the "peace letters"?. The RIM Committee --feigning a childish ignorance--bases its infamous allegations on the purported s tatements of repentance of a certain Magie Clavo Peralta who now appears in overt antagonism to the People's War.

The RIM leaders do not for a moment ask themselves if this information distributed by the police and the Peruvian government is truly based on facts. They totally ignore that this entire "Magie Clavo news event" is nothing but a low-intensity warfare concoction prepared and filtered by the national Intelligence System (SIN) under the direction of Fujimori's Personal Adviser.

The RIM leaders do not even acknowledge the evident inference that if what the Peruvian regime's press is saying should have any basis in fact, this Magie Clavo character would have become nothing but a treacherous capitulator and a "pentiti" of the re volution acting the role of a snitch. In other words, a mouthpiece of the regime whose statements are dictated by its secret police to suit the Peruvian state and US imperialism.

It would be a gross mistake to believe that the purported "revelations" of Magie Clavo are indeed factors in leading the RIM Committee to their conviction that the author of the "peace agreement" is Chairman Gonzalo himself. Since as far back as Octobe r 1993, the leaders of RIM have been using different methods in attempting to convince the supporters of the People's War at the international level that the leader of the "contrary line negotiating with Fujimori" is none other that Chairman Gonzalo himse lf.

When the Fujimori regime began its propaganda around the "peace agreement" plot, the RIM leaders adopted an opportunist and eclectic position which played exclusively for the benefit of US imperialism and the Peruvian regime. The RIM Committee became the most active group abroad in boycotting all publications, information, or events, geared to the defense of the revolutionary condition of Chairman Gonzalo and aimed to fight against the Fujimori fraud.

To accomplish their objectives the RIM leaders resorted to a series of ridiculous assertions and even to the most vulgar lies, and they are, evidently, persisting on travelling along the same road.

From the start of the "peace agreement" plot, the RIM Committee resorted to the most hilarious contortions to hide their secret relationship with the head-honchos promoting the "peace agreement." Their much trumpeted "investigation" was nothing but a v eil to hide its true plans and this ruse itself arose directly from the views advocated by Javier Esparza, one of the main capitulators and agents of the Peruvian regime abroad.

The relationship between the RIM Committee and the capitulators resulted in the opportunists within RIM playing a dirty doubledealers' role: On the one hand they made public demagogy about their "support for the People's War" while on the other they w ere in fact holding secret meetings with the propagandists of the Peruvian police fraud and working overtime to divide and sow confusion within the wide movement in support of the revolution and the struggle against Fujimori's "peace" plot.

Within this same framework, the leaders of RIM and of the Revolutionary Communist Party USA, took up--in "Jesuitical" fashion --the task of fitting up a purported "two line struggle" within the PCP around this issue. To this end they invested abundant resources and efforts to "debate" with the advocates of the "peace agreement."

Even today, the RIM leaders persist with their "development of the two line struggle" --however, they say nothing at all about the role of the CIA in the fabrication of the "peace agreement."

Besides labeling Chairman Gonzalo a capitulator, the RIM document "What is at Stake in the Two Line Struggle in Peru" also reveals other opportunist trends within RIM.

It is evident that with this document the RIM leaders have broken cover and issued a public declaration of love for the traitors and opportunists working for the "peace agreement." This can be seen with stark clarity in the following quotes from the RIM document in question:

"Speaking clearly, we do not yet know with absolute certainty what Chairman Gonzalo's points of view really are, and because of that --and many other reasons-- it is important to continue the struggle to defend his life and to break through his isolation. We would be extremely happy to know for sure that he does not support the line of peace agreement. However, if that was not in fact the case, we would also be happy if he would change his point of view. But above any other consideration, we have to look at the line itself, and as such, prepare for the eventuality that Chairman Gonzalo himself may be its main advocate."

No one can deceive himself into believing that this "generous offer" from the RIM leaders to "gladden their hearts" if Chairman Gonzalo "would change his point of view" is in any way directed to the leader of the Peruvian revolution --a person that nob ody --with the exception of the Peruvian regime itself --knows whether he is alive or dead. The "offer" of the RIM leaders is plainly aimed at seeking the favours of Javier Esparza, Osman Morote Barrionuevo, Edmundo Cox Beuzeville, and-- why not, indeed?- - the direct authors of the "peace agreement" themselves.

Using this formula the RIM leaders are seeking to establish a front with the capitulators and the traitors. A "Front" which has, as oneof its main aims, an attempt at liquidating Chairman Gonzalo and his vast political and ideological contributions.

Within thiscounter-revolutionary aim, both the RIM leaders and the capitulators, fully coincide in holding that the author of the plot known as the "peace agreement" is really none other but Dr. Abimael Guzman(Chairman Gonzalo).

It is absurd to demand from the advocates of the "peace letters" that they should "change their point of view." Treason, capitulation and snitch work is not to be resolved with pious requests to "change political positions."

It is evident that efforts to help erring comrades to change point of view--even among those expressing a contrary line--can be made. However, one thing is to develop two line struggle within the Party and something totally different is to advocate con ciliation with counter-revolutionary agents.

The problem we are dealing with involves and reflects a clear and concrete situation: The "peace letters" are linked to the aims of the repressive forces of the Peruvian state and imperialism. It is a perverse and aberrant idiocy to deal with the "peace agreement" as if it were strictly a question of "two line struggle."

No one can forget the fact that the authors and propagandists of the "peace letters" aim principally at the assassination of Chairman Gonzalo, the destruction of the PCP and the liquidation of the revolution. No one can ignore the fact that many of the traitors working for the "peace agreement" (both in Peru and abroad) are now police agents connected to Fujimori's strategic considerations. No one can forget that these individuals-- now working as grasses for the police--have responsibility for the arrest and assassination of many communists and revolutionary fighters since October 1993.

No one can forget that those individuals within the prisons of the regime who are supporting the "peace agreement" have turned themselves into puppets and servants of the brutal and bloodthirsty Fujimori regime. Is it possible for people like this to "change their point of view"? And can such a thing "gladden" the Peruvian revolutionaries?

Redemption and forgiveness for the capitulators and police agents who the RIM leaders tenderly regard as a "contrary line" is not a revolutionary task. In Peru-- or anywhere else in the world--traitors and capitulators can not be dealt with by any kin d of political pussy-footing. Who can be happy that a traitor or agent should change his or her position? Contrary to the words and deeds of the RIM leaders, this outcome is not to be achieved by begging "changes of heart and repentance" but by uncompro mising struggle in the arena of class confrontation.

However much the documents of the RIM leaders hide behind bogus revolutionary phrases the conclusion that these texts play a role within the campaign promoted by the Peruvian regime abroad to portray the PCP as a divided organisation and to convince pu blic opinion that Chairman Gonzalo himself is the author of the "peace agreement" cannot be evaded.

This campaign of the Fujimori regime is linked to two main aspects within Peruvian political life: The first one is the evident renewal and re-invigoration of the People's War all along Peruvian national territory. This factor has forced the regime and its media to admit that the much trumpeted "defeat of the Shining Path" is a non starter.

The second aspect is linked to the preparatory work for a purported "Second Congress of PCP" being undertaken by the capitulators and the regime's agents. This bogus "Congress" would serve--among other objectives--to "officially" announce the demise of Chairman Gonzalo.

The documents of the RIM leaders and the RCP USA are published within a political juncture in which the Fujimori regime finds itself in a difficult situation. The recent declarations of well-known drug baron Demetrio Chavez Pe¤aherrera (a.k.a. "Vatica n") have confirmed the existence of a secret torture centre run by Fujimori's Personal Adviser --Vladimiro Montesinos --and the National Intelligence Service under his command.

A new element in this revelation is to show that in this torture centre prisoners are indeed subjected to "scientific" chemical and psychological experiments to sap their will and turn them into malleable zombies manipulated by their jailers.

This "laboratory" is precisely located within the Callao Peruvian Navy Base where Chairman Gonzalo is kept as a prisoner. The very place from where-- as the government claims-- Chairman Gonzalo would have written the "peace letters." The very place wh ere-- according to the leaders of RIM -- where Magie Clavo would have held her alleged meetings with the leader of the People's War.

The information given in court by "Vatican" lends new weight to the hypothesis that the leader of the Peruvian guerillas has been subjected to the worst kind of experiments and the most brutal psychological tortures in attempting to bend his revolutio nary will.

Finally, it is worth pointing out that the release of these documents from these US sources (the RIM leaders and the RCP USA) also coincides with the dissemination both in Peru and abroad of bogus editions of "El Diario" in which all pages are dedicat ed to besmirching the People's War, attacking the leadership of the PCP, and portraying Chairman Gonzalo as an individual spending his time in prison writing poems and songs.

The arguments used by the RIM leaders to lend weight to their "thesis" are exactly the same as those advanced by the capitulators and police agents, as can be seen from the following example.

Attempting to "refute" the points of view of El Diario International, the Number 1 edition of the bogus "El Diario" (published in Hamburg, Germany, June-July 1996) says:

"The voice of the Block in Europe, with the profound political ignorance taught to them by their masters, reduces all facts to a fraud. However, let us see the letters proposing the Peace Agreement, the TV presentation of Chairman Gonzalo and comrade Miriam, the self-criticism of comrade Nancy and that of other communists.......".

On their part, the RIM leaders-- as we have demonstrated above-- also refer time and again to the statements of "comrade Nancy" (Magie Clavo) in order to buttress their innuendo alleging that Chairman Gonzalo is the real author of the "peace agreement. " And, as far as the question of whether the "peace agreement" is or not a fraud, the RIM leaders are sliding over completely to the side of the political line of the capitulators and the Fujimori police. This is what they themselves have to say: "....th ere are some people who at the same time that they allege support for the People's War, are stupidly persisting in taking another road: They continue to hold that the peace agreement is a fabrication and a fraud of the police......" (taken from "Document of the RIM Committee on the Two Line Struggle").

In synthesis, we should note that the text that the RIM Committee has just published, confirms the political predictions we had advanced in former editions of El Diario International. Many a time we have referred to the political and ideological chara cteristics of opportunism within RIM. Unscrupulous, philistine, untruthful and totally unprincipled.

Taking all that into consideration, we had already warned that this political froth would continue veering to the Right and towards the shore of the enemies of the revolution (Law of Gravity applied to the realm of politics).

Our assessment has proven precise and correct. There is no longer any doubt that a process of Right wing degeneration at the heights of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement exists. Their direct onslaught against Chairman Gonzalo and their coin cidence with the capitulators and police agents show that the Peruvian revolutionaries--and those of other countries--should not expect anything good from these charlatans and bogus "Maoists."

Translated by Committee Sol Peru - London Press Commission