Mumia Abu Jamal writes about the Amerikan Gulag; Lynch mob explains the death penalty in Amerika; California and Texas prisoners send statements to the Jericho March. Welcome to Under Lock and Key, news and commentary about prisons from the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League. The U.$. incarcerates a greater percentage of its population than any other country. The rate for imprisonment of Blacks is 4 times that of apartheid South Africa, and the U.$. sends more Black men to prison than college. The purpose of this program is to educate about, and inspire activism against, the Amerikan lockdown. This is an article by Mumia Abu Jamal entitled GULAG AMERICA Is it surprising that prisons resemble factories, schools, ] barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons? --asked Michel Foucault in Discipline & Punish, Over a million and a half human beings arise daily in American cages. These people constitute "invisible populations" living in "invisible worlds" whose lives have become cheap fodder for what scholar/activist Angela Y. Davis has termed, the "punishment industry" Although the formal penitentiary can be traced to the ill-fated "Philadelphia System" and the infamous Walnut Street Jail of the late 18th century that spawned it, the earliest uses of imprisonment on American shores had a nakedly political objective. After the slaughter and betrayal that was King Philips War thousands of 'Indians' (actually Wampanoags), including those 'loyal' 'Christian' Wampanoags who helped the whites, were imprisoned on barren island of the New England coast where they died of cold and hunger. Those who survived were shipped to a savage and short life as slaves (merely another form of imprisonment) in the West Indies. One of the early sites of imprisonment became Deer Island Jail (recently vacated because of its dilapidated condition) in Winthrop, Massachusetts. These nameless men and women were truly prisoners of war, encaged in early American concentration camps, not for what they did, but because of what they were--so-called Indians. Those who survived that harrowing hell became prisoners of the political order (political prisoners) for life--slaves. This early nefarious usage of imprisonment by the English settlers of Massachusetts, would influence and mark the subtextual usages of imprisonment down through American history, and each newly entering ethnic group found itself thrown into American gulags for what are economic, social and political reasons, as noted by Richard Quinney, thusly: Prisons in this country are used mainly for those who commit a select group of crimes, primarily burglary, robbery, larceny, and assault. Excluded are the criminals of the capitalist class, who cause more of an economic and social loss to the country and the society, but who are not often given prison sentences. This means that prisons are institutions of control for the working class, especially the surplus population of the working class. While Quinney is undoubtedly correct, he doesn't go far enough, for at the time he was writing those words, the Black Liberation Movement was on the wane, after years of state and societal attacks. The American prison system, back in the 1920s, showed a Black population that did not outrageously outpace it's population percentage. The numbers of Black imprisonment show a marked, dramatic, and increasingly precipitous rise in the 1970s, far outstripping the African-American population percentage. As a Black Judge in Memphis notes, Black youth are caught up in a "containment system" that serves white economic interests. Judge Joseph B. Bowen, Jr., of Shelby County, Tennessee notes: The criminal justice system makes a lot of money for everybody, from the judge to the bailiff, from the bail bondsmen to the police, the sheriffs deputies, everybody. The neoslave, the young Black male, becomes the fodder, the raw material, for this industry-like profit-making system. The fodder is Black, and the beneficiaries--those who profit from the system--are white. As Black youth were becoming increasingly radical in their struggle against the white power structure, the "containment system" was moved into place, to bottle up, and encage the rage of an oppressed, damned people beginning to come to grips with living in the midst of a white supremacist domain. Studies have consistently borne out the view that one's race, and secondarily, one's class, is a powerful aggravating circumstance when it comes to judgments and sentencings. Even on the unconscious level, these powerful predictors are present, and active: Where unconscious racism works in the law, it perpetrates racist harms. More than this, however, it serves to reinforce unexamined racial beliefs, working as a sort of self-fulfilling prophecy that maintains races by confirming the validity of racial biases. Consider the sentencing of convicted criminals. A number of studies document large disparities in sentencing that correlate only to the race of the defendant and the race of the victim. Having committed the same crime in the same jurisdiction, with the same record of prior convictions, one is likely to receive a higher sentence if one is non-White or if one's victim is White. These disparities are particularly evident in capital cases. One study [by Professor Haney and published by the NYU Press in 1996] shows that in otherwise similar situations prosecutors seek the death penalty against Latinos four times more often than against Whites, and are fourteen times more likely to seek the death penalty against those who murder Whites than against those who murder Latinos. Professor Haney argues that this is so, not only at trial, but at plea bargains, at probation and parole, and at every stop in between. To these arguments there will no doubt be many who suggest it be dismissed, for those in prison surely deserve to be there. But prisons are political constructions, built to meet political ends and objectives, such as the containment of the oppressed. They are thus agents of a legalized form of violence, and warped beneficiaries of violence. This is seen clearest in the context of what is laughable called the 'War on Drugs', which as former Massachusetts Prison Psychiatrist, Dr. James Gilligan, M.D. explained, is anything but; In short--and this is by far the most important finding of all that is known on the subject: "For illegal psychoactive drugs, the illegal market itself accounts for far more violence than pharmacological effects." Thus, the "war on drugs" appears to be a self-generating war. Outlawing drugs, with the consequent decrease in their supply, followed by the increase in their cost, generates the illegal market--and all the violence that follows from that. Since the war on drugs victimizes mostly those who are young, poor and/or black, and benefits mostly organized crime, it might be said to be a war on the young, the poor, and on blacks, a method of stimulating violence, and a very expensive means of subsidizing organized crime, boosting the employment of police and correction officers and border guards, and subsidizing the construction industry by promoting the building of more prisons. One could also wonder whether it is not, wittingly or unwittingly, a means of distracting the white middle class voting public from recognizing and ameliorating the real poverty and misery that are epidemic in the central-city ghettos. Across a nation that claims to be the 'Land of the Free', over a million souls sleep tonight in cages, consigned there by an improper process, kept there by political expediency, and destined to do so tomorrow because of the willing blindness of a sated and jaded citizenry. And the gulags continue to swell. That was Mumia Abu Jamal, written on September 6, 1998. Mumai is on death row in Pennsylvania, framed for the murder of a police officer. [Play track one of "Lynch Mob". This is 1:54 long and there is no gap between this and the 2nd track. Some white dude says "The mob was totally unruly--mob was totally unruly--mob was totally unruly" and it's over and we cut. There is an explosision right during the 3rd time he says it.] The Jericho March is an annual event designed to draw attention to the cases of the hundreds of people incarcerated by the United Snakes for their political beliefs and actions. The Maoist Internationalist Movement and the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League solicited statements from politically concious prisoners to read at Jericho events. We present two of these statements here. Greetings comrades, freedom fighters and all others participating in the struggle against imperialist Amerikka, I'm currently a prisoner in California. I'm a young black who has seen personally the unjust of the criminal justice system. And I want to first thank MIM Distributors and RAIL for all of the hard work and making it possible for me and others like me to see what's really going on in the U$. I also want to encourage everyone that's able to participate in the struggle to free all political prisoners around the U$ who have seen no justice. We want to see Mumia Abu Jamal free, we want Geronimo Pratt to remain free, we want the brothers in Angola who started the BPP down there free. These people did nothing but stood as an opposing threat against the U$ imperialist structure. By me being in prison I can speak personally about the mistreatment of the prisoners. The slave work that we're forced to participate in or face disciplinary action. They are over sentencing the people, then employing them for free with no means of acquiring articles of personal hygiene. Then they have the nerve to call these places Correctional facilities. But, there's no measure of correction being provided. There's not any way to prepare for a return to society except through you the anti-imperialist [movement]. All of you are our hope! We need support, education and a physical presence or a voice to be heard on our behalf. Education needs to be addressed, they are keeping our people in prisons illiterate teaching junior high school material. And that's not acceptable if we are to be counted as comrades in this people's struggle. So I'm calling on the people in position and with opportunity to aid educational development of prisoners. Thank you and peace out! - A prisoner in Texas This has been Under Lock and Key, a weekly Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League program about prisons. For more information, contact: RAIL PO Box 712 Amherst MA 01004, or email RAILRadio@mim.org.Return to Under Lock and Key RAIL Radio Program page