This book is a dialogue with the petty-bourgeoisie of the old pro-Soviet communist parties. Much journalistic information can be gained with a view to the petty-bourgeois struggles in the Cold War that were aimed at aiding the new bourgeoisie in the USSR.

Remnick notices a lot that could vindicate the revisionists of the Soviet Union. First, the Yeltsin regime and some others replacing the USSR (p. 4) he admits are more "authoritarian" and use much more force than the recent patsy revisionist regimes. Having tanks fire at the Parliament in 1991 was revealing for most of Russia on Yeltsin. It is also clear that Yeltsin roughs up political opponents in the streets. (p. 191) He admitted he would not honor a "communist" election victory; (p. 338) and he banned the social-democrats calling themselves communist from the airwaves during the campaign. (p. 336) Secondly, Remnick notices things in the conditions of the common person, including that life expectancy for men fell to 59 in 1993 from 65 in 1987 under revisionism. (p. 46) Thirdly, when it comes to writers, the perennial complaint was that they were suppressed. Today they are starving, because there is no money for writers. (p. 222) Hence, there is no intellectual life anymore just the mad-dash for profit in a free market system. One writer admits to wishing for Brezhnev suppression back, because then there was intellectual life. (p. 227) The whole book is about the bourgeois democrats and the wistful petty- bourgeoisie like this writer who wish for the old state-capitalist system back.

When it comes to the coup of 1991 that supposedly was a hard-line Marxist- Leninist coup, it turns out the coup had many more people in the streets supporting it than the Yeltsin regime had supporting it. Furthermore, contrary to images, the coup plotters were the ones unwilling to use extensive violence and it was only the military that finally bailed out Yeltsin. Backing MIM's line on the pull of the gender- aristocracy is an interesting tidbit Remnick found. Who is running Cosmopolitan magazine in Russia? A degenerated Maoist turned capitalist is. (p. 162) We see thus the pull of the patriarchy's privileges and its widespread support amongst the gender- aristocracy that makes it difficult to attack the patriarchy. We communists have not paid enough attention to this issue and have lost many to the patriarchy's snares.

Remnick helps us to understand the combination of mafia and monopoly capital that is Russia today. "If it were to be ranked by the Global Fortune 500, Gazprom would be second in profits, behind only Royal Dutch Shell. Gazprom is responsible for 5 percent of the entire Russian economy and is the country biggest taxpayer, pouring $4 billion annually into the state. In fact, Gazprom does not pay nearly the amount of taxes it should." (p. 178) Of course, it has bought-off key government officials.

The war to suppress the Chechen ethnicity is also covered in depth. Here is a gem: "'During the Cold War, you Americans used to go wild over one or two political prisoners,' one man said. 'But when an entire city is wiped out there is hardly a word from you! Would President Clinton have come to Moscow for the V-E Day parade if Sakharov were alive and in prison?'" (p. 284) Such comments abound in the book. There is no lack of reason for cynicism about Russia. People are seeing through the many cheap political stunts of U.$. imperialism in its Cold War.

Remnick is aware of the grist for those with "something of the social democratic orientation." (p. 296) He understands and mentions Zyuganov who ran for president and got 40 percent of the vote. Zyuganov sought the coalition with the fascists and came up with the traditional Nazi garbage about finance capital being Jewish. (p. 315) Fortunately, Remnick informs us that the more hard-line communists distance themselves from anti-Semitism, and not just Molotov's circles either. (p. 325)

Also, Remnick interviewed another person whose parents were killed by Stalin but who considered himself a staunch communist not unfriendly to Stalin.(p. 327)

The petty-bourgeoisie does not understand the essentials of class politics and is distracted by the mountain of lies it has to dig itself out from under. To avoid a simply cynical type of politics easily manipulated by fascists and bizarre nationalists, the Russians must return to an understanding of the proletariat, Lenin and Stalin. Most of what passes and has passed for communist politics is not.

Buy This Book