-------------------
ON THE RECTIFICATION CAMPAIGN BASED ON
THE STUDY OF THE DOCUMENT NO TO
ELECTIONS YES TO PEOPLE'S WAR!;
*I. ON THE QUESTION OF STUDYING - PAY
ATTENTION TO ANALYSIS AND SYNTHESIS.
Pay attention to analysis and synthesis - these are two
aspects of a contradiction and synthesis is the
principal one. Analysis allows us to break down and set
elements apart in order to achieve a better
understanding, but this is only one aspect. It is not, nor
can it ever be, the entire process of knowledge. It
requires its other aspect - synthesis. It is synthesis which
enables us to grasp the essence of knowledge. If
there is no synthesis there is no qualitative leap in
knowledge. Synthesis is the decisive aspect, the main
aspect, the one which enables the formulation of
objective laws. Grasping this question is a problem of an
ideological nature. It is an essential part of the
application of the Marxist theory of knowledge, of
dialectical materialism. Grasping this point runs counter
to bourgeois idealist ideology which strives to
separate analysis from synthesis. From the standpoint of
proletarian ideology, from the standpoint of
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, these are two aspects of the
same unity but synthesis is the principal aspect
since it produces a higher level of knowledge, a
qualitative change, a qualitative leap. There are two
classic examples of this. One is the example of the clock.
In order to understand its mechanism it is first
necessary to take it apart. This allows us to know its
components and the functions of each one of them.
But if the clock is not put together again there is no
clock, only its parts. Even if they were to be placed
together in a group that would only constitute a pile of
pieces, never a clock. -----------------------------------
---------------------*Intervention by President Gonzalo in a
reunion on the rectification campaign on the
study of the document No to elections Yes to People's
War ! The other example is the development of
the various disciplines of natural science since the
fifteenth century. This process historically
demonstrates where lack of synthesis leads to. The great
development of science enabled us to grasp
various aspects of nature through studies such as
mathematics, astronomy, physics, etc. But this
development, entailing the breaking apart, the analytical
process of science, its differentiation into various
fields, often led to metaphysical theories. Even the
eighteenth century, a century of great materialist
scientific advance, produced metaphysical knowledge.
Nevertheless, all this breaking into constituent
parts, all this separation of fields of knowledge, laid the
foundations for the qualitative leap. It generated
the conditions, first for the appearance of Hegel's idealist
dialectics and, later, of Marx's materialist
dialectics. Therefore this breaking down required
synthesis, a thoroughgoing condensation. It laid
the ground and the appropriate conditions for that
dialectical materialism achieved by Marx and Engels,
principally by Marx. The arrival at this milestone, at the
proletarian outlook, at Marxist philosophy, at
dialectical materialism, was a process linked to a
powerful synthesis. It was in this same manner that we
arrived at the central question of the proletarian outlook,
at the question of the universality of
contradiction, an historical qualitative leap of
monumental importance. Both examples show the need
for synthesis, for the qualitative leap. Therefore let us
pay special attention to analysis and to synthesis,
principally to synthesis. From the various contributions to
the debate we can see a problem arising: the
process of breaking down into constituent parts leads to
talk about quotations;. The contributions say
quotations from the document; or, on reading the
words of Marx;, or, on grasping the quotations of
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution;. In this
manner they fall into listing isolated quotations which
are not applied to actual and current problems. In this
way the lack of grasp of synthesis generates a
problem: a failure to grasp the proletarian ideology as a
unity - as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. We can
see this problem even in some peoples' way of expressing
themselves. For example, in one of the
contributions the question of Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism, principally Maoism, and the fact that, here in
Peru, this ideology's creative application is Gonzalo
Thought; is barely mentioned a couple of times. It is
not sufficient to grasp only the facts. Wherever there is a
problem one must seek the cause. This is an
ideological question and since, in the realm of ideology,
the contradiction between proletarian and
bourgeois ideology manifests itself, there is always
resistance and bourgeois ideology reflects itself in that
specific and concrete moment in time as taking
precedence over the proletarian ideology. This is but part
and parcel of the struggle between these two ideologies
which commonly arises in those inexperienced
people who themselves are still in the midst of their
ideological development. This entails the need to
demolish bourgeois ideology in order to build up
proletarian ideology. Without demolition there can be
no construction. The dead weight of tradition, of old
ideas and customs, of deformities in the ideological
level, constitutes an encumbrance presenting strong
resistance. Therein lies the need for a profound
effort in the direction of transformation. Human beings
are practical beings, not contemplative entities,
particularly so when acting upon reality in order to
change it in the service of the proletariat and the
people. Hence humanity is capable of overcoming the old
and obsolete ideology and of embracing the
proletarian ideology, the only ideology able to
comprehend and transform the world in the service of the
class and the oppressed peoples. Very well. But, when
studying, this contradiction is an issue of analysis
and synthesis. From the standpoint of knowledge this is
the driving force which generates a qualitative
leap. In the absence of a correct handling of this
contradiction problems will arise in the handling of the
proletarian ideology. Therein, at this level, lies the root-
cause of the failure to take a stand for Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as universal
truth, as the outlook uniting the communists of the
whole world and, specifically, the failure to take a stand
principally for Gonzalo Thought here in Peru for
this, our Peruvian revolution. Taking up positions based
on isolated quotations on the international
situation or on the national political situation, on the
questions of the Party and its Three Instruments, or
on work among the masses, etc., reveals a failure to
conceive Marxism as a unity. When studying, to
restrict oneself to the analysis and to fail in the handling
of the synthesis as the principal factor,
constitutes a problem of a bourgeois ideological character
involving failure to carry out a qualitative leap.
Taking a stand for Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,
principally Maoism, as guide and centre, is the axis upon
which everything depends. It is this standpoint, the one
which generates comprehension and the
elucidating of the objective law, the grasping of which
makes possible the changing of everything -
nature, society and ideas. One must always learn this
lesson well. Limiting oneself merely to analysis
leads to metaphysics. Undertaking synthesis leads to
dialectical materialism. In studying the document
this outlook enables us to arrive at Marxism. Arriving at
Marxism leads us to Leninism, and Leninism to
Maoism. Of all these three, Maoism is principal.
Moreover, Maoism leads us to Gonzalo Thought, which
is the universal truth specific to the concrete reality of
Peruvian society and specific to the concrete
conditions of the class struggle today. It is synthesis
which enables us to understand the document and to
understand its Marxist character. To grasp the way in
which the Party understands Marxism today while
basing itself on the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo
Thought, thesis which holds that Maoism is the
new and superior stage. All of us, communists, fighters
and masses, must forge ourselves in the proletarian
ideology - Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo
Thought.
II. CELEBRATION OF THE 25TH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE GREAT PROLETARIAN
CULTURAL REVOLUTION
The Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the greatest
achievement of Chairman Mao and it constitutes an
enormous contribution to the world proletarian
revolution. This revolution served to solve one of the
outstanding problems of socialism - the continuation of
the revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat in its inexorable march towards communism.
This question has been resolved for all time and
communists already know the answer to the problem - we
shall continue the revolution under the
conditions of socialist society by means of proletarian
cultural revolutions. In perspective, the gist of the
question is to change the soul, to transform ideological
outlook. The issue is to make of Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism a living reality. Only thus can
capitalist restoration be avoided and the march to
communism be advanced. The Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution is a fundamental question of Maoism.
If we do not understand Maoism correctly as the new,
third and higher stage of Marxism, it is impossible
to understand anything. Therein lies the question in all
its simplicity. We know very well that to be a
Marxist today means to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist,
principally a Maoist. The theoretical foundations
of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution are rooted in
Marx himself who pointed out that in the
transition from capitalism to communism there is a need
for a permanent revolution throughout a period
of proletarian dictatorship, an indispensable and
necessary permanent revolution understood as a series of
successive great leaps. This theory is also rooted in
Lenin who himself conceived and promoted the
cultural revolution. But it fell to Chairman Mao to
resolve this great unfinished task of the continuation
of the revolution. He directed, realised and developed
this revolution as the greatest political event
witnessed by humanity. Despite many and very great
struggles the issue was not settled until 1966 when
the proletariat and the people of China found the way
under the personal leadership of Chairman Mao Tse
tung at the helm of the glorious Communist Party of
China, and in so doing shook the world. For us this
event has even more vital importance today since the
trumpeted defeat of socialism; is connected with
the way in which socialism develops and how the
proletarian dictatorship is defended. This failure is the
failure of revisionism, not the failure of socialism. It is
revisionism which has continued its sinister road
of capitalist restoration, sinking into the mire of its final
bankruptcy. The revisionists, in the USSR since
1956 with Khrushchev down to the infamous Gorbachev,
and in China with Deng Xiao Ping from 1976 to
the present, usurped the dictatorship of the proletariat,
restored capitalism and destroyed socialism.
Revisionism is the political direction of restoration, the
negative aspect of the process of restoration and
counter-restoration which the class necessarily undergoes
until it definitively installs itself in power. The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the most positive
and greatest contribution in this world-wide
process of struggle between revolution and counter-
revolution, of restoration and counter-restoration
within the development of socialism. The fact that it
only lasted until 1976 and the fact that the counter-
revolutionary revisionist coup of Deng Xiao Ping and the
subsequent capitalist restoration took place does
not in the least negate the Cultural Revolution nor its
necessity. Moreover, this restoration confirms the
words of Chairman Mao: in the struggle between
capitalism and socialism, in the life and death struggle
between restoration and counter-restoration, in the
antagonistic struggle between bourgeoisie and
proletariat, the question of who will defeat whom is not
yet settled., and that the class struggle would
continue until final victory, until the achievement of
communism. That the Cultural Revolution unfolded
from 1966 until 1976 is an incontrovertible fact, a reality;
the whole world saw it happen. Therefore, the
Proletarian Cultural Revolution is a settled issue. Marx
in 1848 said that political power would be
conquered by violence, but he did not live to see this nor
was he instrumental in the unfolding of this
process. Nevertheless he gave us the solution - the
proletariat had to conquer power by means of
revolutionary violence and had to apply the proletarian
dictatorship. In the same manner Chairman Mao has
provided the solution for the continuation of the
revolution under the conditions of the proletarian
dictatorship. Moreover, he had the opportunity of
applying this solution in practice. Therefore, we
already know what to do as we have historical
experience. Without detracting from the Paris Commune
of 1871, an event which marked the first milestone in
the process of the conquest of political power for the
proletariat, let us remember that Marx himself
understood that the Commune was bound to fail since it
lacked a communist party to direct it. Nevertheless, he
said that we could not allow the morale of the
class to be debased, nor did it matter how many leaders
may fall. He defended and supported this
struggle. Despite its importance as the first milestone the
Paris Commune cannot be compared with the
unfolding of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution
which is a milestone of a far higher quality.
Besides, the Paris Commune only lasted two months
while the Cultural Revolution spanned more than ten
years, was led by Chairman Mao and the Communist
Party of China and mobilised hundreds of millions
of people. Between these two milestones there is the
October Revolution led by Lenin, the creator of the
first dictatorship of the proletariat and of the first
socialist country on earth, and the Chinese Democratic
Revolution led by Chairman Mao, which achieved victory
in 1949. Of these four great and glorious
milestones in the process of the conquest of power and of
the construction of socialism, the highest
and most highly developed milestone to date is the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution. In our Party, the
Communist Party of Peru, the general political line
establishes the fact that the Peruvian Revolution in its
march towards communism spans three revolutions: the
democratic, the socialist and the cultural
revolution (not just one but many), and that all of these,
from the very first one, would constitute one
single uninterrupted march towards communism.
Especially today me must grasp this point very well
since now, twenty five years since the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, we can see our future in this
revolution. Moreover, let us bear very much in mind the
fact that it was in the process of this revolution
that Maoism illuminated the world and became the new
third and higher stage of Marxism: Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism. Let us celebrate the 25th
Anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution! The document, No to Elections! Yes to
People's War!; deals with the contributions laid
down by Chairman Mao for the process of the Cultural
Revolution. Therefore, it points out for us the
central issues for celebrating the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution. The contributions that have been
expressed here have grasped the Cultural Revolution and
its essence, but we must be able to understand it
within the parameters of our tasks. Let us get used to
studying in order to apply, in order to obtain
practical conclusions from current affairs. This leads us
on to a third question.
III. POLITICAL SITUATION
The political practice of the proletariat is to grasp
documents, policies or Party directives in
order to apply them to the political moment. We always
undertake study with a view to its application and
in order to resolve actual problems. Otherwise we would
fall into bookish studies, into mere parroting,
and that is a bourgeois, idealist and metaphysical
method. Therefore, let us analyse the current class
struggle in the light of the four sections of the document.
Let us ponder the ideas we perceive today and
the ideas that the Central Committee must decide upon.
In the first section - ELECTIONS ARE CRUCIAL
FOR THE REACTIONARIES - what is the document
pointing at? The document shows us the
international and the national context. On the question
of the international class struggle, let us keep in
mind that today we have the rise of a general counter-
revolutionary offensive of international scope. Let
us recall the Party's stand of 1985 when regarding
Gorbachev's perestroika - we held that we were facing
a new counter-revolutionary revisionist offensive headed
principally by Gorbachev and Deng Xiao Ping;.
And later, in May 1990, in the document we are
presently studying, we said that we were
facing a recently intensified offensive in convergence
with the offensive unleashed by imperialism
against Marxism, an offensive characterised by renewed
shouts about a supposed and trumpeted
obsolescence of Marxism,
therefore in this case the collusion and the struggle, and
here principally the collusion implicit in this
sinister onslaught, is aimed at Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism.;. In synthesis, we are dealing with a
convergent offensive of imperialism and revisionism in
collusion and in struggle. The events which have
occurred since have confirmed that this has been, is, and
continues to be, the case. But would it not be
correct to consider that we are going through a general
counter-revolutionary offensive? Why do we say
this? Because everyone is attacking the revolution, the
democratic revolution, the socialist revolution,
attacking revolutionary violence, the people's war. They
are attacking the communist party, socialism,
the dictatorship of the proletariat and they are attacking
the goal, communism. They say that the facts
have demonstrated that socialism is no longer valid, that
socialism does not exist, that it has failed. But
we must remind them that in the fifties there was a
socialist camp, that the victory of the Chinese
revolution meant a momentous change in the correlation
of forces in the world and that there never had
been in history a social system capable of changing so
deeply and so rapidly the rotten capitalist and
feudal structures that existed in the USSR or in China.
We must remind them, too, that socialism in the
USSR unfolded under Lenin and under comrade Stalin
until the usurpation of power by the revisionist
Khrushchev, and that the situation in China was similar,
where socialism lasted until 1976 when, after the
death of Chairman Mao, Deng Xiao Ping carried out a
counter-revolutionary revisionist coup d'etat. And
we must remind them, also, that if we are to count from
1848 when Marx and Engels, who were only but
two people, wrote the immortal Manifesto of the
Communist Party, laying down the fundamentals of
scientific socialism and then, from 1917 when this
socialism was first implemented, we can see that
socialism is young, it has had but a short life and today it
continues to exist as an experience. It lives on
in the Communists and the revolutionaries of the world,
it lives as an ideology and as a praxis. Also, it
lives in us, the communists and revolutionaries of Peru.
Therefore we are talking about a general counter-
revolutionary offensive aimed at averting the revolution
as the main historical and political trend in
today's world. And who are those aiming their spears
against the revolution? It is jointly the imperialists
and the revisionists. Nevertheless, of the two, US
imperialism is the principal element as leader of the
offensive since it aims to establish itself as the sole
superpower in its struggle for hegemony against the
other, Russian, superpower and the other imperialist
powers. This offensive is developed principally by
US imperialism in its role as main aspirant to world
hegemony. Also, it is a general offensive because,
besides coming from imperialism, revisionism and world
reaction, it also occurs at all levels: ideological,
political and economic, although the political level is the
principal one. We must ponder this very
seriously, analyse it and grasp it well, like we ought to do
with everything else: the question is to
understand reality in order to elucidate the objective law
governing it and by grasping this law, to be
capable of transforming reality in order to serve the
proletariat and the peoples of the world. Here it is
appropriate to make a note - This is not a final offensive.
We must differentiate correctly. It is a general
counter-revolutionary offensive. In general terms, one
speaks of a final offensive when dealing with the
last stage of the strategic offensive of the revolution.
Politically and militarily speaking, this offensive
undergoes three moments or stages - of course, with
politics being the principal aspect and always leading
the military one - the strategic defensive, the strategic
equilibrium and the strategic offensive. Our
standpoint is that we find ourselves at the stage of the
strategic offensive of the world
revolution. However, we do not hold that we are in the
final offensive. Besides, we consider that the
strategic offensive of the world revolution develops
within a protracted process, not within a short one,
and moreover, in the midst of great zigzag movements
and even retreats. Therefore, what we now are
dealing with is not an issue of the revolution but of the
counter-revolution. We are dealing with a general
counter-revolutionary offensive aimed at averting the
development of the world proletarian revolution.
Another question: Regardless of all their cannon and
hellfire and the unleashing of their heaviest
economic blows, their mud-slinging and wild attacks, as
always without a valid argument, they are
doomed, they are already defeated. If we are conscious
that in revolutions there are restorations and even
regressions, we should not be surprised at the existence
of a general counter-revolutionary offensive.
Moreover, we must correctly characterise it in order to
handle and defeat it. The attacks upon Marxism
have always been a prelude for its further development
and advance. Let us remember our thesis of 1979:,
as far as we know today, fifteen thousand million years of
the process of matter in movement lead towards
the inexorable march of communism. This is the reality
so let us grasp this law well and carry it forward.
Our aim, communism, is not an idea outside the material
process. It is a part of it, it originates from this
process and constitutes its perspective. There is no other
class with the historical perspective of the
proletariat. The bourgeoisie was once a revolutionary
class but it has already become historically obsolete
and it is wildly clawing and hissing as wounded beasts
do. This rabid behaviour is the price of its
destruction. It feels itself sinking, it knows itself to be
unburied carrion, but although its grave is already
open and waiting, it resists its burial at the hands of the
proletariat. This last monster engendered by the
bourgeoisie, imperialism, the oppressor of the world's
people, must be swept off the face of the earth
together with revisionism and world reaction. Our role,
the role of the proletariat and the people, is to
bury it. It is the necessary task in our historical
perspective. We must always have this absolute
conviction - we shall smash the bourgeoisie and bury
imperialism! - imperialism and all its partners and
running dogs. Regarding the political situation at the
national level this first part of the document deals
with the so-called legitimisation;. This is a thesis of
US imperialism, a tenet of their low intensity
warfare, of their counter-insurgency war. In several
Party events since our Congress we have dealt with
its meaning. This is something of interest for us and
therefore we ask ourselves this question: how is it
going at the present moment? There is no such
legitimisation. Besides the character of elections in Peru
as a reactionary farce, the votes harvested by Fujimori do
not give him any legitimacy. On the contrary,
given that the percentage of non-voters (27%) was higher
than the percentage who voted (24.6%) for
Cambio 90 in the first round and very far from the
50% 1 needed to assume the presidency in
accordance with their own constitution. In the second
round and with the support of the Apra, the United
Left and Socialist Left, he only achieved a simple
majority (not 50% 1 of all registered voters).
Moreover, because of his deeds against the people and
because of the character of the regime over which
he presides, Fujimori appears even less legitimate. He is
a representative of the big bourgeoisie,
principally the comprador bourgeoisie and of all the
landowners, as well as being the most servile pro-US
imperialist ruler up to date, the most rabid enemy of the
People's War. In synthesis, a genocide and a
Quisling. Therefore, the process of his de-
legitimisation;, his utter unmasking, develops
explosively.
The people feel that there is no right or reason for so
much evil, for so much oppression and the People's
War helps along this process. The systematic violation of
their human rights, the genocidal policies that Fujimori
follows in the footsteps of Belaznde and Garcma - can this
be denied in reality? The people feel these policies, they
are forced to endure them. The reappearance of mass
graves, the slaughter of the sons and daughters of the
people, the vile murder, with absolute impunity, of
the fighters and their families, the war without prisoners
- can they hide it from the people who suffer it?.
Can they hide the heinous crimes against the families
and the masses who were marching peacefully,
armed solely with their flags and slogans, in the squares
and streets of Lima and the shanty-towns to
commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Day of
Heroism. Can they conceal the massacre at San Gabriel
and the subsequent congratulations of Fujimori to the
assassins? The protest against the assassination of a
University student and two humble children for the sole
crime of wearing rucksacks, can that be
overlooked in silence that the murderers may be again
protected? The genocide of indigenous
communities, the transformation of peasant
communities into cannon-fodder for the genocidal
armed forces, the carte blanche given to the ronderos;
to commit all sorts of crimes, can that legitimise
Fujimori's government? The most brutal cut in salaries,
the most infamous neglect of education and the
people's health (being recognised as the government of
cholera), the most systematic negation of the
rights and benefits achieved by the proletariat and the
people, the ceaseless and growing repression of the
masses, the introduction of land-mortgages, usury and
the new concentration of landownership in order to
expropriate the poor peasantry, the hunger of millions
thrown into the most stark poverty, the deep
recession of the Peruvian economy which reduces the
income of the masses to what it was decades ago,
the destruction of national production and the greatest
jumble sale of the country resources to the
imperialists, etc., etc,. Can all this make Fujimori's
regime legitimate?. No, it has served only to utterly
unmask it in less than a year. In synthesis, in the study of
the first part of the document, note: 1) The
sinister counter-revolutionary offensive in general, and 2)
The growing lack of legitimacy; and the
unmasking of Fujimori's government and of the rotten
Peruvian state.In the second part - THE
POLITICAL CRISIS DEEPENS AND THE CONTRA
DICTIONS MOUNT UP - one would have to
centre attention in the process of bureaucratic capitalism.
Bureaucratic capitalism is a thesis of our Party.
It is the specific modality, the form which capitalism
assumes here, in the semi-feudal, semi-colonial
backward countries such as ours. This process is related
to the fact that the history of Peruvian society
achieves an embryonic development of capitalism in the
eighteenth century, that while being subjected to
British imperialism it underwent a surge in the middle of
the last century, and that it suffered the
consequences of the war with Chile. From 1895
bureaucratic capitalism underwent three stages or
moments, a process which still continues: 1st.) From
1895 until 1945 with its axis in the decade of the
20s. This is the moment of DEVELOPMENT OF
BUREAUCRATIC CAPITALISM. 2nd.) From 1945
to 1980, with its axis in the decade from 1968 to 1978
(1968 - saw the fascist corporative coup d'etat of
Velasco). This is the moment of DEEPENING OF
BUREAUCRATIC CAPITALISM. The Party
established that the fascist coup d'etat had 3 aims: first,
the deepening of bureaucratic capitalism, second,
the restructuring of Peruvian society, and third, to avert
the Peruvian revolution. It is obvious that they
could not quite crown their objectives. They laid down
the basis, but their task was not accomplished.
The best and most overwhelming proof of this is the
beginning in 1980 of the armed struggle. Therefore,
the third moment begins in 1980, and it is the stage of
the DESTRUCTION OF BUREAUCRATIC
CAPITALISM. This is the stage that we are going
through today. Bureaucratic capitalism is born ailing
and in a critical condition and today it is in general
crisis, approaching its doom. But if one notes the process
of each moment of its development, in synthesis, there
are in turn stages.
For example in its first moment there is a prologue
expressed in a preparatory stage, and then during the
decade of the 20s, another stage when foundations are
laid for the development of bureaucratic capitalism.
Then comes a process of collapse, the intended
development is not achieved, a crisis arises, and this
crisis leads to further collapse. Historical facts show this
to be the case. In the third moment, the moment of
the deepening of bureaucratic capitalism, we also have a
prologue or preparatory stage, then the laying
down of foundations and finally the arrival of the crisis
which led to a greater collapse than the one which
occurred at the end of the previous moment. From 1980
onwards, we are in the third moment, the
moment of the destruction of bureaucratic capitalism.
We have also experienced that prologue, a long
and complicated preparation of conditions which leads us
into the decade of the 90s. Today they are
laying the foundations for the application of neo-
liberalism. They blabber about making a revolution;,
but just as in the two former historical moments of
bureaucratic capitalism, in this third moment the
laying down of foundations will necessary lead them to
another crisis which in turn will generate an even
greater collapse. In order to differentiate the second from
the third historical moment, let us here point
out that the former relied on the state as the main
economic lever, while today they are aiming to enshrine
non-state activity as the principal lever. It is true that
history shows that the laying down of foundations
produces some results, but it also shows that it generates
a deeper crisis. Therefore everything today
demonstrates that in the third historical moment
bureaucratic capitalism is in general crisis, ideologically,
politically and economically. The current critical
situation has deepened since 1974 and they have been
unable to overcome the crisis. Politically, the state has
become more corrupt: the president rules by decree
abusing the powers granted by Article 211, Paragraph 20
of their Constitution. Parliament does not
comply with legislating, its primary function, and the
judicial power, which is ridiculed even by Fujimori
and has no budget, is every day more subjected to the
executive power. Besides, the laws, among which we
have the recent Penal Code, introduce fascist regulations.
Daily more signs of fascism appear and there
are more fascist standpoints espoused in the ideological
plane. Like their imperialist masters, weighed
down by their ideology which becomes more rotten
everyday and lacking in perspective, they have no
other choice but to raise banners from the eighteenth and
early nineteenth century - such as liberalism. If,
on the other hand, these banners were already dirty rags
by the time of World War I, as has already been
demonstrated, then socialism really does represents the
future. Meanwhile, capitalism is a corpse, and
like so many corpses, needs to be buried. Therefore, they
are sinking deeper and deeper in their general
crisis, ideologically politically and economically, and
every day they are more and more being demolished
by the people's war. This government is in a situation that
grows more difficult by the day, the most
critical situation which Peruvian society has ever
undergone and they will be unable to handle it. Any
measures they may adopt cannot result in anything other
than a transient respite and in general
bankruptcy. The principal instrument of their demolition
is the people's war based on the class struggle
of the masses. It is important to note the three historical
moments of bureaucratic capitalism and their
specific character, especially the character of the third.
In this fashion we will understand why the three
political tasks of Peruvian reaction and its masters,
principally US imperialism (to refurbish bureaucratic
capitalism, to restructure the state and to smash the
people's war), cannot and will not be accomplished.
Their accomplishment is an historical and political
impossibility. Even the reactionaries themselves are
saying, here in the country and abroad, that Fujimori's
government is not accomplishing a thing, that
it instead goes from failure to failure. This is only a part
of the truth since their difficulties are
not only growing but are, of necessity, the embodiment of
the bureaucratic road of the exploiters, the big
bourgeoisie, the land-owners and imperialism. This
process is the embodiment of a law, a law which
establishes that in its development bureaucratic
capitalism serves the development and maturing of the
revolution and that the revolution, with the development
of the people's war, accelerates and grows more
powerful, therefore bringing even nearer the goal of the
seizure of power in the whole country. In this
second part of the document, we must also consider the
complementary local elections. Around this
process an old song is been sung, venal penpushers are
already prattling, but they can only fail by denying
reality. Today, it is not only a question of the armed
forces being the Grand Electors, it is a question of
direct appointment of (local) authorities by the same
armed forces. They will continue to act in
accordance to the policies as laid down in their
Cangallo; document. The truth is already emerging.
Yesterday they prattled about supposed democratic
victories but today they recognise that more than 400
districts are without local authorities. Such is their
democracy. On the other hand they are incapable of
protecting their candidates, as in the case of those of the
United Left in Ayacucho, and in Junin, where
they have presented the ringleaders of the army
controlled militia (ronderos) as candidates. Therefore, as
is the case with these rotten systems, the elections are
only an instrument for the continuation of the
exploitation and the oppression of the people. That is
why the tactic of the boycott sponsored by the Party
is good. It develops the people's trend against elections
and serves the development of the people's war. In
the third part of the document - THE BOYCOTT
DEVELOPS THE PEOPLES TREND AGAINST
ELECTIONS AND SERVES THE DEVELOPMENT OF
THE PEOPLE'S WAR, we must focus upon the
advances made to debunk the accusations made against
us in 1989 and to stress the accords of the 2nd
Plenary Session of the Central Committee: That in 1990,
the People's War gave us the great achievement
of the Open People's Committees, and that in 1991 it
gave us the Strategic Equilibrium. Saluting the
Strategic Equilibrium! That simple phrase has been
sufficient to make the reactionaries and revisionists
tremble and gnash their teeth. Most of them have yelled
blue murder and raised a big scandal, they have
even set up ridiculous and bloody operations against us,
massacring the masses, like they always do, in
order to show; that there is no such equilibrium. Why?
Because they are frightened since they perceive
that their old order is going to perish and be buried. The
words of the Party have never been proven
wrong by reality. Everything we have proclaimed we
have applied: We said we would start the armed
struggle and we did with ILA 80. Today we are entering
the stage of the seizure of power in the whole
country. We say that there is strategic equilibrium, and
we specify its character. Let us point this out
more clearly than ever: Strategic Equilibrium and
preparation of the Counter-offensive means the enemy
striving to recapture their lost positions in order to
buttress their system and us striving to put the
finishing touches for the strategic offensive by means of
the Plan for the Building-up to the Seizure of
Power;. Let us understand this clearly in order to handle
it better every time. We think that this is a task
we must deal with thoroughly in order to appreciate not
merely what Chairman Mao teaches us in this
respect, but to identify the specific way in which this
manifests itself here in our country. Also, let us
highlight how the entire process of 11 years of People's
War has brought us the 3rd Campaign for
Forwarding the Development of Bases of Support as a
part of the Great Plan for Development of Bases
with the Perspective of Building-up for the Seizure of
Power. The importance of this process is rooted in
the fact that it crowns the Plan for Forwarding and is
therefore a link for a new Plan. In synthesis, the
accomplishment of this 3rd Campaign in May, June and
July is something superb. Never before had the People's
War reached so deeply nor raised its quality so
highly, principally in the countryside as well as in the
cities as a complement. Everyone of us must feel a
deep satisfaction for having served wholeheartedly for
such a transcendental task regardless of the level of
our participation. A few bricks joined together with
others can make a solid wall. Let the traitors deny
this victory. If they do so it is only because of their class
interest and because they are paid to deny it, no
matter how ill-paid they may be by Peruvian reaction and
by imperialism. We are conscious of the truth
of the reality in which we live. That is why we are able to
see how in the Party, in the Peoples' Guerilla
Army, in the New Power and in the masses, the
achievements of this epic People's War are so much in
evidence. Are there any signs of the echoes of this
process of People's War? Yes. For example, for the
first time the US Senate has now debated the People's
War in Peru. Therefore this process is
reverberating in the very lair of world reaction. This is
not the main sign but it is an important one. In
this world there are some people who build castles in the
air, for example, a traitor and genocide like
Fujimori, hangmen such as the Minister of the Interior
General Malca, the Minister of Defense General
Torres-Aciego, dyed-in-the-wool pro-Yankees such as C.
Boloqa Behr, the Minister of Economy, or
reptiles and arrivistes such as Bernales, Tapia, Gonzales,
etc. Individuals who, as thorough flunkies of
imperialism and the ruling classes, dream of vanquishing
the People's War by using its great advances in
order to beg the help; of imperialism, principally US
imperialism, and to defend their ultra-reactionary
Peruvian state by obtaining from them their so-called
re-admission; into the world economy. In the
USA, the opening moves for next years elections are
taking place. Bush is going after re-election. He has
achieved a paltry success in the Middle East. That is
sufficient for them although everybody knows well
that he did not achieve his aims. We say this because a
vile and bullying onslaught against a people can
never be considered as an achievement, especially today
when every struggle of the world's peoples for
their liberation is a component part of the world
revolution (we are conscious of the class limitations of
Saddam Hussein). Nevertheless, such is what constitutes
success; for Yankee imperialism. Moreover,
though they undertook that war in the Gulf in order to
give impetus to their economy it has not resulted in
the new economic impulse they expected and their
economy continues to experience serious problems vis-
a-vis the economies of other imperialist powers, although
this fact does not imply that they have ceased to
be an imperialist super-power. Furthermore, Bush
undertook to fight a battle against drugs and in that
field he is also having to confront his own people. This
is because, just as in the case of the handling of
his economic problems, where he raises taxes and
reduces expenditure on social programmes and clashes
with the US people, in this field he also has to confront
the poorest and most exploited sections,
particularly the oppressed minorities. Hence he does not
obtain any results on that account. Moreover,
this struggle against drugs is closely linked with the fight
against the people's war in Peru and to the class
struggle in the Andean region and therefore it has its
repercussions in US political life. Therefore, we
must grasp the fact that this affair would not end in
September 1991. We refer here to the hold placed
upon the so-called US aid;. An affair in which, in
order to receive such aid;, the Peruvian
government has to comply with the anti-drugs; treaty, a
treaty stipulating in one of its parts, the need for
respecting what they call human rights;, rights which
are systematically violated by that same
government. The people's war in Peru is therefore a tool
for use in the US's electoral struggle, but the
factor which interests us is that it has repercussions in
their own Congress. Besides, all this is a
contributing factor to the struggle of our comrades of the
revolutionary communist party and
of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement with
whom, because of this fact, we are more united in
waging a common campaign against imperialism,
principally against Yankee imperialism, under the
slogan of Yankees Go Home!;. This is another example
of the achievements and the echoes of the 3rd
Campaign.In the Fourth section of the Document - NO
TO ELECTIONS! YES TO THE PEOPLE'S
WAR, a section which is the most important one, we set-
out our criterium for evaluating Marxism today.
We analyzed the fundamental thesis of Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, in four different
fields. This constitutes a reaffirmation of our principles
and even contains a description in ascending
order of importance of our outlook taken as a unity. The
document gives a lesser part to Marx, a larger
part to Lenin and another very much larger to Chairman
Mao. This also demonstrates the development of
Maoism as a new, third and superior stage. Let us a take
as a first concept, one which is most apposite
today: Upholding, defending and applying Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism is the decisive factor in order to
develop the world proletarian revolution, to demolish
imperialism and international reaction and to smash
revisionism. This is the gist of the matter. In the 60s it
was held that Maoism was the most powerful
weapon, that it was our atomic bomb, a peerless weapon.
Today we must become even more aware of the
historical significance of Marxism. We must become
even more conscious of its invincible character -that
Marxism is all-powerful because is true. This is the
decisive factor. Everything else depends on this
factor, everything has its starting point here. If we
deviate from Maoism the revolution would be delayed
even though our enemies would not succeed in averting it
since Marxism-Leninism-Maoism will assert
itself anew to lead the revolution. We need principally
Maoism and we need to raise its banner very high,
even higher each time round. This necessitates
defending Maoism because it is not enough to uphold it.
We raise flags in order to defend them, but the main
thing is to apply Maoism. Why uphold, defend and
apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism?
In order to develop the world proletarian
revolution. The main trend in the world is revolution.
There is no future for mankind without the
complete and total victory of the revolution realised as
communism. Therefore the issue is to develop the
world revolution. To develop the world revolution can
only mean applying it, realising it in practice.
What has been said here today is a profound truth - how
many we are is not the fundamental thing. The
important question is if we want to carry it out or not.
Yesterday, in 1848, Marx and Engels were but two
people, today, 143 years later, we are millions throughout
the world. Yesterday we had nothing. Today
we have two great historical experiences rich in lessons,
experiences which are present, which are alive in
us, in the proletariat and in the peoples. We must insist
that the fact that there have been two restorations
does not deny the fact that the revolution is the main
trend. To deny this fact is a dark pipe dream of
reactionaries because the world proletarian revolution
continues to advance and we are a part of that
advance. It is undeniable that the world proletarian
revolution will demand the cost of bloodshed, but
what does not demand the cost of blood in this world?
We ourselves would not be here without the lives
sacrificed by so many communists and revolutionaries
throughout the world. We also need Maoism in
order to demolish imperialism and international reaction
and to sweep them off the face of the earth. The
more slime they throw at us, the more they themselves
will drown in their own quagmire and bury
themselves even deeper while we will be their historical
grave diggers. This great social cleansing is
something inevitable. We need Maoism in order to smash
revisionism. Imperialism and revisionism will
together end on the garbage heap, but it is not possible to
fight against imperialism without fighting
against revisionism. With total conviction and without the
slightest doubt to worry us, let alone hamper us,
we reaffirm for ourselves Maoism's decisive importance.
The communists, the working class, the revolutionary
people, are optimists. Nothing can stop us. And all this
leads us to : Defeating the counter-revolutionary general
offensive. This slogan must become our watchword. A
second concept is the placing of emphasis on
a task we have agreed upon: To generate favourable
public opinion and to launch deep ideological work
among the masses. Let's implement this task with great
speed and firm decision. Marxism has taught us
how to make propaganda work. The words of Marx have
borne powerful fruit in the whole world, read in
nearly every language. Lenin taught us that the time that
elapses between sowing and reaping in
propaganda work is unimportant and that propaganda
always gives magnificent fruit. Chairman Mao
pointed out that both reaction and revolution need to
generate favourable public opinion. The
reactionaries need to generate public opinion against the
revolution and in favour of their continued
exploitation. We need to generate favourable public
opinion in order to seize power and to defend it with
revolutionary violence. Without the winning of public
opinion for the revolution there can be no seizure
of power. We have a great ideology, Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism, principally Maoism, the most powerful
weapon in today's world, and we have its creative
application, Gonzalo Thought. Therefore let us arm
minds, and each time do it better and more thoroughly.
If one wins over the mind one is arming the hand.
It is not accidental that our Party is characterised by its
strength in the political sphere, and politics is
nothing more than the concrete application of ideology in
the struggle for the seizure of power.
Our ideology is being attacked today by
everybody and in every aspect and these attacks are
bound to grow stronger. But our enemies are afraid of
facing us as they can't debate ideologically against
Marxism. The bourgeoisie's critique does not go beyond
wild assertions and epithets without the slightest
foundation, and this is simply because it doesn't have
any. What arguments are they trotting out to
confront Marxism-Leninism-Maoism with? The new
ideologues of the bourgeoisie are but candle flames
in the wind. For example, let's take Fukuyama, who
appeared on the scene as a bright light. He shone for
a brief moment and has already faded from view like the
smoke of a cheap cigar. Fukuyama denied
historical development by claiming that all ideologies,
specially the ideology of the proletariat, had
become obsolete. Nevertheless, Fukuyama excluded the
ideology of the bourgeoisie from this fate, basing
himself in a supposed final victory and purported eternity
of imperialism as an economic and political
system. But, spurred on by the class struggle, history
and ideologies continue to do battle and it has been
the job of history itself to evaporate his pipe dreams. The
class ideologies continue to fight, be it in the
guise of islamic fundamentalists with its religious
outlook or as neo-liberals, neo-positivist and fascists as
the expression of bourgeois ideology on the one hand,
and fundamentally us, the communists, with our
scientific ideology Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on the
other, as we are doing here with the People's War
in Peru which is led by the Communist Party. Once
again, as is always the case, the wind promptly blows
away the pseudo-theoretical dreams and rantings of the
bourgeoisie. Lately, they have returned to Joseph
de Maistre and that is truly a ridiculous situation in
which to find themselves. Even Uslar Pietri, a man
decorated by the King of Spain, has recounted how de
Maistre was the enemy of all progressives. How
could it had been otherwise since he was a dyed-in-the-
wool supporter of the Pope and the reactionary and
obscurantist church! Therefore the bourgeoisie is taking
cover behind the most ultra-reactionary of their
theoreticians;. But this process is nothing but the
further reinfection of a rotten carcass and it is obvious
that the bourgeoisie and reaction in general lack any
fresh blood to reinvigorate their ideological corpse.
They merely have recourse to poisonous substances
which can only hasten their ideological putrefaction.
And now, how should we respond to their ideological
attacks? We must unmask
them thoroughly, dispossess them of their false and
stinking flags, confront them with Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, applied to the
concrete reality. Marxism is the only true scientific
ideology. It can move mountains and transform the
world by standing it upright and not on its head, as
does idealism. Marx held that philosophy had been
enchained, expropriated from the masses and
bogged down in dusty webs of complicated words in
order to hide it from the people. We must free
philosophy and deliver it back to the masses. We must
use our own ideology in order to powerfully
mobilise the masses: the generation of favourable public
opinion is a question of mobilising the masses in
order for the masses themselves to become propagandists
and agitators. Let us develop a massive
movement to educate the masses in Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism, principally Maoism, and Gonzalo
Thought. Since the time of Marx we have been taught
this need and the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution is the most vivid and greatest example of
mobilising the masses with Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
ideology in order to continue the construction of
socialism under the dictatorship of the proletariat, in
order to continue the revolution and to impede the
usurpation of its fruits, thus defending the revolution.
Therefore, let us mobilise the masses in a deep and
boundless theoretical and ideological movement of
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought ideas. Let us
free them from that feudal, pro-imperialist
bourgeois pile of garbage which makes them see the
world upside down, standing on its head. Let us free
philosophy from the bookshelves, from the voluminous
tomes, from the false academic centres and carry it
to the masses, to the day-to-day class struggle, to the
people. The soul has been taken from the masses,
therefore our task is to restore it to them so that they
would not let themselves be fooled any longer.
Philosophy and science are not for the erudite but for the
masses. Today the masses are more and more
imbued with dialectics, but they must become conscious
of this fact. They must consciously apply the
laws of dialectics. They must use the contradiction with
full knowledge of its implications. They must
apply dialectics in the management of nature, of society,
of ideas. The masses are capable of doing this
because the masses are the makers of history, the creators
of everything. Moreover, we must not forget
that practice is the source of knowledge, that humanity is
fundamentally an agent of change and that
humanity, in its daily social practice, implements
transformations and in the midst of them, learns and
acquires knowledge. We must not forget that this
knowledge acquired in practice is again returned to
practice and in this process generates changes,
developments, advances and transformations and,
since everything bears a class imprint, humanity's
practice, its knowledge and its transformations will
also bear a class imprint, that is to say, knowledge and
transformations in favour of or against the
proletariat and the people. Practice is the source of
knowledge, it is the transforming historical action of
the masses of humanity. The masses, by means of their
social practice within a concrete historical
moment, equip their minds with the ideas which
correspond to that concrete historical moment and
therefore arm their hands in order to accomplish the
tasks prescribed by history. Studying is also an
indispensable complement of the process. Humanity is
action within and in relation to a class and
therefore it generates ideas. This constitutes ideology.
Humanity's organised action is social
transformation, advancement for the majorities. Engels
teaches us to hammer home ideas with actions
and this is a method which we have been applying in the
Party since the 70s. We should persist in
this. Moreover, how should we arm the masses with the
ideology and practice of Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism Gonzalo Thought? The masses, taking into
account the level of popularisation and the elevation
to new levels of knowledge, equip themselves
ideologically from the standpoint of their concrete
problems in the three fields: ideological, political and
economic. Let us take-up the lessons of the Rectification
Campaign of the First Plenary Session of the Central
Committee and, taking into account the popularisation
and the elevation of level, distinguish between leaders
and cadres on the one hand and ordinary members on the
other, differentiate the Party's organisations: the Party
which has a concrete membership, the People's
Guerilla Army and its generated organisms. Also, let's
differentiate between the mass
organisations fighting alongside us. Let us take into
account that, among other advantages,
reaction has many means of information at its disposal,
including a whole system of advanced media,
newspapers, magazines, radios, television, etc. We do
not have these means, but we can count on one
resource which is incomparably more powerful - that the
masses are the makers of history. Knowledge is
generated by practice and practice is the product of the
masses. We have held that the masses must be
turned into propagandists and agitators, that the masses
must themselves fight and resist and that all these
tasks they know how to carry out. They have always
done it and therefore it would not be anything
extraordinary for them to do it now. Which system shall
we apply? From mouth to ear. The first
instrument we have is the spoken word. This is a means
which allows us to reach the deepest and
profoundest layers of the masses. It allows us a more
flexible approach since we can adapt the spoken
word to the concrete conditions of the audience, be it an
audience of peasants, workers, students,
intellectuals, soldiers, businessmen, etc.. This is a more
flexible, more tactical method, always of course
within a general strategy. Let us also employ the written
word. We do not only fight with swords but also
fight with pens. Let us use a clear and simple language.
Let us use graphics. These are very good, for
example for the illiterate peasantry. Let us use all
modern means that we can get our hands on, without
forgetting that from among all these means, the main one
is the spoken word, since is the one which is
most directly within the reach of the masses of the
people. Let us recapitulate, we serve the masses, we
handle the word and it doesn't cost us a penny, therefore
we have the tactical capacity. For example, let
us promote the expression of complaints against
oppression. For that the only thing that is needed is a
group of people who would recount their experiences of
growing oppression and exploitation. If one
person begins another follows and everyone will feel the
strength of their own capacity to explode in
anger. This spurs the people and moves them to action
against the sources of exploitation and against the
oppressors. It promotes the expression of complaints in
many different groups and places. The word of
one person joins the word of others and acquires the force
of a hurricane. One person alone is weak, but
together people constitute a great force. Another form of
written mass propaganda are the dazibaos.
Chairman Mao taught that these were instruments of
democracy and that to use them the masses didn't
even need paper, they can use the walls, plaster, charcoal,
paint if available. Write large characters,
simple slogans that say what is wanted, what forms of
struggle to apply, which are the positive
experiences, which are the negative ones, that the masses
judge their own leaders. In this way the
democracy of the masses expresses itself, a democracy
totally opposed to the trumpeted bourgeois
democracy which is actually not for the people but for
those who rule and exploit them. The power of the
thinking and acting masses is inexhaustible. They
contribute in every field - political, military, economic,
artistic, scientific. Let us develop People's Democracy
more and more again every time. Let the masses
debate the plans and judge their implementation as it is
done in the People's Guerilla Army. In this way a
higher understanding, a greater unity and a more
powerful action is achieved. Let the masses, also by
means of democracy, give vent to their capacity as
agitators and propagandists. But a great and massive
ideological movement needs the Party as the leading
force, because the Party is the most conscious part of
such a movement since it knows, handles and applies the
ideology, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism Gonzalo Thought,
the laws which guide the revolution and its politics, that
is, the laws of the class struggle for the seizure of
power and the People's War as the principal form of
struggle. Without the Party the masses would be
unable even to equip themselves with a plan. We know
that a plan is an ideology, and the Party's plan is
a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought plan. Once
the Plan is made the Party must mobilise diverse
organic apparatuses, because a policy cannot be carried
out without an organic form which can embody it,
be it the party apparatuses, the army, the generated
organisms, the organs of power or the organisms
generated by the deep and profound masses. Then the
masses would be able to realise that great
ideological mobilisation to uphold, defend and apply
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as
a universal truth and Gonzalo Thought as specifically
principal for us, in its character as a creative
application to our reality. And then let the armed actions
hammer home those ideas. Thus only the
Communist Party can lead this great process of mass
propaganda and agitation. Chairman Mao taught us:
While masses and Party exist, all kinds of miracles can
be accomplished;.
IV. THE RECTIFICATION CAMPAIGN
Here today we are implementing the dispositions of the
2nd Plenary Session of the Central
Committee. Our duty was to carry out the Rectification
Campaign, and the duty of the membership, the
militants, combatants, activists or masses, was to put all
this into practice. We are now about to crown
this task and therefore we had to study individually and
collectively the document No to elections! Yes to
the People's War!; and we had to debate it and apply it.
From what has been said before we can see the
objections to the contributions presented. The main
problem is how to apply the study of the
document to today's political situation. We communists
learn to study in order to apply, otherwise we
would be merely intellectuals and would not be using
Marxism to resolve burning questions. Studying in
the abstract is something metaphysical, idealistic,
bourgeois. We are not pragmatists either. We don't
study simply with a utilitarian purpose such as the
imperialists or vulgar mechanical thinkers. We study
theory in order to apply it in practice and to transform a
given reality, in order to change the world for the
benefit of the working class and the people. Therefore
this is a problem of application and it could be
dealt with on three different levels:1) On the world
proletarian revolution. On this topic the question is
straight forward and the document outlines for us the
burning problems of today's Marxism:
Revolutionary violence, class struggle,
socialism, proletarian dictatorship and struggle against
revisionism.
Of these four, socialism and the dictatorship of the
proletariat are principal. On this question the issue is
Maoism as a new, third and higher stage, Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism principally Maoism, because with
such an ideology we shall assault the heavens;. In this
lies the value of the document, a document which
reaffirms Marxism and holds that to be a Marxist today
means to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally
a Maoist. The document shows a clear understanding on
the question of Maoism as a new, third and
higher stage with universal validity, for the communists,
for the proletariat and for the peoples of the
whole world. That is its decisive point. Therefore our
standpoint is rooted in Maoism and, as the
Congress has pointed in one of its historic resolutions,
the principal contribution of Gonzalo Thought is to
have developed the definition of Maoism as a new, third
and higher stage of Marxism.2) On the
Peruvian Revolution. Here the main issue is that the do
-cument serves for the construction of the New
State being implemented by means of the People's War,
through the People's Guerilla Army and under
the direction of the Communist Party, while basing it on
the masses which constitute the people. In the
document we can find very valuable points which we
must apply today in the New State.3) On the
question of how to apply the document to each one of us:
Each one of us is duty bound to grasp and
embody the document in order to better serve the
revolution. Under this topic, the direct concerns of those
present here, are the questions of art and the
questions of the role of intellectuals, and the answer is to
always put politics in command. Every study of
Marxism shakes up people and the contradiction
between the two world outlooks comes to the fore.
Marxism gives hammer blows to the non-proletarian
outlook and fuels the ideological forge. As in every
task, three stages, each with its own contradiction,
present themselves. At the beginning arises the
contradiction between starting the study and not starting
it. Starting-up already constitutes a 50%
advance.
Later, during the stage of development, the contradiction
between carrying it through
and leaving it half-baked arises. That represents another
struggle and, in our case here, the question of
leaving this task for another did actually arise. That
issue even became a heavy burden for some people
and that was a bad thing as it meant permitting the old,
the bourgeois attitude, to take charge. We held
discussions and as a result we agreed to cap this task as a
priority or shock-task. This is a very useful
method, a component part of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
Gonzalo Thought style of work. It consists of
concentrating all our energies in accomplishing the
unfinished task, stretching our time until the task is
completed, just as when we apply forced marching when
the enemy is hot on our heels. In this way we pass
the point of no return and do not let them catch up with
us. When studying it is something similar and we
do not allow the bourgeois outlook, which is present
contending inside our own minds, to defeat the
proletarian one. On the contrary, with this new ideology
which we represent, we defeat the idealist, the
bourgeois enemy which is alien to the working class
outlook. Therefore there arises the resistance which
the old ideas present and each one of us does battle
consciously and voluntarily inside our own minds until
we overcome such internal resistance. The old ideas say:
how are you to leave behind that which has
sustained you for so many years? The old ideas always
make us see rotten weeds as if they were beautiful
roses and thus the will is weakened. The shock-task
method helps to overcome such resistance. In the
third stage, at the crowning moment, there also arises a
contradiction for or against the completion of the
task and the struggle continues until there is a decision
for capping it and until the task is actually
clinched. Having completed the study already constitutes
a qualitative leap, and the shock-task method
has been a good instrument in contributing to the
culminating leap. You have accomplished the
Rectification task. This is nothing but a means of
developing the two-line struggle in order to adjust us to
the proletarian ideology. How much have we advanced?.
From lack of knowledge of what had been
outlined in the document to a study and a debate which
has enabled us to be equipped with the Marxist-
Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought outlook about four
fundamental and burning problems of today's
Marxism. From the contributions that have been
expressed here we can conclude that the lessons learned
are being applied to today's issues. The task has been
accomplished and has generated a qualitative leap
and an adjustment to the four fundamental issues of
today's Marxism. Finally, it is good to emphasise that
the document constitutes a serious contribution to the
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought counter-
offensive in the face of the converging counter-
revolutionary revisionist and imperialist offensives.
It also constitutes today a serious contribution for the
struggle against the counter-revolutionary general
offensive. Therefore in arming ourselves with the
teachings of the document we are serving the Peruvian
revolution and the world proletarian revolution. It is true
that there is no such thing as a completely
finished question since all knowledge, being in itself a
part of matter, is necessarily relative and needs
development. But this knowledge corresponds with
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally with
Maoism and therein we find its value. Besides, it
corresponds with the outlook of Gonzalo Thought.
THEREFORE, IT IS MARXIST-LENINIST GONZALO THOUGHT KNOWLEDGE.
------------------------------------------------------------
CONCLUSION
1. This meeting is very good, the work has been
advanced. Let's earnestly
undertake study while under war conditions. It is a
helpful tool for the better handling of the war.
Studying has prepared the conditions for a higher
qualitative leap which reflects itself in practice.
2. While summing up the first contributions we dealt
with the question of the contradiction between analysis
and synthesis while studying, noting that the first
contributions were focusing on analysis. But now, after
the subsequent contributions, synthesis has been achieved
in this very place and time and the gist of the
question has been grasped: to take sides in support of
Maoism. The qualitative leap which had
been prepared for became a reality. The limitations of
the study were the lack of sufficient synthesis, but
it did lay down the conditions for the qualitative leap.
If one is capable of grasping analysis and
synthesis studying becomes something more powerful
and thorough and therefore the essence is grasped
and the qualitative leap takes place.
3. Marxism has been grasped in four fundamental and
burning issues.
4. The study is undertaken in order to apply it to today's
class struggle. We seek means of
opening avenues to fight on the battleground of living
problems. One must bear in mind the prospects
and not merely remain with what is written in the
document.
5. This meeting is helpful for the
maturing of certain problems which occur throughout the
whole Party. Therefore our actions here are
helpful to all other comrades in that they give us
experience. For example, the shock-task tactics as an
instrument for the completion of studying in the
Rectification Campaign is something very useful for the
whole Party.
6. WE MUST UNDERSTAND BETTER THE SPECIFIC POLITICAL
task linked to the construction of the
New Power by means of the People's War and to the
prospect of the Seizure of Power in the whole
country. That is, of course, something necessary, but it
has to be linked to its specific application here,
which is to be artists and intellectuals. Therefore you must
guide yourselves by the watchword of serving
the people and following the lead of the Party;.
7. HOW MUCH HAVE YOU ADVANCED?. YOU HAVE
undergone a qualitative leap while practising an intense
AND SYSTEMATIC STUDY TAKING ON LIVING ISSUES.
There is now a higher understanding of what is
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and of the need of
upholding, defending and applying it in order to totally
transform Peruvian society and to serve the world
revolution.
8. If there is a qualitative leap, how should we
consolidate the new qualitative leap?. And,
how should we develop the new qualitative leap?. How to
consolidate and how to develop the qualitative
leap are two issues which relate to the question of serving
the Party better and more thoroughly, two issues
which relate to the question of serving better and more
thoroughly the revolution in Peru and the world
proletarian revolution, of serving the cause of the whole
of humanity's emancipation, to the question of
the march towards communism. We propose to continue
with Karl Marx; by V.I. Lenin in order to
further our ideological formation and with the Reports of
the 2nd Plenary Session of the Central
Committee in order to further our political formation. The
effort that has been displayed is very good. We
congratulate each and every one.
TRANSLATED BY SOL PERU COMMITTEE -
LONDON, April, 1992
REPRODUCED BY PERU PEOPLE'S MOVEMENT
OF FRANCE