MIM Notes ***

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 1

MIM Notes

August 1, 2002, Nº 263

The Official Newsletter of the Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM)

Free

INSIDE: * Library crackdown * Summer Movies* Una Página en Español...

This article is about an important

controversy over the continued life or

execution of an imprisoned revolutionary

leader in Peru, President Gonzalo. Our

only hesitation in publishing this article

is that we have not seen its author in

public. Nonetheless, we believe that

security must come first, public

appearances second and we also believe

that this article would be of interest in

any case. --MIM's International Minister

by Luis Arce Borja

n 1994 we (El Diario Internacional)

published the article "Operation

Capitulation: The Secret History of

the Peace Letters." We said that Fujimori

and Montesinos falsely attributed the

peace letters to the leader of the Peruvian

guerrilla and that the letters were

formulated as part of a sinister criminal

plan that implied the assassination of

President Gonzalo. We denounced the

letters as a vulgar fiction and as a

fabrication of the National Intelligence

Service (SIN) and we said that sooner or

later President Gonzalo would become

the principal victim of the genuine

authors. In light of our incontestable

`Andean Flood' and the assassination of

President Gonzalo

condemnation we noted that the

publication of the first peace letter

(October, 1993) allowed for only two

possibilities regarding the fate of

President Gonzalo: The first refereed to

his assassination after April 1993 when

he was transferred to the Callao military

prison on the island of San Lorenzo. The

second assumed that President Gonzalo

was alive, but that he survived under

brutal prison conditions and under

conditions of mental and physical

extermination.

Which of the two hypotheses of 1994

has proved more certain?

The idea that President Gonzalo was

secretly executed following April 1993,

and more precisely that it happened in

the month of October of that year has

become more concrete given a series of

secret documents made public following

the fall of Fujimori and Montesinos.

There are many indications, including

testimony, that more thoroughly verify

this hypothesis. For example, it is now

known that contrary to government

propaganda, the peace letters pleading for

Continued on page 6...

SAN FRANCISCO

July 6

he first north American-wide

conference against U.$.

intervention in the Philippines

was convened in San Francisco. Initiated

by Filipino activist organizations across

the United $tates and Canada the event

drew 250 registered participants. The

goals of the conference included

deepening participants' understanding of

U.$. military intervention and

imperialism and building a North

Amerikan network to oppose U.$.

imperialism in the Philippines.

Following up on a successful

conference, organizers held a rally July

7th in downtown San Francisco to

"expose the truth about Filipino-

American Friendship Day." Carrying

balloons and signs reading "Friends don't

kill friends" and "U.$. out of the

Philippines," demonstrators marched and

chanted through the streets of SF. As their

flyer explained: "Initially, July 4th was

celebrated as Philippine Independence

Day, the day that the U.S. `gave' the

Filipino people `independence' in 1946

Link Arms, Raise Fists!

Conference demands U.$. troops out of the Philippines now

after nearly 50 years of colonization. July

4th is also the day that the first civilian

U.S. government was established in the

Philippines in 1901 and when President

Theodore Roosevelt declared the end of

the Philippine-American war in 1902

[despite the fact that unbroken armed

resistance to Amerika's seizure of the

Philippines continued for at least another

decade]. In 1962, President Macapagal

[father of current president Macapagal-

Arroyo] changed Philippine

Independence Day to June 12, the

anniversary of the 1898 Philippine

Declaration of Independence. Ironically,

July 4th was then celebrated as Filipino-

American Friendship Day."

Imperialism is terrorism

Two keynote speakers opened the

conference. The first, Omali Yeshitela,

Chairman of the African People's

Socialist Party, focused his comments on

the nature of imperialism. He pointed out

that imperialism today is in crisis. As an

empire built on the backs of oppressed

people, imperialism is not a stable

system. The fight against so-called

terrorism is

really a fight

against the

o p p r e s s e d

who are

reacting to

years of

imperialist

exploitation.

He noted

that "the

t e r r o r i s m

that they [the

imperialists]

experiencing

is...the oppressed people who will rise up

and take back what is theirs."

Yeshitela made an important point

about Hitler, saying that "Churchill made

Hitler look like a boy scout." Churchill

bragged about his country as "the empire

upon which the sun never sets" meaning

that it had more slaves than anyone else.

And MIM would say that all the

imperialists live up to Hitler's genocidal

reputation, liberal democracy in their

home countries or no (see resolutions on

fascism in the upcoming MIM Notes).

Yeshitela went on to say that white people

hate Hitler because "Hitler did to white

people what Europe did to the rest of the

world." This doesn't diminish the crimes

of Hitler, but puts it in perspective for

the genocide committed by imperialists.

Throughout his talk Yeshitala made clear

that "There can not be peace without

national liberation," pointing out that

George Bush wants peace as long as

imperialist exploitation is allowed free

reign, and many Amerikans want peace

so that they can go to the mall without

being hit by a plane.

Liza Maza was the second keynote

speaker. Former Secretary General of

GABRIELA, the largest national alliance

of women's organizations in the

Philippines, Maza is currently a

Congresswoman in the Philippines,

representing the only political party

serving the people, BAYAN MUNA (see

related article in this issue of MIM

Notes). Maza began by pointing out that

"U.$. capitalism is in crisis and Bush is

stepping up war preparations as a way

out of the crisis." MIM notes further that

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 2

MIM Notes

The Official Newsletter of The Maoist Internationalist Movement

MIM Notes is the bi-weekly newsletter of the Maoist Internationalist Movement. MIM

grants explicit permission to copy all or part of this newspaper for any reason. Please
credit MIM Notes where appropriate. The paper is free to all prisoners. Overseas airmail
is $2 per issue. MIM Notes is the official Party voice. Material in the paper is the Party's
position unless noted to the contrary. MIM Notes accepts submissions and critiques from
anyone. The editors reserve the right to edit copy unless permission is specifically denied
by the author. Back issues of MIM Notes are available for $1 per issue. A bound volume
of the original MIM Notes 1-34 and MIM Theory 1-13 (old numbering) is available for
$15, post-paid. MIM has a complete literature list of progressive books and pamphlets.
Send $2 for a copy. MIM's ten point program is available to anyone who sends in a
SASE. MIM is an underground party that does not publish the names of its comrades in
order to avoid the state surveillance and repression that have historically been directed at
communist parties and anti-imperialist movements. MCs, MIM comrades, are members
of the Party. RCs are RAIL Comrades. The Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League (RAIL)
is an anti-imperialist mass organization led by MIM. MIM runs a books for prisoners
program which provides Maoist and general political material to prisoners for free. Make
checks or money orders payable to "Books for Prisoners, Inc." Federal EIN: 04-3475938.
Send to: Books for Prisoners, Inc. c/o the address below. Donations and books can be
sent to the address below. Send cash or check payable to "MIM Distributors".

MIM

P.O. Box 29670

Los Angeles, CA 90029-0670

eMail: <mim@mim.org>

WWW: <http//www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext>

What is MIM?

The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is the collection of existing or emerging

Maoist internationalist parties in the English-speaking imperialist countries and their English-

speaking internal semi-colonies, as well as the existing or emerging Maoist Internationalist
parties in Belgium, France and Quebec and the existing or emerging Spanish-speaking
Maoist Internationalist parties of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of the U.$. Empire.

MIM Notes is the newspaper of MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish-speaking
parties or emerging parties of MIM. MIM upholds the revolutionary communist ideology
of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and is an internationalist organization that works from the

vantage point of the Third World proletariat. MIM struggles to end the oppression of all
groups over other groups: classes, genders, nations. MIM knows this is only possibly by
building public opinion to seize power through armed struggle. Revolution is a reality for

North America as the military becomes over-extended in the government's attempts to
maintain world hegemony. MIM differs from other communist parties on three main
questions: (1) MIM holds that after the proletariat seizes power in socialist revolution, the

potential exists for capitalist restoration under the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within
the communist party itself. In the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the
death of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's death and the overthrow of the "Gang

of Four" in 1976. (2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural Revolution as the farthest advance
of communism in humyn history. (3) As Marx, Engels and Lenin formulated and MIM has
reiterated through materialist analysis, imperialism extracts super-profits from the Third

World and in part uses this wealth to buy off whole populations of oppressor nation so-
called workers. These so-called workers bought off by imperialism form a new petty-
bourgeoisie called the labor aristocracy. These classes are not the principal vehicles to

advance Maoism within those countries because their standards of living depend on
imperialism. At this time, imperialist super-profits create this situation in the Canada, Quebec,
the United $tates, England, France, Belgium, Germany, Japan, Italy, Switzerland,

Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Israel, Sweden and Denmark. MIM accepts people as
members who agree on these basic principles and accept democratic centralism, the system
of majority rule, on other questions of party line.

"The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally applicable. We should

regard it not as dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is not merely a matter of
learning terms and phrases, but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of revolution."

- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208.

Editor, MC206; Production, MC12

MIM is looking for distributors and

sponsors to step forward. Sponsors pay for
papers; distributors get them onto the
streets and officers do both distribution and
financial support:

Distribute

Cost per year

12 (Priority Mail)

$120

25 (Priority Mail)

$150

50 (Priority Mail)

$280

100

$380

200

$750

900 (Express Mail!)

$3,840

900 (8-10 days)

$2,200

If you know you have some good places

distribute, we suggest starting at 200 and
working your way up. If you are not willing
to distribute, just send money. If you are
not willing to pay, then request papers after
somehow proving to the party that you are
serious (words won't count). You who will
cough up/raise the money to distribute 900
papers each issue and then do the
distribution -- you are what drives this party
forward.

Make anonymous money orders payable

to "MIM." Send to MIM, attn: Camb.
branch, PO Box 400559, Cambridge, MA
02140. Or write mim3@mim.org.

A call for MIM Notes sponsors and distributors!

MIM Notes has seen a big spike in

circulation since the "war on

terrorism" began. It's not surprising:
MIM Notes is a free and independent
newspaper. Yes, there are especially

now knee-jerk patriots who believe
everything Bush says and pass by a
chance to read MIM Notes. There are

other patriots and internationalists
who realize that at this time papers
like MIM Notes can undo the huge

spectacle that Uncle Sam is creating
for its own benefit.

Sure, you have seen MIM Notes

around, but MIM Notes needs people
to do two simple things: 1) Pay for it
(postage and printing), 2) Distribute

it!

MIM is looking for sponsors,

distributors and officers. Sponsors pay

for papers; distributors get them onto
the streets and officers do both
distribution and financial support.

Distribute # Cost per year

12 (Priority Mail)

$120

25 (Priority Mail)

$150

50 (Priority Mail)

$280

100

$380

200

$750

900 (Express Mail!)

$3,840

900 (8-10 days)

$2,200

If you know you have some good

places to do distribution, we suggest

starting at 200 and working your way
up higher. If you are not willing to do
distribution, just send money. If you

are not willing to pay, then request
papers after somehow proving to the
party that you are serious (words

won't count). You who will cough up/
raise the money to distribute 900
papers each issue and then do the

distribution, you are what drives this
party forward.

A call for MIM Notes

sponsors and distributors!

Make anonymous money orders payable to "MIM." Send to MIM,

attn: Camb. branch, PO Box 400559, Cambridge, MA 02140. Contact

MIM in regards to this campaign by writing mim3@mim.org

MIM Theory calls for articles,
testimonials: MIM's theory magazine is
preparing for future issues. We are looking
for well-researched articles on Nazi
Germany and eastern Germany, especially
in the 1945 to 1953 period. Please follow
some footnote format.

Stickers with this graphic on them are available for sale and
distribution. Contact rail@mim.org or write to MIM at PO Box
29670, Los Angeles CA 90029-0670. ("Kills" is red, and there's red
blood on the blade.)

Another area we are working on is research

on psychics. If you stopped paying psychics,
please send us a letter telling us how you did
so and give us your permission to use your
statement as a testimonial. We also would
appreciate any statistical research or articles
on the subject of the effectiveness of psychics.

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 3

UNITED

FRONT

Get the new issue of MIM Theory, #14, and read the latest
theory on building the movement to overthrow
imperialism once and for all, in 174 pages. Articles include
MIM congress resolutions, history from the Spanish Civil
War to Puerto Rico, Kenya, and Stalin -- plus international
documents, reviews, and much more. Send $7.50 to the
address on page 2.

Attention subscribers

MIM now sends MIM Notes

subscriptions to individuals in monthly

mailings, third class mail. If you have a

subscription and would like a refund for

the remaining months, please write to

MIM,PO Box 29670, Los Angeles, CA

90029-0670.

We constantly update MIM's

coverage of the U.$. war on

our web site, with news and
opinion, agitation materials,

articles in English, Spanish,

French, Chinese and

Russian!

Read and distribute the

newspaper -- and get the

latest:

www.etext.org/ Politics/MIM

San Francisco

n July 4 MIM and RAIL

attended a teachout hosted by

the All People's Coalition to

Stop U.S. Terror and Occupation entitled

"Whose Independence?" Most speakers

focused on the contradiction between the

oppressed and oppressor nations, both in

the United $tates and around the world.

One speaker from the Committee for

Human Rights in the Philippines spoke

of U.$. oppression in the Philippines,

starting with a history of "liberating" the

country from Spain by killing off tens of

thousands of Filipinos and creating a new

colonial relationship with the U.$.

Speakers from the Barrio Defense

Committee detailed the history of

oppression against the Mexican peoples

whose land was stolen for U.$. "freedom"

and who continue to face national

oppression within u.s. borders. And a

speaker from the African Peoples

Solidarity Committee (APSC) stressed

the role of the white nation within the

U.$. in supporting the imperialist

government, pointing out that Bush is

just one man but it is the white people in

this country who support him.

The keynote speaker, Omali Yeshitela,

the chairman of the African People's

Socialist Party (APSP), correctly

stressed the terrorism of the U.$. around

the world. Representing an

internationalist viewpoint, he pointed out

that "the vast majority of people in the

world have a different relationship with

imperialism than do white people in this

country." And he went on to say "The

question for all of us is what side will

we stand on in this struggle."

MIM made a statement at the event,

first commending the organizing groups

for their understanding of the

contradiction between oppressed and

oppressor nations that characterizes

imperialism today, and for the correct

position on the white nation as a part of

the oppressor and not as oppressed. The

MIM speaker went on to discuss the

meaning of the 4th of July:

In 1776 Thomas Jefferson wrote in the

Declaration of Independence: "When a

long Train of Abuses and Usurpations,

pursuing invariably the same Object,

evinces a Design to reduce [the people]

under absolute Despotism, it is their

Right, it is their Duty, to throw off such

Government, and to provide new Guards

for their future Security."

We could go on to use Jefferson's words

to describe what the United $tates is doing

today: The history of the United $tates is

a history of repeated injuries and

usurpations, all having in direct object the

establishment of an absolute tyranny over

the majority of the worlds people for the

benefit of the minority, the Amerikan

citizens.

The evidence for this is found

throughout Amerikan history. During the

war for independence with Britain 65,000

African slaves joined the British forces,

over 10 for every 1 enlisted in the

continental U.$. ranks--because the Brits

promised to free them. Those who fought

on the side of the United $tates. were

disarmed at the end of the war and put

back in chains in spite of promises of

freedom for their blood sacrifices.

From 10 million indigenous people

who once inhabited land now called

North America there were maybe

300,000 surviving descendants in 1900.

From the legacy of internal genocide

and slavery the u.s. went on to

colonialism around the world, killing

millions to create puppet governments

that support the Amerikan "right" to

exploit the people and resources of the

Third World. 40,000 children die every

Fourth of July: Whose Independence?

Continued on next page...

survey of public libraries across

the United $tates found that in

recent months about 8% "had

been asked by federal or local law

enforcement officers for information

about patrons related to Sept. 11." (1)

Almost all of these libraries were in large

urban areas. (3) For about 30 years prior

to September 11, library records --

traditionally, what books people checked

out, and more recently including their use

of public Internet stations -- were

protected by privacy laws at the state

level in almost every state. But thanks to

section 215 of the U.$.A. Patriot Act,

which "allows an FBI agent to obtain a

search warrant for `any tangible thing,'

[including] books, records, papers,

floppy disks, data tapes, and computers

with hard drives," the state laws are now

overridden.(2)

The American Library Association, a

professional and lobbying organization

whose most recent bourgeois liberal

victories include defeat of mandatory

Internet filtering in public libraries (the

Children's Internet Protection Act),

correctly opposes these new and

expansive police powers, which clash

with the ALA's First Amendment

sensibilities and professional ethics

safeguarding privacy. The Patriot Act

"permits the FBI to compel production

of library circulation records, Internet use

records, and registration information

stored in any medium [and] does not

require the agent to demonstrate

Congress authorizes FBI to snoop in public libraries

`probable cause,' the existence of

specific facts to support the belief that a

crime has been committed or that the

items sought are evidence of a crime.

Instead, the agent only needs to claim

[in front of a court that meets in secret

(3)] that he believes that the records he

wants may be related to an ongoing

investigation related to terrorism or

intelligence activities." Finally, the Act

makes it illegal for libraries served with

search warrants to disclose their

existence, or to warn patrons that they

are being investigated. (2)

The ALA has issued guidelines to

libraries to help prevent their staff from

becoming the newest deputized agents

of the police state. These guidelines

include not capturing or retaining

personal information about patrons

beyond what is needed to operate the

library, protecting private information

(such as sign-in sheets) from public view,

and, if served with a subpoena, to

monitor searches carefully, ensuring that

no additional information is gathered

along with what is permissible in the

court order. Judith Krug, ALA director

for intellectual freedom, told the

Associated Press "`It's unfortunate

because these records and this

information can be had with so little

reason or explanation,' ... `It's super

secret and anyone who wants to talk about

what the FBI did at their library faces

prosecution. That has nothing to do with

patriotism.'" (3)

MIM disagrees. Xenophobia and police

repression are patriotic Amerikan values.

MIM urges people to break with

patriotism and recognize that laws like

the U.$.A Patriot Act are not exceptions

but more extreme examples of legislation

as usual. This is why Maoists say, "there

are no rights, only power struggles," and

why MIM cautions its supporters to

protect against police linkage of their

persynal identities with political activism.

The American Library Association,

along with the American Civil Liberties

Union and other liberal organizations like

it, fight battles for bourgeois "rights" that

in the context of escalating police power

become important united front issues.

While we have never trusted bourgeois

liberal groups to protect the people from

the police, we will support their efforts

to resist police encroachment in ways that

make more operating room for political

organizing against imperialism.

Notes:

1. San Francisco Chronicle, 23 June 02.

2. American Library Association, "The

USA Patriot Act in the Library," <http://

w w w . a l a . o r g / a l a o r g / o i f /

usapatriotlibrary.html>

3. Associated Press, 24 June 02.

Xenophobia and police repression

are

patriotic Amerikan values.

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 4

Fourth of July

day in the Third World from starvation

or simple preventable diseases. This is

the legacy of imperialism where there is

sufficient food to feed everyone but the

rich get fat while the poor die of

starvation.

At home, the United $tates has been

the world's leading prison-state per capita

for the last 25 years. To find a comparison

with U.$. imprisonment of Black people,

there is no statistic in any country that

compares including apartheid South

Africa of the era before Mandela was

president.

The rich and the U.S. government

spend money at home and abroad to win

elections. When the Yankee imperialists

and their lackeys lose elections they send

in the Marines and depose elected

governments or pay to subvert them.

Money or guns settle the matter, not the

interests of the majority. The U.$.

government serves the minority: the

settlers in this country who have achieved

wealth and power at the expense of the

majority of the world's people.

MIM believes survival rights--the

right to sufficient food, decent health

care, basic shelter and sanitation--are

self-evident. Those who deny the

oppressed these rights, forcing starvation,

disease and poverty on the people, should

be actively repressed. The majority has

a right to rise up and overthrow the

Amerikan tyranny by whatever means

necessary. And we in this settler society

have a responsibility to support the just

struggles of the nations oppressed by

Amerikan imperialism.

After MIM spoke an audience member

rose his hand and asked if he could make

a "pro-Amerika" statement. MIM takes

this as a sign that our message was clear:

we condemn Amerika for it's history of

genocide and for the genocide that is

ongoing Amerikan imperialism.

Afterward a number of people at the

event stopped by our literature table to

commend MIM's correct line on the

historical reality of the United $tates.

MIM agrees with the All People's

Coalition that the principal contradiction

in humyn society is that between

oppressor and oppressed nations. Some

member organizations underestimate the

extent that parasitism influences

Amerikans. We caution these groups that

moderate success pulling off progressive

events in big, international cities like Los

Angeles, San Francisco, and New York

is not indicative of the mood in Amerika

as a whole. The APSP and APSC have a

class analysis much closer to MIM's. We

disagree on the extent that parasitism also

affects oppressed nations within U.$.

borders, the universal applicability of

Maoism, the role of individuals from

oppressor nations in the revolutionary

movement, and other issues. Interested

readers can find details of our differences

in MIM Theory 8, available for $5 from

the address on page two.

Continued from previous page...

Music review: Diskarte Namin
diskartenamin@onebox.com
415-626-3350

Alternating between reggae, hip hop,

rock, acoustic and tradition Filipino

sounds Diskarte Namin (which means

Our Strategy in Tagalog) kicks out a

powerful political message. Calling

themselves cultural workers, the band

members make a point of explaining the

message behind each song and telling

audiences that they are all activists.

Rocking shows up and down the west

coast, Diskarte Namin can usually be

found in the Bay Area playing political

events.

The lyrics don't spare words, with each

song pushing the fight for national

liberation. In the song 100 Years, one of

the Diskarte lead singers declares "100

years after bridges were built from

America to overseas / Now we're 2

million strong in a land that is rich with

a few opportunities / No more little

brown brothers sisters, no more of this

bullshit about backward friends / Now

we're 2 million strong in America means

that we all are our homeland's revenge /

No more of the silence / No more will

we hide from our past / We will fight for

a future / Where we take back our place

in our land / act out our pride in our land

/ take back our land."

In this same song the lead rapper

pushes the struggle: "United States to this

day is raping us Filipinos ... Our strategy

a full frontal attack ... and when the dust

clears we'll grab our land back ... and

we won't stop until all our people are

free."

In the song Diaspora about Filipino

wimmin forced into the sex trade to

support their families, Diskarte proclaims

"Now in the darkness, neons flash the

music starts / I dance to rhythms of a

thousand lonely hearts / these men

between my legs, they thrust a million

lies / but these men between my legs,

they're how my children survive."

Their support for the national liberation

struggles of the Filipino people comes

through clear in songs in both English

and Tagalog. The English songs are all

original and those in Tagalog are

traditional resistance songs of the

Philippines. Diskarte Namin performs at

political events and hold fundraisers for

political causes, always keeping the

activism front and center in their cultural

work. The band's brochure provides a

few columns of info on the group

alongside listings for Filipino activist

organizations and information about

several political struggles, encouraging

people to get involved. At concerts they

make political literature available and sell

"Serve the People" buttons and t-shirts.

In their own words: "To counteract

silence and oppression, Diskarte uses

music as a tool for organizing, spitting

hard-hitting political messages to

listeners drawn in by the danceable

music."

The band has recorded a short demo

CD which lacks polish but makes up for

it including a traditional Tagalog song

performed at a political event with a

talented guest flutist and a track with

recordings of various Filipino and

Amerikan politicians spewing political

lies about the Philippines and reactionary

garbage about global political events

while declaring the Philippines

subservient to the United $tates.

According to one band member

interviewed by MIM "Diskarte works

with student groups to connect issues of

gentrification, commodification and

discrimination here with issues of

globalization and third world liberation

in the Philippines and around the globe,

and we encourage students to produce

cultural work of their own creation."

Diskarte Namin focuses on "our

opposition to the very real problems of

gentrification, racial and immigrant

discrimination, and worker exploitation."

MIM stands with Diskarte in

opposition to these symptoms of national

oppression. And we agree with them that

focusing on fighting national oppression

under imperialism means attacking

pieces of the system. In many cases this

means fighting for reform within the

system while building for revolutionary

change. Diskarte's lyrics correct connect

these reforms to the battle for national

liberation.

MIM's main disagreement with

Diskarte is on the question of worker

exploitation. MIM sees discrimination in

the workplace which results in a

relatively lower wage and worse working

conditions for the oppressed nations

within U.$. borders (including Filipino

workers). But on the whole, we can not

call the wages received by documented

workers in this country exploitation.

MIM uses the definition of exploitation

from Marx which states that exploitation

is the extraction of surplus labor from the

workers by the capitalists. Essentially this

means the bourgeoisie pays the workers

less than the value of their labor.

As we wrote in the essay "On the

internal class structure of the internal

semi-colonies": "The `Brown' peoples

are the most proletarian within the

internal semi-colonies. There are also

immigrant Haitians and African

nationalities and `boat people' from

Asia--all terribly exploited or super-

exploited and oppressed. To the extent

that these people are workers and they

are subjected to oppression outside the

law applying to U.$. citizen laborers, we

can say there is a small Black and Asian

proletariat. What we must be clear about

though is that only class sectors

dominated by undocumented work in the

productive sectors form a proletariat. Not

even all undocumented people are

proletariat or lumpenproletariat. A good

portion enters the petty-bourgeoisie

immediately upon migration through

family connections and various legal

fronts.

"The vast majority of the employed

Black, First Nation and Asian-descended

peoples is labor aristocracy or higher. An

examination of the figures in

`Imperialism and Its Class Structure in

1997' makes clear that the repatriation

of profits from the Third World, the

transfer of surplus-value from the

productive sector in the Third World to

the unproductive sector in the First World

and the administrative fixing of prices by

multinational corporations to artificially

lower prices of Third World goods and

thus disguise transfer of surplus-labor --

all these add up to such an extent that it

is impossible to see any proletariat where

there is an imperialist country minimum

wage in effect. That minimum wage is

almost ten times the average wage in the

Third World."

Diskarte Namin responded to MIM's

comments on their positions stating: "We

are all revolutionaries whose ideologies

are rooted in community organizing and

empowering people locally to think and

act in support of radical change

throughout the world. Because our work

is rooted in community we see that issues

of discrimination and homelessness and

worker rights are real issues affecting real

people, and that these issues rather than

being mere symptoms are integral

mechanisms of the system that need to

be attacked and ameliorated as the

groundwork of any revolutionary

movement. Any other stance would

alienate us from the people we work with

and serve."

For MIM it is important to be clear on

the class structure of the people within

imperialist borders because it will

determine our strategy and how we fight

specific battles. But this disagreement

with Diskarte and other organizers of the

oppressed nations within U.$. borders

does not keep MIM from working with

these groups. MIM's position is still that

the principal contradiction within u.s.

borders is between imperialism and the

oppressed nations. And so we unite with

these groups in fighting for the national

liberation of the internal semi-colonies,

tying these struggles to the battles of the

international proletariat against

imperialism.

The revolutionary movement needs

more cultural workers. Diskarte Namin

sets an example for musicians and other

artists, putting their talents to good use

and helping to build the National

Democratic movement in the Philippines

by building the anti-imperialist

movement in the U.$.

Filipino cultural workers build national liberation movement

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 5

MAOIST MOVIE REVIEWS

Men in Black II
Starring Tommy Lee
Jones & Will Smith

oles are reversed in "Men in

Black II" (MIBII), because in

this episode, Agent J is the

experienced intergalactic cop, while

Agent K comes back from working in the

post office, which, by the way, director

Barry Sonnendale tells the audience is

composed almost entirely of aliens. The

new elements of MIBII are more

progressive than the story carried over

from the original "Men in Black,"

although the eponymous agency

composed of intergalactic elite cops still

strives mightily to keep the population

ignorant yet somewhat protected from the

outside universe.

In the future depicted by "Men in

Black," customs and immigration, trade

and black markets remain important with

the same dynamics as we see now under

imperialism. The recognizable black

market trade in the universe includes

evermore sophisticated handguns,

including the "Reverberating

Carbonizer," "Noisy Cricket" and the

more rifle-like "Series 4 Deatomizer."

With such a "vision" of the future, the

Hollywood bourgeoisie reassures the rest

of the bourgeoisie that its rule is

permanent, while details such as what the

latest guns are, which government

agencies do what and which aliens are

the truly important ones all change.

Being a sequel, MIBII operates within

the framework of the original reactionary

premise; nonetheless, important new

elements do arise within MIBII. The

movie opens with a space alien deciding

to take the form of a "Victoria Secret"

model. A species both flower-like and

snake-like poses as a magazine model,

and immediately ingests a would-be

rapist in the park, only to defecate the

rapist in order to regain her figure.

For the rest of the movie, we are left

wondering whether the villain is right,

that with the right set of mammary

glands, evil can take over the world. It

certainly seems that the villain Serleena,

the Kylothian monster has her tentacles

around most of the world. Another new

bad guy has a prison record for selling

away the ozone of Earth. These new "bad

guys" appear to be softcore pornography

and pollution incarnate; yet Agent J and

Agent K are still just super-cops.

MIBII is witty and mentally

challenging compared with most movies;

the acting is good and overall MIBII is

an expensive-to-produce-movie, a real

work of art. MIBII also has the added

bonus relative to the original that it seeks

to put things "in proportion." From

MIBII's instant sociology and

anthropology, we learn of a society that

lives in a locker and that worships a wrist

watch, an MIB agent, commercials they

have heard somewhere and pornography.

MIBII even seems dialectical somewhat

in pointing out that the universe seems

to have infinite depth in both directions--

universes smaller than the MIB universe

and universes that may be larger and

making Earth seem like little more than

a locker in Grand Central Station. If there

is an MIBIII, we hope it continues to add

in more positive elements, the way MIBII

did. We still feel that most of the effort

going into MIBII is wasted, but we could

easily see how this movie could be

improved in progressive directions.

MIBII: Drivel, but not completely worthless

Minority Report
Directed by Steven
Spielberg

review by MC12

teven Spielberg expresses some

very contemporary liberalism in

his new movie, Minority Report.

For him, there is a divine spirit within

individual people. This is especially

apparent in people who are suffering

victims. In Schindler's List, it was the

little girl in the red dress, the only thing

that wasn't black-and-white in the movie.

In A.I. (Artificial Intelligence),

Spielberg's last movie, this humyn spirit

miraculously appeared in androids that

were programmed to act emotionally.

In Minority Report, this ideal humyn

spirit is found in the "pre-cognitives."

These are the children of drug-addicted

mothers, born with what looks like

autism, but with the power to see or feel

murders in the future. (Not all future

events -- that would be too unrealistic

-- just murders, because those are

especially damaging to the universe's

soul.)

In Minority Report, as in A.I.,

Spielberg's divinity is threatened by

Technology. For him, the principal

contradiction under advanced capitalism

is that between ever-increasing

Technology on the one hand, and Civil

Liberties on the other. As Technology

Technophobia long on problems, short on solutions

grows, Civil Liberties are threatened.

And only the victory of Civil Liberties

can protect the human spirit from the

death grip of Technology.

MIM sees things differently, of course.

It is true that the imperialists use

technology in many ways that erode the

rights and liberties afforded different

classes under bourgeois democracy. We

do not doubt that if imperialism is still

around in 50 years, we could all be having

our retinas scanned every time we get on

the subway, and that the police will be

free to deploy robotic retina-scanning

spiders into the housing projects when

they are searching for so-called criminals.

But we don't put as much stock as

Spielberg does in the liberal defense of

civil liberties to stop this future from

coming to pass.

[Spielberg is basically appealing to the

good will of the bourgeoisie: "Don't

exploit people too much; do unto others

etc." Problem is, people have been saying

this to the oppressors for thousands of

years to no avail. Communists did more

to eliminate oppression in the 20th

century than Christians did in the 19

previous centuries--and the Communists

decidedly did not base their strategy on

appealing to "humyn divinity."]

We are also not as afraid of technology.

Under a system of different social

relations, we would not fear the effects

of advanced technology. We oppose the

development of nuclear weapons and

advanced surveillance systems by

imperialist powers today, but we are not

inherently afraid of nuclear power or

artificial intelligence. Social relations are

the key determinant in the effects of

technology, not technology itself. (And

of course, what technology is developed

depends on social relations -- there is

no predetermined linear development of

technology that must be either stopped

or advanced.)

Despite his vision of how amazing

technology will be in 50 years,

Spielberg's view of society is very static.

Nothing else is really different. The

underpinnings of imperialism, class

structure and conflict, the raging World

War Three, all of these issues remain

invisible (except that he does show that

there are still poor people in Washington,

D.C. -- who spend their time having sex,

engaging in domestic violence, or

fearfully clutching their children). Good

science fiction shows a vision of a social

future that offers much more for the

present. For Spielberg, it's all about

whether technology will let you shop at

the Gap in peace, or the police will arrest

you for a crime you are about to commit.

So little has changed that he even still

has the FBI as the good guys, and the

privatized policing company as the bad

guys.

Minority Report offers some exciting

action scenes, with dramatic moments as

the plot unfolds, some good acting and

some neat technological ideas backed by

big-budget effects. Some people will

enjoy it just for that. We can recommend

it only as a lesson in the shallowness of

liberalism's critique of present social

relations and its paltry vision for the

future.

Spieldberg's conception

of human divinity among

suffering victims, and the

threat of Technology.

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 6

Militarism is

war-mongering or

the advocacy of

war or actual

carrying out of war

or its preparations.

While true

pacifists condemn

all violence as

equally repugnant,

we Maoists do not

consider self-

defense or the

violence of oppressed nations against

imperialism to be militarism.

Militarism is mostly caused by

imperialism at this time. Imperialism

is the highest stage of capitalism--

seen in countries like the United

$tates, England and France.

Under capitalism, capitalists often

profit from war or its preparations.

Yet, it is the proletariat that does the

dying in the wars. The proletariat

wants a system in which people do not

have self-interest on the side of war-

profiteering or war for imperialism.

Militarism is one of the most

important reasons to overthrow

capitalism. It even infects oppressed

nations and causes them to fight each

other.

It is important not

to let capitalists risk

our lives in their

ideas about war and

peace or the

environment. They

have already had

two world wars

admitted by

themselves in the

last 100 years and

they are conducting

a third right now

against the Third World.

Even a one percent annual chance of

nuclear war destruction caused by

capitalist aggressiveness or "greed" as

the people call it should not be tolerated

by the proletariat. After playing

Russian Roulette (in which the bullet

chamber is different each time and not

related at all to the one that came up in

previous spins) with 100 chambers and

one bullet, the chance of survival is

only 60.5% after 50 turns. In other

words, a seemingly small one percent

annual chance of world war means

eventual doom. After 100 years or turns

of Russian Roulette, the chances of

survival are only 36.6%. After 200

years, survival has only a 13.4%

chance.

What is militarism?

The assassination of President Gonzalo

negotiations over the people's war were

not written by President Gonzalo.

According to his confession verifying

their authorship, the writer was Rafael

Merino Bartet, (Declarations to Caretas

Magazine, May 9th 2002). Merino's

declarations do more than uncover the

real author of the peace letters: they also

reveal inconsistencies in their

management and set-up. As we will

show, as a result of the lies with which

for 9 years the government has attempted

to conceal the disappearance of the

guerilla leader, and put up a peace accord

that never took place, Merino's account

is inconsistent when compared with

statements by Montesinos (in the

vladivideos).

It is now also known, according to

Vladimiro Montesinos, that the plan

developed and carried out by the SIN to

make Gonzalo capitulate was called

Andean Flood, or Andean Tempest,

according to statements made by Merino

to the magazine Caretas. In Merino's

version the plan had two phases: Phase

A consisted of information gathering

about the prisoner and Phase B consisted

in convincing President Gonzalo that his

capture represented the beheading of the

organization, and that capitulation was

the only option. Merino conceals the

methods that were used in both phases.

There is no doubt that this plan was

carried out in the cellars of the National

Intelligence Service and that the

ingredients were torture, crime,

cinematic set-up, falsification of letters

and abundant media publicity. The

pivotal elements in support of the Andean

Flood plan were the videos about

President Gonzalo, and the peace letters

that Fujimori as well as Montesinos and

Merino have produced in order to show

the verity of Gonzalo's capitulation.

Merino is a 69 year old civilian who spent

34 years providing services for the

military. Since 1968 he's clung onto the

successive military dictatorships. He

served General Velasco Alvarado, and

later General Morales Bermudez. In 1980

(at the end of direct military dictatorship)

he began his career under the SIN and

since 1990 he has been under the

leadership of Montesinos.

We now also know (according to

testimony provided in this article) that

upon his disappearance Gonzalo was

replaced by a person who physically

doubled as President Gonzalo. The

virtual life of President Gonzalo is based

upon this theatrical production. This

laboratory resurrection now serves as

propaganda for Gonzalo's hunger strike

or the more recent (May 1st) dialogue

between the President of the Commission

for Truth and Reconciliation and the

guerrilla leader. It has also been

discovered that Montesinos was the one

in charge of the Central Committee of

the Communist Party of Peru which since

1993 the SIN has operated from the

Callao Naval Base. Via the vladivideos

Montesinos himself discloses how he

organized and directed the central

committee's debates which were

composed of Osman Morote, Edmundo

Cox, Maria Pantoja and other capitulators

who have been working for Montesinos

and the SIN.

Peace Letters: the strategic
dimension and the death
of Dr. Guzman

The peace letters are the key to

understanding why Fujimori and

Montesinos secretly executed the leader

of the Peruvian guerrilla instead of

following their original plan of

September 1992, which was approved by

a council of ministers, to execute him

before the firing squad. Why the letters?

The letters constituted the marrow of a

strategic, long-term, anti-subversive plan

whose fundamental purpose was the

application of a police program aimed at

liquidating the ideological and political

framework (Gonzalo Thought) of the

Maoist guerillas. Montesinos himself

said that the application of this

psychological program was to ensure the

strategic defeat of Sendero Luminoso. In

effect the American experts, who had

been actively participating since 1980 in

the struggle against the Maoist guerillas,

as well as the Peruvian police, were

convinced that Gonzalo's capture

(September 1992), while an important

event in the counterrevolutionary

struggle, was far from destroying

Sendero Luminoso.

The official propaganda identifying the

capture of President Gonzalo with the

strategic defeat of the People's War

deflated as soon as subversive activity

in Peru increased. While official military

and police figures registered 2,992

subversive actions, by 1993 they had

grown to 3,760. Both police and

American officials noticed that this

reality was diametrically opposite to that

of the propaganda about the defeat of

Sendero Luminoso. Colonel Benedicto

Jimenez Bacca, an ex-chief of the

Peruvian Anti-Terrorist Police

(DINCOTE), and a member of the team

that captured President Gonzalo said:

Abimael Guzman Reynoso's detention

on September 12th, 1992, along with

three other members of the Central

Committee was an important victory

solely from the tactical, and not strategic

standpoint (Benedicto Jimenez Bacca in

Inicio, Desarrollo y Ocaso del Terrorismo

en el Peru, Tomo II, May 2000. Origin,

Development and Downfall of Terrorism

in Peru, Vol. II May, 2000 Trans.). What

could be done to ensure that the capture

of the Maoist leader should go from a

wishful victory into the strategic defeat

of subversion? This very question was

framed in more solemn terms by the U.S.

Congressional Subcommittee on Western

Hemispheric Affairs. Just a few days

prior to the capture of President Gonzalo,

on September 23, 1992 this session of

the American congress called a special

meeting to analyze the "Sendero

Phenomenon." This meeting was

presided by Robert G. Torricelli and

posed a single question: The most

immediate concern, however, is what to

do with Guzman and how to ensure that

his capture results in the demise of the

guerilla organization, Sendero Luminoso.

The Andean Storm plan emerged by

means of questions like those posed in

the American Senate with the purpose of

demolish[ing] Gonzalo Thought and

attempt thereby to liquidate the

ideological fiber of the Peruvian

Revolution.

Indeed, as we said in Operation

Capitulation, the political goal of the

peace letters was to shatter the unity

between Gonzalo Thought and Gonzalo

himself. It was clear that undermining the

PCP's ideological and political

foundations could not be accomplished

through state agencies, and much less

from the police and the armed forces

which by their very nature and

intellectual composition are incapable of

facing-off against subversion on this

terrain. The official political parties and

their most famous intellectual ideologues

(senderologists, etc.) had failed in this

arena since 1980 when they made several

vain attempts at opposing the doctrine

and theoretical principles of the Peruvian

Maoists.

The only way to achieve the goal was

to pit Gonzalo against Gonzalo, or rather

to make the leader of the Peruvian

guerillas reject the entire practical and

theoretical path he had covered since the

first half of the 1960's until the time of

his capture. Fundamentally, they sought

to put him up as rejecting his ideological

and political principles and his militant

practice of Marxist doctrine. By way of

the peace letter scheme, President

Gonzalo who prior to his capture had

labeled Fujimori everything from a poor

devil, scheming and cynical to a prickly

pear strung onto the bayonets a man with

no principles (Discourse and

Commentary, 2nd Plenum of the Central

Committee, April 1992), now warmed up

to his gifts as a victorious president with

whom it was possible to establish peace

negotiations. In the same way, if he had

before said that war was the only way to

solve the problems of the poor in Peru,

now he said that peace was a national and

inescapable necessity of Peruvian

society. If in September 1992 (Discourse

from the Cell) he called for continuing

the People's War, he now said that people

should abandon it and turn themselves

over to Fujimori's police. If earlier he

said that bureaucrat capitalism was not

viable, he now said that Fujimori was

preparing the groundwork for the

country's economic development and,

naturally, for bureaucrat capitalism. If

earlier he said that leadership never dies,

Continued from page 1...

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MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 7

he now said that the party had been be-

headed and that there was no use in

continuing the struggle for power. If in

his last discourse he called for the

creation of the People's Liberation Army,

he now said it should be dissolved. And

successively, in this fashion, engrossed

in the negation of his life and work,

President Gonzalo went from being the

foremost of the great political and

revolutionary strategists in Peru and

Latin America to a low-level politician

who turned global and national problems

on their head and analyzed them stupidly.

The source of the strategic dimension

of the peace letters was a mobster regime

that governed the country

unscrupulously, where the arts of

deception, trickery, conspiracy, swindling

and political deceit supplied the alchemy

for transforming day into night and

falsehood into truth. One of the principal

characteristics of the political context for

the peace letters was the state's dictatorial

policy and administration over judicial

power and the media. Now that the

vladivideos have been revealed we know

that the government mob handed out

millions of dollars to the daily papers, to

magazines and to television stations. In

this environment the SIN and other

military and political agencies had

absolute control over news and

information. On this favorable terrain and

medium of conspiracy the peace letters

flourished, from the beginning shrouded

by the incoherent lies fabricated by

Vladimiro Montesinos and the SIN. It is

important to note that absolutely

everything that the Peruvian press

reported on since October of 1993

regarding the peace letters was

exclusively nurtured by the hands of the

SIN and Vladimiro Montesinos. There

is no known independent investigation

of Peruvian journalism regarding this

fact. In light of this fact, the information

about the peace letters and Gonzalo's

Capitulation from beginning to end had

a political, anti-subversive aim.

A collection of schemes and
inconsistent lies

To put an end to whatever doubts

remain about the true origin of the peace

letters with the SIN and not with

president Gonzalo it is sufficient to trace

the absurdity and incoherence of the lies.

For example, on December 13th, 1993

on Channel 2 (TV operated by

Montesinos) Fujimori disproved that the

Peruvian government was negotiating

with the chief of the Maoist guerrilla of

whom he said: his capitulation was

unsuccessful due to the rigid mental

framework of the leader of the subversive

war. He added that Abimael Guzman

does not have access to television nor

radio. He does not get newspapers nor

magazines and only has a Catholic Bible

which he re-reads continuously (La

Republica, September 13, 1993). Oddly

on the same day that the interview with

Fujimori was broadcast, the SIN was

conducting the first recording of the

reading of the peace letters(as is

chronicled in a document entitled Taking

up and Struggling for the New Great

Decision and Definition that the

government attributed to president

Gonzalo and that the SIN was in charge

of distributing in Peru and abroad). Did

Fujimori not know this?

Two days after making these

declarations, on September 15, merely 48

hours after noting the failure of Gonzalo's

capitulation, Fujimori receives the first

peace letter pleading the negotiation of

the people's war. We can't forget the

curious fact that the first peace letter was

made public on October 1st, 1993 at U.N.

headquarters. This was the same place

where in August 1990 the North

American contingent presented the

staged film (the murder of 300 newborns

in Kuwait) as a humanitarian and moral

pretext to get the U.N. Security Council

to approve a war against the State of Iraq.

What sort of miracle took place so that

Gonzalo, whom on television Fujimori

admitted was completely isolated from

the outside world and who read only the

Bible would end up signing the

capitulation declaration? This

inconsistency becomes more notorious

when on October 6, 1993 (almost 20 days

after the first letter) Gonzalo once again,

while locked up in a hole in the ground

and having eyes only for the Bible, sends

a second, more explicit letter that claims

to contain an analysis of the concrete

situation in Peru that affirms the defeat

of the People's War and throws praise on

the progress achieved by Fujimori. How

was he able to carry out a concrete

analysis without being able to look out

at reality? The trickery in this case is

evident and the authors and originators

of this analysis are easily discerned.

Fujimori and Montesinos were the only

ones interested in presenting a flowery

picture of the situation in Peru. They were

interested in showing the opposite of the

brutality of this reality. In October 1993

the political system in Peru was breaking

apart because of the military coup led by

Fujimori and Montesinos and the

corruption at the State level was limitless.

Bankruptcy at the economic, social and

political levels was at its highest and its

most significant manifestation was the

poverty of more than 60% of the

population in Peru. The advance of the

Maoist guerrilla was more than evident

in this context, and was expressed

(according to government figures) in 305

guerrilla actions per month.

But the irrationality and incoherence

in the story of the peace letters does not

spring forth exclusively from Peru's ex-

president. Both Vladimiro Montesinos

and Rafael Merino, each of which lays

claim to Gonzalo's capitulation,

continuously resort to glaring

contradictions on this topic. For example,

in a secret conversation held on April 14,

1998 with U.S. agents, Montesinos says

that he spent one year working to get the

Peace Letters signed and that every night

he had to talk to Abimael Guzman from

10 PM to 3 or 4 AM (Transcript of

vladivideo 876, April 14 1998). For his

part, Rafael Merino Bartet says that it

took him three or four meetings to crush

Guzman and lead him the point of

capitulation made him realize that there

was no sense in carrying on with the

armed struggle, says Merino. And

successively in this fashion, one after the

other they take turns making up the most

disparate lies. Talking about a video with

images of President Gonzalo buying into

the peace letters Montesinos says that it

took him a year to make the recording.

On the very same topic, Merino says he

made a similar film but that it was made

on the first days of meeting with Gonzalo.

Speaking about President Gonzalo

Montesinos says: he is an analyst brain

philosopher, he is not just any man, that

is, he speaks profoundly; he is a thinker,

a very fine man, a genius, a brilliant

person. (Transcript of vladivideo876,

April 14 1998). When speaking about the

intellectual level of President Gonzalo

Merino says: I was profoundly

disillusioned. I thought I would face-off

with a heavyweight but I found only a

featherweight. I got the impression of

being in front of a one-book man.

Abimael only knew Mao (Declarations

to Caretas Magazine, May 9th 2002).

Why are there so many inconsistencies

in the official story about the peace letters

and President Gonzalo? Wouldn't it

suffice to tell one story and settle the

matter that way? The method of

divulging different versions of what

happened in order to hide the real story

is a decades-old army and intelligence

agency trick. In military jargon its called

psycho-social warfare or intelligence

warfare. The web of lies by Fujimori,

Montesinos and Merino serves to throw

the story into chaos and thereby conceal

President Gonzalo's disappearance and

cover up the entire scheme by way of the

peace letters. These apparently harmless

and oftentimes stupid stories have a well

established political aim. For example,

Merino says that in one of his

conversations with Guzman they asked

him if he would have killed us had he

seized power. Obviously he said no and

that instead the party would have given

us important positions. We asked him

which positions. He said that Dr.

Montesinos would have been Minister of

the Interior and that I would have been

in charge of the National Intelligence

Service (Ceretas Magazine, May 9,

2002). Merino's invention has a concrete

purpose here: to paint President Gonzalo

as a poor man for whom it took merely a

few weeks in prison in order to lose all

traces of the class character of his

organization and the socialist

underground. And this to the extent that

he could name Montesinos Minister of

the Interior instead of serving him justice

through capital punishment!

There are many other indications just

like the example we have just mentioned

that demonstrate that the peace letters

were added to a scheme that began in

1993 and which through subtler means

continues to this day. In one of the

vladivideos one can see the cynicism

with which Montesinos is treating the

whole issue including the lies that he was

telling to his closest allies. In the

transcript to vladivideo no. A15-B8

Montesinos is talking to Tuleda Van

Brugel. Here he says that Gonzalo told

him that the interview conducted by El

Diario in July 1988 never took place and

that it was a scheme that he (Abimael

Guzman) had authorized to prove that it

took place. Montesinos tells the story of

his alleged conversation with the guerilla

leader in the following way: Look, in

1988 you came out with the interview,

Arce Borja did it in El Diario The

Interview of the Century. Is it or is it not

true? Well, he (Gonzalo) said, I really

didn't do it: I never gave it, but I

authorized that they do it to make it look

like it took place (Audio transcription by

the Congress of the Republic, October

13, 2001). The Montesinos-Tudela

conversation is an exceptional example

that shows how Montesinos put the most

The assassination of President Gonzalo

Continued on next page...

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 8

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absurd lies into the mouth of the

President. To affirm that the guerilla

leader said that the interview was a

fiction made up by El Diario at that

instant corresponded to the government's

aspirations to strike from the map the

entire invaluable theoretical legacy,

realized in a space of 30 years of social

struggle, by the leader of the Peruvian

guerrillas. "The Interview of the

Century," as we call it, is an authentic

document of the Peruvian revolution and

one of the best examples of Peruvian

journalism. Additionally, it is impossible

to think that (in so far as he is alive)

President Gonzalo could negate an

interview that was realized in line with

an accord of the First Congress of the

PCP which took place in 1988. The

negation of the "Interview of the

Century" by Montesinos carries the same

trademark as the peace letters. This

chicanery has been leisurely organized

with the security of knowing that the

long-disappeared Gonzalo could do

nothing to correct those who slandered

him.

Contrary to what has officially been

said, the peace letters did not seek to

establish political negotiations between

the guerrillas and the government.

Whether its in Peru or any other country,

negotiations between subversives and the

State lay out contesting elements which

discuss principles and demands in line

with the political character of the

negotiations (capitulation, diplomatic

proceedings etc.) In the Peruvian case,

armed struggle could never be negotiated

by those bound to it, not even by its

highest leaders whom, upon capture (for

reasons of party security and through the

application of logical norms) are isolated

by the leadership of the war. As a scheme

and anti-subversive plan the case of the

peace letters only brought benefit to its

inventors (the government). In the

hypothetical case that President Gonzalo

had negotiated with Montesinos, he at

least had the chance to demand relief

from the hard prison system where he

was kept and from his cell, more than 6

meters underground. Because nothing

like this has taken place publicly its

absurd to think that the negotiations ever

took place. Even the most ingenious of

mortals knows that in the course of a

negotiation demands are made and

something is won. Dealing with a

guerrilla war like the one in Peru which

by 1993 realized 4 thousand military

activities per year, negotiations, had they

taken place, would have been much more

substantive and practicable. In this case,

the negotiators (which have been

presented as guerrilla leaders) could have

come away with juicy personal benefits

and, why not even liberty? It appears not

to have been like this and the capitulators,

like Morote, Maria Pantoja, Cox

Beuzeville and others that laid

themselves down like a rug before

Montesinos are still in prison, just as

before, and can only hit on hunger strikes

to continue peddling the knick-knack of

capitulation.

The Murder and virtual life of
President Gonzalo

According to the sinister logic of the

peace letters, President Gonzalo had to

be assassinated in order resurrect later on

and demand a peace accord with

Fujimori. In this chapter of the secret

history of the peace letters Montesinos,

under the guidance of experts from the

American CIA and supported by the

government and the armed forces is in

charge of constructing the virtual life of

the guerilla leader. There was no

technical or political difficulties in

preparing the stage nor in presenting the

peace letters as if they had originated

with President Gonzalo. The money

available for this was incalculable. The

dollars came from drug trafficking,

looting the state and direct North

American collaboration. Both

Montesinos and Fujimori received more

than $100,000.00 annually from drug

sales. All of this with approval from the

CIA. As pointed out by the article by the

American journalist, Karen de Young, on

several occasions the CIA argued that

Montesinos was a good ally of the U.S.

and that the accusations raised against

him regarding human rights and narco-

trafficking had not been confirmed

(Washington Post, September 22, 2002).

Montesinos was, in effect, the favored

godson of the CIA and it is with this

agency's support that Fujimori's advisor

dares also to fabricate a manipulative film

scheme against General MacCaffrey, the

czar in the U.S. war on drugs.

Between 1990 and 2002 the CIA

secretly turned over 10 million dollars

to Montesinos to fund national

intelligence work. The biggest fraction

of this was used to finance the fabrication

of the peace letters. Apart from the

money, the political classes in Peru and

their parties, sinking lower in a process

of total decomposition transformed into

docile opponents of a regime that held

complete control over the State and Civil

Society. Part of this control the SIN held

over the country's television, most of the

daily newspapers, magazines and radio

stations. As is now known, Montesinos

gave millions of dollars to various

television channels and to at least a dozen

printed media outlets. Under these

conditions and for a mob government that

imposed its will by means of crime,

repression and blackmail writing some

letters in President Gonzalo's script and

fabricating one or several videos for

television posed no problem.

The virtual life of President Gonzalo,

as stated by Montesinos, was a result of

the inspiration from a movie. This part

of the story came to light when

Montesinos narrated his evildoings to

Tudela, who at that time was Fujimori's

ambassador to the U.N. There, while

talking about the peace letters

Montesinos said the following: "That's

how it is and you know where I got that,

from the movie. Reading the text the

theme occurred to me. This work lasted

a year and later the President gets to the

U.N. with the letter asking for a Peace

Accord. Do you remember? That letter

took a year of work, a whole year

(Montesinos-Tudela conversation, Audio

transcription by the Congress of the

Republic, 13, October 2001). Through

this cinematic virtual life the guerrilla

leader disappeared physically only to

return to life by way of cinematic trickery

and why not replaced by an actor when

circumstances demanded it?

On this last part there is testimonial

proof that with certainty leads to the fact

that since 1993 someone assumed the

theatrical role of replacing the guerilla

leader. An important proof for this

conclusion was the accusation, not

publicized by any media, that was

delivered in a public communique

(March 2001) by a group of prisoners of

war at the Yanamayo penal compound.

The prisoners point out that on November

22 of 2000 they were taken from

Yanamayo to penal compound at the

Callao Naval Base to meet with President

Gonzalo. There they were taken to lounge

where they were visited after a while by

a naval official and someone who was

passing himself off as the leader of the

Maoist guerillas. The official said to them

here's your chief and a short conversation

ensued between the visitors and the

alleged President Gonzalo. The

conclusion arrived at by the Yanamayo

prisoners concerning their encounter with

the President Gonzalo they met at the

naval base was that this was an quite

rudimentary impostor with zero political

preparation. According to the Yanamayo

prisoners' narration, the person with

whom they talked demonstrated no

knowledge of party events and accords.

In their zeal to continue to hide the truth

and to continue to lie to the people with

that invented peace accord, which has

already failed, the reactionaries have

tried to fool us by supplanting President

Gonzalo. "An analysis of the facts leads

us to conclude that the possibility exists

that President Gonzalo has been

disappeared." (Yanamayo Penal

Compound Prisoners of War, March

2001).

Without a doubt, for Montesinos the

fabrication of the virtual life of President

Gonzalo is one of his greatest

accomplishments under the service of the

SIN. Placed on the anti-subversive scale,

this accomplishment carried more weight

than the capture of the guerrilla leader in

September of 1992. This did not go

unnoticed by Montesinos, who in

October 2000 (without anyone having

asked him) and while he was plainly out

of favor, via telephone announced to

Radio Programas del Peru that he saved

Abimael Guzman from the firing squad.

He also said that thanks to his invention,

a legal decree establishing that President

Gonzalo should be executed along with

Mrs. Myriam Iparraguirre and a third

leader of the PCP was not put into effect.

How can we interpret these statements

by Montesinos? It is clear that he was

sending a message to Fujimori,

reminding him that it was he

(Montesinos) who took care of

eliminating President Gonzalo and of

bringing him back to virtual life by means

of the peace letters.

El Diario Internacional No. 59.

Brussels, May 17, 2002

Translation: Studies for the Liberation

of Aztlan and Latin America

The assassination of President Gonzalo

What questions do YOU have?

Wasn't Mao a butcher? Why do you spell it "Amerika"? Shouldn't you
try non-violence first? What is internationalism? Isn't hating white

people reverse racism? Why don't you leftists work together? Why
don't you tone it down? What is a cardinal principle? What is your
program? What is necessary to join MIM? What concrete actions can I

take? How do I write articles for MIM? What is your copyright policy?

Go to http://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/faq

and get real answers to these and other questions.

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 9

Conference demands U.$. troops out of the Philippines now

capitalism is characterized by crises and

war. The wars are necessary to divide and

re-divide colonies in the world, to put

down the peoples' resistance to

imperialism, and to prop up the

imperialist economy with the production

of the tools of war.

U.$. invades Philippines (again)

Four thousand Amerikan troops have

been sent to the Philippines since

September 11. According to Maza, the

Filipino and Amerikan governments

want Amerikan soldiers in combat

situations. The Armed Forces of the

Philippines (AFP) is preparing for 5000

U.$. troops and an expansion beyond

Mindanao (where they are currently

located) to other areas of operation.

In the Filipino congress BAYAN

MUNA sponsored a resolution to

investigate the U.$. troops which are

currently carrying out "joint military

exercises" in the Philippines. These

troops were sent shortly after the

September 11 attacks on the World Trade

Center under the guise of fighting

terrorism. Filipino president Gloria

Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) immediately

offered to allow the U.$. military into the

Philippines in spite of the fact that this is

prohibited in the constitution of the

Philippines. She got around this by

inviting the troops for "military

exercises" rather than military

operations. The troops were purportedly

sent to help train the Philippine army to

fight the Abu Sayaaf, a small band of 100

thugs initially funded by the imperialists,

who could easily be crushed by the

Philippine military. The true goal of the

Amerikan military is to help crush the

strong national liberation movement in

the Philippines.

During the congressional investigation

into possible constitutional violations

Maza had the opportunity to question

military leaders responsible for the

relationship with the Amerikan troops.

She asked them about the difference

between military operations and military

exercises. The response was an

admission that the Amerikan troop

presence is a violation of the Filipino

constitution: "It's actually almost the

same. The definition of military exercises

changed after September 11."

Maza made clear that even if this was

not a constitutional violation the troops

presence is a violation of Filipino

national sovereignty and constitutes an

imperialist invasion of the country. In

fact, even without a military presence,

Maza noted that the $4.6 billion in U.$.

aid to the Philippines is a "total sell out

of the Philippines." Maza went on to ask

the military leaders how long

"temporary" will be (the exercises are

supposed to be only temporary). No clear

answer was given but the military leaders

said they would consider five years to be

temporary.

The U.$. troops now invading Filipino

soil constitute the largest U.$. military

intervention in that country since the Fil-

Am war "ended" in 1901. But this is not

the first time U.$. troops have engaged

in combat in the Philippines. During the

Marcos regime when that corrupt

government was fighting against the

communist-led New Peoples Army,

Green Berets assisted the reactionary

Filipino military.

The New People's Army (NPA) is now

on the U.$. list of terrorist organizations

(expanded after the September 11

attacks) and the Moro Islamic Liberation

Front (MILF) is being demonized and

linked with Abu Sayaaf. The

Communist-led NPA is not connected to

Abu Sayaaf in any way. Neither is the

MILF, which springs from the national

liberation struggle of the Moro or Islamic

people of Mindanao. They are waging a

just struggle with the people of the

Philippines to kick out Amerikan

imperialism and it's puppet government.

Discussing the political system in the

Philippines Maza pointed out that "The

status quo is not giving space for our

divergent voices...for marginalized

peoples." Noting that "The continued

domination of u.s. imperialism has

worsened landlessness and poverty,"

Maza commented "and they wonder why

a growing number of Filipinos are going

to the hills to join the revolutionary

movement."

One speaker at the conference was part

of a recent fact finding mission in Sulu,

an island near Mindanao, where the AFP

is carrying out military operations after

training with the U.$. military.

The speaker showed slides of houses

destroyed by rocket launchers and

looting. People are afraid to return to their

homes because if found there they will

be shot, so there has been massive

displacement. Banana trees are rotting

along the sides of the road in Sulu while

people are going hungry because no one

can get to the crops. The Sulu high school

was destroyed and graffiti on the walls

inside read "MNLF --> BABOY"

(baboy means pig). Although the Filipino

and Amerikan governments claim the

target is the Abu Sayaaf, this reveals their

true target, the Moro National Liberation

Front (MNLF), another organization

rooted in the national struggles of the

Moro people.

In the five day fact finding mission the

investigators were fired upon 13 times

at or near checkpoints in Sulu. They were

never warned before the firing began

(from helicopters), but they did notice

that the children in Sulu are so used to

the military attacks that they have created

a chant warning that the MG520

helicopters are coming which they sing

before running for cover.

As this speaker pointed out, increased

U.$. military presence in the Philippines

only brings increased repression of the

people. In addition to the direct attacks

on the people and destruction of their

homes and property, more than 600,000

Filipina wimmin and children are forced

into the sex trade due to extreme poverty

in the Philippines. According to the

speaker, the Amerikan military men have

developed a new way to get prostitutes

in the Philippines. Because they are

afraid to leave the bases (for fear that the

Filipino people will attack them), the

Amerikan military personnel now call out

to order a pizza which is brought to the

base by a prostitute.

Filipinos face national oppression
in Amerika and Canada

In addition to the repression Filipinos

face in their country at the hands of the

Amerikan government and it's puppet

GMA, as of the date of the conference

63 Filipinos living in the United $states

were arrested and deported on charges

of over staying their visas in June and

July. The INS is pursuing thousands more

deportations for people from Third World

countries. 314,000 people are on the INS

"Absconder's Apprehension List" for

overstaying their visas. The United $tates

steals the wealth from countries in Latin

America, Asia and the Middle East,

creating conditions of poverty for the

majority of the people there, and then

refuses to let these people into U.$.

borders to seek work and a better life.

While the United $tates and Europe are

closing their borders tighter, GMA is

marketing Filipinos around the world as

the country's top commodity. The

Philippines is the number one labor

exporting country with 8 million migrant

workers worldwide. This has been

sanctioned by government policies

instituted through World Bank and

International Monetary Fund structural

adjustment programs.

One activist from Canada spoke of the

institutionalized racism Filipinos face

there. (MIM calls this national

oppression because it is a systemic

oppression, not just a problem of

attitudes.) Immigration to Canada started

in the 1960's, bringing the current count

to about one half a million Filipinos in

the country. One third of these were

brought as domestic workers through a

program that offers work in Canada with

the possibility of getting citizenship in

the future. Wimmin are bonded into

virtual indentured servitude through this

system. The activist stated that Filipinos

were the most likely group of people to

have a university degree in Canada, yet

they earned the least amount of money.

The system of national oppression has

created schools, media and a justice

system that serve to keep immigrants'

children in the cheap labor force. This

demonstrates a contradiction in which

oppressed people are largely kept out of

imperialist countries which have stolen

their wealth, yet imperialist country

people are willing to let in certain

numbers of oppressed on a conditional

basis so that they can carry out the work

that the labor aristocracy refuses to

engage in.

Labor aristocracy rears its
chauvinist head

A representative of Bayan USA

correctly spoke on the militarization of

the Philippines as well as the struggle of

undocumented workers in the united

$tates. While discussing of the billions

of dollars being spent to fight terrorism,

the speaker stated that this was being paid

by U.$. taxpayers. Clearly trying to

outrage Amerikans in the audience that

they are funding these activities, the

speaker missed the point that this

campaign is really being paid for by

stolen wealth from Third World workers

such as those in the Philippines.

While this position on the imperialist

country so-called workers (petty

bourgeoisie) was not voiced elsewhere

in conference speeches, it was clear that

many participants shared this incorrect

view of the labor aristocracy and the

possibility to rally them to the side of the

revolutionary struggle by appealing to

their immediate economic concerns. At

the end of the conference there was a

forum to discuss and adopt a unity

statement. The statement focused on the

national liberation struggle in the

Philippines and the anti-imperialist battle

to get U.$. troops out and was overall

correct though there were a few sentences

subtly pandering to the Amerikan petty

bourgeoisie.

The discussion began with a white

labor representative standing up and

criticizing the lack of the voice of labor

in the conference and the lack of

discussion of the workers in the

statement, proposing a change in the first

sentence to include "workers". Many

people in the audience took up this

rallying cry, agreeing that the "workers"

should be represented in the statement.

Most of the participants in the conference

were students and a few of them

questioned the need to declare that the

statement was coming from "workers"

when that was clearly not true. Several

people in the room identified themselves

as "workers" because they have jobs and

one of the conference organizers

moderating the discussion ended the

debate by stating that we all must clearly

be workers and have an interest in this

struggle or we would not be there.

MIM strongly disagrees with this

position taken by most of the white so-

called left in Amerika and which has also

seeped in to many of the organizations

supporting national liberation struggles.

These activists believe that the "workers"

in Amerika are exploited and proletarian

just like workers in the Third World.

They fail to recognize that these

"workers" are being paid more than the

value of their labor, receiving huge bribes

from the imperialists to secure their

allegiance. We can not indiscriminately

label everyone with a job as proletarian.

This ignores materialism and the labor

theory of value. And this erroneous belief

that all the workers in Amerika are

proletarian leads to appeals for their

support that will never achieve anything

more than rallying them for greater

national chauvinism.

Continued from page 1...

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 10

Under Lock & Key

News from Prisons & Prisoners

Keefe: How can one
company dominate?

In the March 15 issue of MIM Notes

[issue 254] an Indiana state prisoner

wrote about Keefe Foods distributing

company. I'm a federal prisoner and since

1993 I have often wondered how one

company can virtually corner the market

on commissary sales in the federal prison

system across the U.$. I once asked my

brother to look the company up on the

Internet and find out exactly who owned

it or who the major stock holders were.

To supply all of the federal prisons',

FCIs', camps' and detention centers'

commissaries with food items such as

coffee, hot sauce, peanut butter, rice,

beans, jelly, etc. would seem to be a very

lucrative contract.

I'm just surprised that a scandal hasn't

broken out about that company such as

the scandal that came to light about Vita

Pro. Perhaps you'll be able to find out

why that one company doesn't have any

competitors.

-- a Federal prisoner in California, 16

April, 2002

I was reading an article in MIM Notes

254 Under Lock & Key called "Indiana

prisoners fight price fixing" and I thought

y'all might be interested in looking at the

commissary list we have here in Bresoria

County (Texas) Jail. As you can see, the

prices are pretty damn outrageous:

Noxema, 2.5 oz. $1.70

Pocket dictionary $4.09

Hot pot $18.59

Playing cards $3.13

[an Indiana prisoner submitted a

complete new commissary price list as

well, it includes these items:

VO5 shampoo & conditioner, 15 oz.

$1.75 each

Acne lotion, 1 oz. $1.90

Ivory soap, 4.5 oz. $.65

Efferdent, 90 count $6.35

Sugar Twin, 100 ct. box $3.00

V-8 Juice, 11 oz. Can $.95]

An organization called the Federal

Consumer Information Center publishes

a book called "The Consumer Action

Handbook" and distributes it free of

charge to anyone who requests one. It's

got a pretty sizeable list of agencies you

can write who'll investigate scams like

this. You can get a copy from:

Superintendent of Documents, U.S.

Government Printing Office, P.O. Box

37594, Pittsburgh, PA 15250.

-- a Texas prisoner, 28 April, 2002

MIM adds: We looked the Keefe

Commissary Network and its affiliate,

Keefe Supply Company, up on the

Internet. Both companies are part of the

Centric Group, a holding company of

Enterprise Rent-A-Car in St. Louis,

MO.(1) All of these companies are

privately held, so their shares (stocks) are

not traded in the public markets.(2) This

means they are not obliged to publish

information about who owns how much,

or a great many other details about their

business.

Keefe Supply Company was founded

in 1975 and since then has become a

model of the type of company that could

only exist in a parasitic economy. The

company individually packages products

it does not manufacture (Tang, Nescafe,

the items listed above and more), and

distributes them to prisons from 11

service centers spread around the

country.

Keefe became popular with prisons by

maintaining memberships in national,

state and county law enforcement

associations. Some of these memberships

include: American Correctional

Association, Buckeye State Sheriff's

Association, Georgia Wardens'

Association, Mississippi Jail

Association, Oregon Criminal Justice

Association and West Virginia

Association of Correctional Employees,

to name a small handful. In other words,

Keefe does business by shaking hands

and slapping backs with the

stormtroopers who run and work in the

u.$. criminal injustice system.

We encourage prisoners to continue to

write in with information about you

experiences with Keefe, and any

comparisons you can make between

Keefe and other commissary supply

companies.

Notes:

1. http://www.stlbizdiversity.com/

member_profile.asp?CompanyID=248

2. http://www.erac.com/recruit/

free_enterprise.asp?navID=free&strFree=2

all other information from

www.keefecommissary.net

More comrades down
for the struggle in
New Jersey

Hello Comrades! I'm writing in the

belly of the beast here in Northern State

Prison gang unit. In the May 15, 2002

MIM Notes Under Lock and Key I read

about the hunger strike that we had here.

The comrade that wrote stated that after

the administrator came to the unit (3-

wing) and talked to a selected few of the

masses [and everything ended]. This is

not true at all.

I don't know what organization this

comrade is claiming and that is not an

important issue because we all fight to

end oppression and we move as one unit.

But for this comrade to state that he and

a few other comrades in phase one were

the only ones to stand strong throughout

the whole hunger strike is bullshit. I

myself and five other comrades (which

is not a lot) in phase two made no

movements including showers and

accepted no food during that day.

Now I'm not trying to knock this

comrade because I do understand where

he's coming from and I'm on his side.

But to that comrade, when you speak dog

speak facts. As far as phase two and three

no programming, I feel you, but if that's

gonna happen we need to stop all

movements, including showers, yard and

have another hunger strike, etc. If

sacrifices are going to be made they need

to be made as a whole, not just one

organization or phase, you feel me? And

until that happens things will remain the

way they are now.

In closing, we ride, we die, we live on,

we conquer, we fall, we stand strong.

in struggle,

-a comrade in New Jersey, May 2002

Dear MIM,

Thank you for the many newspapers

covering topical discussion over issues

wrought by prisoners across the nation.

Unfortunately things have transpired at

this prison that need to be brought to

light. This letter is sent via the location

called IMU (Intensive Management Unit)

a type of solitary confinement with a new

catchword to replace its original intent.

There is a current despotic course to force

all prisoners at Oregon State Penitentiary

to submit a DNA sample. Recently, and

more importantly, this prisoner is facing

severe reprimand for failure to comply

with this order. On the 18th of April 2002

I was ordered to surrender a DNA

sample. I adamantly refused.

Over the coming week perhaps events

will challenge the integrity to remain civil

with these hostile forces, i.e. the IMU

guards. The undercurrent of silent

administrative violence has, in my

opinion, gone on too long and much too

far.

Next week or maybe sooner, a trained

team of cell extraction specialists will see

their way at degrading my person in an

effort to procure a blood DNA sample.

While this is an interlude for the near

future, attempts will transpire to coerce

me to volunteer a saliva DNA sample. I

will be sanctioned further by robbing me

of everything personal and legal within

my confines. Even my ability to

correspond will be suspended. That's

why I'm writing now, because frankly

there may be a long interval of time

without much of any ability to

correspond.

-- a prisoner in OR, April 2002

Fighting censorship
and repression in
Oregon

Dear MIM,

I realize the difficulty you are having

getting your newsletter into Oregon

prisons, you aren't the only ones. I am

an inmate at Snake River Correctional

(Corruptional) Institution and

Administrative Rules, Constitutional

Rights, or even State laws, have little or

no meaning with the way this 2,800

inmate Desert prison is run, especially

when it comes to mail rejection and

censorship. We thank you for your

persistence. You finally made it through.

We are on lock-down day 7 after 3 riots

happened. This institution is facing

major budget cuts due to not getting the

Federal Funding to support their

mandatory Minimum Sentencing that

state legislation conned Oregonians into

voting in. Well every time the prisons in

Oregon need money they threaten the

public to let "violent criminals" loose,

or someone conveniently escapes and

after getting caught they claim to need

more money to beef up security. Well

this time they are implementing a new

inmate rule book with rules we are forced

to break, such as: Everything must now

be stored inside our property drawer (all

canteen, personal papers, extra hygiene

items, and non-programming books and

paperwork, plus socks, underwear,

magazines, etc.) However, our drawer

is only 5 3/4 deep, and too small to hold

certain canteen items.

This may seem like a little thing, but

we will all be in violation of their rules,

and not by our choosing. They can now

"Bum-beef" an inmate here for any rule

violation and can throw him in Seg and

fine his account, and he has no recourse

for due process, unless it is a Level 1 or

2 violation. This means they can simply

rob the inmates here, then make them

work for free (no merit pay) until their

probation period is over. This is basically

theft/slavery. (I am fighting this through

the procedural process, just to find out,

we have no leverage against any DOC

policy or Employee Action unless we file

civil suits against them for damages.)

Robert Lampert, was run out of Texas

where he got caught with his hands in

the cookie jar at the last prison he ran.

Now he is Superintendent in this

Institution that is so far out in the Desert

that the normal rules of Oregon Prisons

don't apply here. We are forced to fight

for any Medical, Dental, or Eye Care by

litigation. Now with these rules that

basically give them free reign to just take

our property, write us up, then take our

DNA samples taken by force in Oregon

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 11

MIM on

Prisons & Prisoners

MIM seeks to build public opinion

against Amerika's criminal injustice sys-

tem, and to eventually replace the bour-

geois injustice system with proletarian jus-

tice. The bourgeois injustice system im-

prisons and executes a disproportionately

large and growing number of oppressed

people while letting the biggest mass mur-

derers -- the imperialists and their lack-

eys -- roam free. Imperialism is not op-

posed to murder or theft, it only insists that

these crimes be committed in the interests

of the bourgeoisie.

"All U.S. citizens are criminals--

accomplices and accessories to the crimes
of U.$. oppression globally until the day
U.$. imperialism is overcome. All U.S.
citizens should start from the point of view
that they are reforming criminals."

MIM does not advocate that all

prisoners go free today; we have a
more effective program for fighting
crime as was demonstrated in China
prior to the restoration of capitalism
there in 1976. We say that all prisoners
are political prisoners because under
the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, all
imprisonment is substantively
political. It is our responsibility to
exert revolutionary leadership and
conduct political agitation and
organization among prisoners --
whose material conditions make them
an overwhelmingly revolutionary
group. Some prisoners should and will
work on self-criticism under a future
dictatorship of the proletariat in those
cases in which prisoners really did do
something wrong by proletarian
standards.

Facts on U$ imprisonment

The facts about imprisonment in the United $tates are that the United $tates has been the world's leading prison-state per capita for the last

25 years, with a brief exception during Boris Yeltsin's declaration of a state of emergency.(1)

That means that while Reagan was talking about a Soviet "evil empire" he was the head of a state that imprisoned more people per capita.

In supposedly "hard-line" Bulgaria of the Soviet bloc of the 1980s, the imprisonment rate was less than half that of the United $tates.(2,3)

To find a comparison with U.$. imprisonment of Black people, there is no statistic in any country that compares including apartheid South

Africa of the era before Mandela was president. The last situation remotely comparable to the situation today was under Stalin during war
time. The majority of prisoners are non-violent offenders(4) and the U.S. Government now holds about a half million more prisoners than
China; even though China is four times our population.(5)

The rednecks tell MIM that we live in a "free country." They live in an Orwellian 1984 situation where freedom is imprisonment.

Notes: 1. Marc Mauer, "Americans Behind Bars: The International Use of Incarceration 1993," The Prison Sentencing Project, 918 F. St. NW, Suite

501, Washington, DC 20004 (202) 628-0871 Reference: SRI: R8965-2, 1994
2. Ibid., 1992 report.

3. United Nations Development Programme, "Human Development Report 1994,:" Oxford University Press, p. 186.

4. Figure of 51.2 percent for state prisoners there for non-violent offenses. Abstract of the United States 1993, p. 211.
5. Atlantic Monthly December, 1998.

money in fines, keep us from getting our

mail, rob us on the phone calls home, and

now the food isn't in the budget., the

inmates are just going off, and it's with

each other instead of with those that are

really at fault. Now Lampert can go to

the public or the Feds and claim the need

for more money to keep these rioting

inmates controlled. 68 inmates went to

the "hole." the tension was so thick, it

was bound to go off, (enemies v .

enemies) and you can guarantee it was

all part of Robert Lampert's plan to get

more taxpayers money to east the budget

cuts he was going to have to face while

prisoners suffer.

--a prisoner in Oregon, June 2002

Dear MIM,

I am writing to let you know that I am

following up on the current rejections of

MIM materials. I have been

communicating with a Ms. Kathy

Stevens, the SRCI mailroom coordinator,

concerning the violations. She recently

informed me that the directives to violate

MIM's material came from the office of

Rich Holder, 2575 Center St, NC, Salem,

OR 97310. I have just written him and

am awaiting a reply. I have included an

address in case you would like to do the

same.

What these fuckin' pigs are doing is

bullshit! It's blatant discrimination. I

wasn't even aware my materials were

denied until I received a copy of your

letter to the mailroom administrators.

They, once again, violated their own

policies by not providing me a violation

notice form. When I addressed this issue

I was completely ignored.

I am currently exhausting my

administrative remedies so that I can take

legal action. this is one revolutionary who

won't give up without a fight. I'll keep

you posted.

In struggle,

-a prisoner in Oregon, June 2002

MIM adds: Several prisons in Oregon

are rejecting mail sent by MIM including

MIM Notes, books, and many letters. The

reasons for rejection vary from "MIM not

authorized distributor" to "Not from

publisher" (not true since this is stamped

on MIM Notes and MIM Theory) to

"Catalogs, advertisements, brochures,

pamphlets, and materials where the

primary purpose is to sell a product or

service shall be prohibited" (again not

true since MIM Notes does not come

close to meeting this definition). Virtually

all of the rejected mail is being returned

unopened. This includes letters we sent

to the mail room administrator to point

out the error in these rejections.

Apparently mail with MIM's return

address is being censored categorically

without review of the contents or even

note of intended recipient. We ask for

your support in protesting this

censorship. You can write to Rich Holder

at the address above.

Corruption and
censorship in
Tennessee

Dear MIM,

during he last week of May this year

we had a murder that happened here in

the seg unit. I find that hard to

comprehend. That goes to show that

security is too busy sexually harassing

the women and stealing money here. The

murder took place in the segregation

unit. Upon entering the unit you are

suppose to be strip searched and personal

property checked thoroughly too. So how

did this inmate get a knife in seg? The

unit manager that runs the seg unit, James

Becker is crooked as they come, he

promotes gang violence and takes money

to falsify dockets. Not too long ago I was

telling a friend that somebody was going

to lose their life at the hands of unit

manager James Becker and gang

members and it happened.

Just 10 minutes ago I had a visit from

the in house internal affairs. They want

to know why was I communicating with

trouble makers referring to MIM. So that

let me know they are reading my mail as

I always have suspected.

-- a prisoner in TN, June 2002

MIM responds: MIM is quite aware

that the prison administrators read our

mail. And we know that writing to us can

get prisoners branded as trouble makers

themselves. Further, MIM has been

branded as a "security threat group" in

one prison in Tennessee, West Tennessee

State Penitentiary. This institution

recently rejected copies of MIM Theory

sent to two separate prisoners. On the

envelopes they wrote "STG Material",

"Contraband" and "Not allowed due to

contents." Contained inside each envelop

was a copy of MIM's theory journal,

which contains educational material

about political theory and history.

There is no justification for labeling

MIM a security threat group or

"troublemakers" except that it scares the

prison administration when inmates

began to educate and organize

themselves to demand their legal rights.

MIM works with prisoners to study

revolutionary politics and fight the

repressive criminal injustice system. But

we do this within the legal system right

now. MIM will continue to demand our

legal right to educate and work with

prisoners.

From the MIM "Frequently Asked

Questions" page, http://www.etext.org/

Politics/MIM/faq.

Internationalism is the ethical belief or

scientific approach in which peoples of

different nations are held to be or

assumed to be equal. Internationalism is

opposed to racism and national

chauvinism.

We Maoists believe the nationalism of

nations experiencing oppression of

imperialism is "applied

internationalism." We oppose

What is internationalism?

nationalism of oppressed nations directed

at other oppressed nations, because the

economic content of such nationalism is

intra-proletarian conflict. We seek a

united front of oppressed nations led by

the international proletariat against

imperialism.

"I must argue, not from the point of

view of `my' country (for that is the

argument of a wretched, stupid, petty-

bourgeois nationalist who does not

realize that he is only a plaything in the

hands of the imperialist bourgeoisie), but

from the point of view of my share in the

preparation, in the propaganda, and in the

acceleration of the world proletarian

revolution. That is what internationalism

means, and that is the duty of the

internationalist, of the revolutionary

worker, of the genuine Socialist."

--V. I. Lenin, "What Is

Internationalism?" The Proletarian

Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky

(Peking: Foreign Language Press,

1965), p. 80.

MIM Notes 263 · August 1, 2002· Page 12

Notas Rojas

mayo 15, 2002, Nº 258 Fragmento del Periodico Oficial del Movimiento Internacionalista Maoista Gratis

¿Que es el MIM?

El Movimiento Internacionalista Maoísta (MIM) es un partido revolucionario

comunista que ejerce el Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoísmo. El MIM es una organización
internacionalista que trabaja desde el punto de vista del proletariado del Tercer Mundo;
es por esto que sus miembros no son amerikanos sino ciudadanos del mundo.

El MIM lucha para acabar con la opresión de todos los grupos sobre cualquier otro,

naciones por naciones, clases por clases, y géneros por géneros. La revolución es una
realidad para los Estados Unidos mientras su ejército continúa extendiendose en su
esfuerzo por asegurar la hegemonía mundial.

El MIM difiere de otros partidos en tres puntos basicos: (1) El MIM sostiene que

después que el proletariado conquiste el poder estatal, existira aún el potencial para una
restauración de tipo capitalista, bajo la dirección de una burguesía nueva dentro del
mismo partido comunista. En el caso de la Unión Soviética, la burguesía se apoderó del
gobierno después de la muerte de Stalin, en 1953; y en China después de la muerte de
Mao y del derrocamiento de la llamada "banda de los cuatro' en 1976. (2) El MIM
sostiene que la Revolución Cultural en China es la fase ms avanzada a la que llegó el
comunismo en la historia. (3) El MIM afirma que la clase trabajadora blanca de los
EE.UU. es primordialmente, una élite trabajadora no revolucionaria en el presente. Es
por esto que no es el principal vehículo para avanzar el Maoísmo en este país.

El MIM acepta como miembro a cualquier individuo que esté de acuerdo con estos

tres puntos basicos, y que acepte al centralismo democrtico, el método de gobierno por
la mayoría en lo que se refiere a cuestiones de línea del partido. El MIM es un partido
clandestino que no publica los nombres de sus miembros para evitar la represión estatal
dirigida históricamente contra los movimientos revolucionarios comunistas, y anti-
imperialistas. Si Ud. desea una suscripción para cualquiera de nuestros periódicos o
libros teóricos, en español o en inglés, por favor mandar dinero en efectivo o un cheque
al nombre de MIM a esta dirección:

MIM · P.O. Box 29670 · Los Angeles CA 90029-0670

Traducido por Células de Estudio para

la Liberación de Aztlán y América Latina

¿Cuál es la base
material del
neofascismo?

¿Cuál es la postura del Partido frente a

Le Pen y el crecimiento general de la

derecha en Europa? Según tengo

entendido, el Partido sostiene que el

crecimiento del fascismo es acompañado

de una caída de la socialdemocracia, es

decir, al ser agotadas/encogidas fuentes

de superganancias, la alianza entre la

clase obrera y el capital se ve en peligro

y el capital usa elementos de la clase

obrera como tropas de choque con fin de

controlar a la población mediante

ideologías nacionalistas, racistas, etc.

Pero según entiendo, el Partido sostiene

que esta alianza es muy fuerte y que,

desde luego, el flujo de superganancias

tiene el paso libre. Entonces, ¿a qué se

debe el crecimiento de la derecha?

Mi primera respuesta ha sido la idea

de que conforme progrese el

imperialismo y la clase obrera blanca

vaya en ascenso, aparece la necesidad de

mano de obra de inmigrantes (en su

mayoría de color). Pero para que los

inmigrantes se mantengan hundidos en

el fondo del mercado laboral y ya que

una discriminación racial legal es

demasiado obvia, se les mantiene

sumisos mediante el sistema jurídico

criminal (inmigrantes ilegales) y la

instigación de un racismo "natural" de

la nación blanca dominante a través de

varias rutas (por ejemplo, el racismo

institucional de las cortes y leyes, el

cambio hacia la derecha de partidos

laborales [socialdemocráticos], etc.) En

este caso, el crecimiento de la derecha

es una de las formas de controlar al

proletariado al situarlo entre el mal

policía del fascismo y el buen policía de

liberales.

Pero estos argumentos parecen basarse

en la conciencia falsa. Es decir, a la clase

obrera blanca le va bien, pero se le ha

engañado induciéndole pensar que los

inmigrantes le están quitando trabajo. La

postura del movimiento

antiglobalización es que la clase obrera

blanca está sufriendo; por lo tanto, a la

falsa conciencia se le opone un verdadero

mejoramiento de condiciones materiales.

Si bien dicha postura puede ser falsa, por

lo menos no carece de coherencia lógica.

Si a la clase obrera blanca le está yendo

mejor, igual o insignificativamente peor,

como sostiene el Partido, entonces ¿cómo

explicar el éxito de Buchanan, Le Pen

Haider, neonazis por toda Europa, etc.

desde el punto de vista materialista?

Obviamente, el crecimiento de la

derecha no constituye una vuelta al

fascismo y desde luego, lo que tenemos

en el poder no es el fascismo. Por lo

tanto, una respuesta podría ser que el lazo

entre el fascismo y la socialdemocracia

(todavía) no es la causa. Más bien los

altibajos del fascismo inmanente de la

socialdemocracia se dan dentro de ciertos

límites materialistas basados sobre todo

en cambios ideológicos/culturales. Por

lo tanto, aun si a la clase obrera blanca le

va bien, su chovinismo nacional hasta

cierto punto puede ser avivado sin que

se de un cambio significativo de

condiciones materiales.

Respuesta del MIM: Si bien

sostenemos que la alianza entre los

imperialistas y la aristocracia obrera aún

es fuerte, no sostenemos que entre ambas

clases no existen contradicciones o que

diferentes alas de la burguesía no están

haciendo maniobras para conseguir el

respaldo de la aristocracia obrera.

Tampoco sostenemos que en países

imperialistas, la situación económica de

cada "obrero" siempre está en ascenso.

Está claro que la tasa de desempleo de

"obreros" en ciertas industrias que se

encogen (por ejemplo, la industria del

acero en EE.UU.) sobrepasa la de otras.

Estos "obreros" están a favor de una

política económica nacionalista (tarifas

de protección con fin de proteger sus

trabajos). Los que están desempleados

creen que el acabar con la inmigración

les proporcionaría trabajo.

Buchanan, Le Pen y otros muchos no

solamente avivan una retórica racista,

sino que también abogan por propuestas

económicas y sociales concretas. De

semejante forma, Hítler no simplemente

logró incitar al frenesí al pueblo alemán

basándose en una supuesta

predisposición alemana hacia el

antisemitismo. También llevó a cabo un

programa económico basado en un

expansionismo, preparaciones bélicas y

algunas reformas socialdemocráticas que

reflejaron los intereses de la pequeña

burguesía y la aristocracia obrera

alemanas.

Entonces el impacto del parasitismo y

por lo tanto el éxito de neofascistas como

Le Pen quienes están dispuestos a tomar
fuertes medidas para preservarlo, es

material y no ideológico. Como decimos

en la página cuatro de este número, "Los
desempleados no viven en un vacío.

Tienen hermanos, tíos, etc. con vidas

cómodas características de la clase media.
Los desempleados de naciones opresoras

miran a su alrededor y ven que la gran

mayoría de gente blanca lleva este tipo de
vida debido a una explotación del tercer

mundo. Al darse cuenta de esta situación,

Le Pen calculó de una forma correcta los
sentimientos de los desempleados blancos

franceses. Este no es el caso de

desempleados de la nación opresora de
Francia que al mirar a su alrededor, vieron

una necesidad de un cambio radical de

sistemas. Lo que ellos creen como mucho
es que una expulsión de todos los

extranjeros les proporcionará trabajos que

ya tiene el resto de la nación opresora
francesa. Por lo tanto, el votador de Le

Pen, si bien aboga por un cambio, no cree

que tiene que ser un tipo de cambio que
eche abajo al entero carro político sino que

solamente al carro de los extranjeros. Es

por esa razón que los desempleados
acogieron el parasítico mensaje militar de

Le Pen".

Correspondencia

El MIM promociona
fronteras abiertas en

una marcha por la

legalización de

inmigrantes

Traducido por Células de Estudio para la

Liberación de Aztlán y América Latina

Los Ángeles

En una marcha del 1 de Mayo por la

legalización de inmigrantes indocumentados,
los respaldantes del MIM recogieron
alrededor de 100 firmas endosando nuestra
demanda de "Abrir la frontera
estadounidense" con México y oponerse a la
"Operación Guardián!" lanzada por el
Servicio de Inmigración yanqui (INS). Desde
su comienzo en 1994, la "Operación
Guardián!" ha asesinado a más de 740
inmigrantes que estaban tratando de cruzar
la frontera con fin de buscar empleo en
EE.UU. Son cientas de personas más que las
que murieron en un intento de cruzar la
frontera alemana entre el este y el oeste
durante más de 25 anos de su existencia- un
hecho que ha sido injuriado bastante por la
propaganda yanqui.

Casi todas las personas a las que nos

acercamos con la solicitud nos trataron con
simpatía y aprobación; muchos nos
aconsejaron que "siguiéramos con el
esfuerzo" y nos desearon suerte con las
firmas. Nuestros camaradas que no hablaban
espanol presentaron la solicitud tanto en
inglés como en espanol contando con el
apoyo de manifestantes biling?es y la
paciencia de la gente con fin de hace oídas
nuestras demandas.

Una muchacha blanca de Orange County

pensó que estaba bien extender el estatus legal
a trabajadores dentro del país pero no quiso
ver las fronteras abiertas para todos los
inmigrantes. Según su aserción, en California
del Sur ya había demasiada gente y el tráfico
era verdaderamente insoportable. Un
camarada del MIM senaló que ni siquiera los
inmigrantes dentro de EE.UU. tienen carros
porque se les paga muy mal y que la causa
del tráfico era el expansivo deseo yanqui de
obtener casas unifamiliares en las afueras de
centros urbanos. Este estilo de vida requiere
un aumento adicional de mano de obra barata
para construir casas, poner céspeds, cuidar a
los ninos y limpiar casas.

Unas brigadas antidisturbios del

Departamento de Policía de Los Ángeles-
muchos vestidos de uniformes antidisturbio
y agarrandos a sus armas y palos- saludaban
a los manifestantes a lo largo del camino. En
el cuartel de policía, un escuadrón de
caballería de unas 25 personas- los caballos
con yelmos de cabeza- hizo su presencia.

La Red de Organización de Trabajadores

Inmigrantes Multiétnicos (MIWON) organizó
la marcha del 1 de Mayo con fin de exigir
"una verdadera legalización" de trabajadores
indocumentados "por medio de permanente
estatus legal y ciudadanía que no deben
limitarse a ningún país de origen o industria
de trabajo".